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A    N 


REVIEW 

O    F      T    H    E 

CIVIL  WARS  IN  IRELAND, 

FROM      THE 

Reign     of    QUEEN     ELIZABETH, 


TO      THE 


EXTRACTED 

From  PARLIAMENTARY   RECORDS,    STATE  ACTS,    and  other  authentic  Materials. 

By        J.     C.         M.    D. 

Author  of  the  HISTORICAL  MEMOIRS  of  the  IRISH  REBELLION  in  1641. 

Audi  alterant  Partem. 

DUBLIN: 

Printed,  and  fold    by   J.  HOEY,    and    T.  T.    FAULKNER,    Parliament-ftreet  ; 
G.  BURNET,  Abbey-itreet ;  and  J.  MORRIS,  Filhamble-ftreet,  N°.  9. 

MDCCLXXV. 


jL 


A  D  V  E  R  T  I  S  E  M  E  N    1 . 


A  LTHOUGH  this  REVIEW  is  in  the  Nature  of  an  Appeal  to  the  en- 
-LJL  lightened  Part  of  the  Public,  yet  it  has  been  the  Author's  earneft 
Wifh  that,  in  exhibiting  every  Interefting  Truth,  he  fhould  give  no  Caufe 
of  Offence  to  any  Party  among  us.  His  Defign  is  to  conciliate,  not  to  irri- 
tate; and,  in  the  Execution  of  fuch  a  Defign,  it  was  meumbent  on  him, 
to  remove  the  falfe  Grounds  of  a  Torrent  of  Invectives,  which  have  of  late 
borne  down  repeatedly  oa  oar  good  Senfe ;  and  which,  if  not  flopped  in  its 
Courfe,  may  fweep  away  before  it  feme  practicable  Schemes  for  Public  Prof- 
perity.  If  fome  of  the  pre-occupied,  as  is  but  too  common,  reject  feveral 
Fads  hereafter  related,  becaufe  tlrey  were  taught  to  reject  them  early  in 
Life :  yet  they  will  take  the  lefs  Offence  at  our  Author,  as  hijs  Materials  arc 
almoft  entirely  taken  from  thofe  very  Authorities,  on  which  the  Inve&ives- 
we  have  mentioned,  are  faid  to  be  founded  j  and,  confequently,  can  admit 
of  no  Difpute  concerning  their  Credibility. 

ATTENTIVE  folely  to  the  Choice  and  Importance  of  his; Matter,  the  A^ 
thor  has  delivered  himfelf  all  along  in  a  plain  unadorned  Narration ;  little 
felicitous  about  Elegance  of  Periods,  Strength  of  Colouring,  or  other  Arts 
of  Compofition,  which  are  but  too  often  employed  to  give  a  wrong  Diredion 
to  the  Reader's  Judgment,  efpecially,  when  the  Writer  has  any  wrong  Biafs 
on  his  own. 


K       A       T       A. 

Introduction :  p.  x.  1.  1 1.  for  laws,  read  lures. 

p.  xiii.  ].  28.  for  render,  read  renders. 

P-  xiv.  I.  25.  for  of  our  condutl,  read  0«  our  conduct. 

Paffim,  in  the  Notes,  inftcad  of  Rejig,  read 
P-  75-  J-  19.  after  clear,  read  ««//. 
p.  1 08.  1.  6.  for  /ai/0^  read  /, 
P.  220.  1.  2.  for  was,  read  w/ 
P-  238   1.  ip.  fa  nun,  read,MWIK 
P.  206.  1.  3.  after  ^^  leave  out  ^ 

25-  for  inftrntlion,  read  inftrutlions. 
P-  187.  J.  14.  for  /^  read  that. 
P-  188.1.  23  after  parliament,  infert 
P-  156.  1  9.  forfequal,  rea 
ib.  note,  1.  3   for  //W(?$ 
p.  341.  J.  3.  for  came,   read 


P.  148.  1.  7-  after  complaint,  add,  /0 
ib.  1.  8.  after  month,  add,  o/7«w 

23'  ?8  (f  ?r  TO/-  i!i-ead  w/:  "-^  5z- 

.  28.  forferous,  x 


•  and  add> 


P-  554-  1-  5-  after  forfeitures,  infert 
P-  313-  1.  26.  for  rijb,  read  /nj!&. 


INTRODUCTION. 


<A  D  the  learned  Author  of  the  following  Review,  propofed  to  him- 
felf  no  other  end,  than  to  detect  the  mifreprefentations  of  contem- 
porary writers,  who  derived  ah  intereft  from  the  circulation  of  falfe  hiftory, 
his  fervice  to  the  public  would  not  be  deemed  inconfiderable.  His  merit 
would  be  flill  greater,  had  he  fat  down  profefTedly,  to  expofe  the  miftakes 
of  other  lefs  interefted,  but  more  dangerous  writers,  who  have  gained  re- 
putation from  genius,  and  authority  from  rank,  to  give  a  currency  to  falfe 
fads,  and  to  pronounce  falfe  judgments  on  the  true.  His  merit  in  both 
thefe  cafes,  is  indeed  clear  j  but  it  is  fecondary  to  a  nobler  object. 

•  <c  ON  a  review  of  our  hiftory  from  the  invafion  of  Henry  the  Second, 
King  of  England,  to  the  revolution  in  fixteen  hundred  and  eighty-eight, 
he  difcovered  the  calamities  of  this  nation,  flowing  invariably  from  public 
mifrule,  private  interefts,  barbarous  manners,  and  the  rage  of  parties. 
He  beheld  the  fires  of  faction  and  difcontent,  unabated  thro'  every  age; 
and  found  thefe  calamities  filling  their  meafure  in  the  fixteenth  century, 
thro'  a  frefh  fupply  of  combuftibles,  from  ecclefiaftical  contentions,  which 
have  fet  all  Europe  in  a  flame  for  near  a  hundred  and  fifty  years,  and  have 
hardly  ceafed  preying  on  the  good  fenfe  and  morals  of  our  own  people 
to  the  prefent  day,  to  the  difgrace  of  the  human  underftanding."  He  faw 
popular  phrenfy,  unfettled  principles,  and  the  luft  of  dominion,  mingling 
early  with  our  fpiritual  contefts,  and  that  the  chriftian  doctrine,  which  fa- 
tally, had  fo  little  influence  before  thofe  contefts  began,  had  fo  much  lefs 
after  their  commencement,  that  Proteftants  and  Papifts,  Churchmen  and 

a  Puritans, 


II 


INTRODUCTION. 


Puritans,  fcrupled  not  occafionally,  to  load  their  adverfaries  with  feveral 
crimes,  which  were  not  committed,  and  with  odious  principles  which  were 
not  profefTed.  The  iniquity  was  common  and  great  j  and  it  became  the  more 
horrible,  by  making  religion  fubfervient  to  it.  Party  power  was  the  objecl, 
and  to  obtain  it  the  morality  of  the  gofpel  and  of  nature,  was,  for  the  time 
fufpended,  as  binding  only  in  the  intercourfes  of  private  life,  not  in  public 
concerns ;  where  any  means,  for  fecuring  the  end,  were  deemed  admhTable. 
All  this,  I  fay,  our  Author  has  difcovered  in  his  review  of  thefe  times,  and 
with  fome  furprife  he  faw  alfo,  (what  our  theory  of  mankind  could  perhaps 
never  reach)  that  there  was  one  principle  common  to  both  parties,  which 
with  equal  guilt  and  abfurdity,  each  party  juftified,  and  reprobated  alter- 
nately, as  each  were  fufTerers  or  gainers  by  it.  This  was  the  principle  of 
perfecution.  which  operated  with  all  its  terrors,  as  every  dominant  party 
could,  by  fraud  or  violence,  obtain  the  dangerous  power  of  giving  the 
law  and  the  gofpel  of  the  times.  In  the  progrefs  of  his  refearches,  our  Au- 
thor beheld  alfo,  that  the  new  parliamentary  eftablifhment  in  matters  con- 
cerning religion,  on  the  commencement  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign,  was 
excepted  to,  not  only  by  the  men  averfe  from  any  peculiar  national  fyftem, 
but  by  zealous  reformers  alfo,  who  claimed  the  liberty  of  expounding  the 
divine  fcriptures  in  their  own  way ;  and  who  exclaimed  highly  againft  the 
civil  reftraints  they  were  laid  under,  on  the  fcore  of  their  right  of  explain- 
ing for  themfelves,  inftead  of  admitting  others  to  explain  for  them.  On 
reforming  principles  they  were  certainly  in  the  right,  and  candour  muft 
oblige  us  to  confefs,  that  ftate  intereft,  not  confiftency  in  the  new  religious 
eftablifhment,  was  chiefly  conlidered  by  thofe  who  framed  it.  An  eftablifh- 
ment however  was  made :  it  required  penal  fan&ions.  The  Puritan  fufTered, 
and  the  Papift  was  undone. 

THESE  general  and  inconteftible  truths  involved  a  feries  of  tragical 
events.  To  develope  them  fairly ;  to  fhew  by  the  ufe  made  of  party 
power,  how  long  we  have  been  the  dupes  of  ihameful  prejudices,  for  the 
fole  gain  of  thofe  who  impofed  and  propagated  them  j  to  root  up  diftindions 
which  have  ever  operated  to  general  mifchief,  and  to  reftore  that  harmony, 

which 


INTRODUCTION.  jjj 

which  former  incidents  have  obftrutfcd,  was  the  principal  defign  of  the 

Author  who  prefents  us  with  the  following  H.STOR.C/L  REV,L.    Th 

tcrs  he  oppofes  had  evidently  another,  a  fl.ameful  intention  to  fnread 

:es    perpetuate  rancour,  and  opprefs  the  living  by  an  abufe  of  the  Ld: 

happjlynomanoftheprefent  age  has  any  intereft  in   fuch  mifrcprcfcn- 

Oro  Author  has  confined  himfelf  to  a  period  of  hiftory  which  to  us  of 
he  prefent  age,  ,s  of  all  others  the  moft  important;  but  2  prior  caufes  led 
to  the  events  he  takes  ,nto  confideration,  it  may  not   be  amifs  to  give 
fcort  retrofpea  of  anterior  times. 

THE  eonqueft  of  Ireland  (as  it  is  improperly  enough  called)  was  effcaed 
•a  days,  when  barbanfm  and  ignorance  prevailed  in  moft  parts  of  Europe 
nation    long  wafted  by  ,ts  own  ariftocratical  confufion,   and   litde 
Prn         ^^"hyereaedon  its  ruins,  by  (a)  three  powcS 
rmces    y.elded  at  laft  to  a  foreign  government.     This  great  revolutio, 
havmgfromdomefticdivifions,  many  concurrent  caufes  to  forward  Has 
planned  by  the  ambition  of  a  foreign  mighty  monarch,  and  cafually  fa™, 
*  by  the   imquity  of  a  domeftic   Prince,  expelled  the  kingdom  by  the 
relgnmg  Ir.fh  King.     Several  of  our  Irifh  Princes  fubmitted  to  Henry  , 
Second  on  the  conviaion  that  fuch  a  condua,  ftamefol  as  it  was    would 

:he  beft  remedy  for  the  national  diftempers.     They  found  themfelv, 
ftaken  when  it  was  too  late.     Henry,  who  knew  but  little  of  the  princi- 
P  es,  and  (fall  lefs  of  the  true  fpirit  of  legiflation,  was  unfit  for  the  taflTof 
Arming  a  perverfe  nation.     His  flay  in  Ireland  was  fhort,  and  his  em- 

ardedmaeniS  "  ^  CK,"tin;nt  difablCd  h!m  fr°m  CXeCUtinS  the  §<**  ^  ^ 
enaed,  and  was  capabl~  ~c     ^ '      *          ... 


wor         ft  onon     »      d 

'orfe:  mftead  of  proted.on  they  experienced  the  exercife  of  wanton  and 

lawlefrpower :  inftead  of  clement  governors,  purchafed  at  the  expence  of  ex- 

orbitant 

^^^"*-1^^ 

n,  Prince  of  Tyrone,  and  head  (at  the  time)  of  the  old  Royal  Hy-Niall  line 


IV 


INTRODUCTION. 


orbitant  pcyfTeflions,  a  fet  of  freebooters,  who  denied  the  natives  the  bene- 
fit of  Englifh  laws,  and  of  all  law.  Thus  have  the  old  natives  been  treated, 
and  we  are  not '  to  wonder  if  they  endeavoured  to  relieve  themfelves  by 
infurredions.  As  far  as  the  miferable  ftate  of  anarchy  eftablifhed  among 
them  permitted,  they  fought  and  found  fome  redrefs  in  refiftance.  For 
four  hundred  years  they  could  find  it  by  no  other  means ;  at  leaft,  by  no 
means  adequate  to  the  ends  of  a  fecufe  eftablifhment. 

WE  fhould  not  forget  that  in  courfe  of  time,  when  the  great  adventurers 
from  the  neighbouring  ifle  found  themfelves  firmly  rooted  in  this,  they 
began,  in  turn,  to  hate  one  another,  and  in  confequence  allied  with  their 
enemies,  the  Irifh  chieftains,  for  the  reduction  of  their  rivals.  This  coalition 
cemented  by  no  cordiality,  but  calculated  for  prefent  convenience,  produced 
no  good  effect".  They  were  united  indeed  on  one  common  principle,  that 
of  {baking  off  all  dependence  on  England ;  and  they  did,  in  fact,  confine 
the  Englifh  government  to  a  pale  of  no  confiderable  extent.  The  policy  of 
the  latter,  confifted  in  dividing  its  enemies,  by  treating  one  party  as  rebels, 
to  be  received  into  mercy,  the  other  as  aliens  to  be  cut  off,  without  any. 
Infurreclions  wrere  the  confequence  of  this  fpecies  of  policy,  and  undoubt- 
edly, the  little  happinefs  the  people  enjoyed,  they  owed  to  the  fad  ex- 
pedient of  infurreftiou  alone. 

IT  may  be  worth  the  while  to  confider,  that  this  ftate  of  things  was  not 
owing  to  the  hatred  of  one  ecclefiaftical  party  to  another,  but  to  the  inhu- 
manity of  Papifts  againft  men  of  the  fame  perfuafion  with  themfelves.  It 
{hews  how  little  the  formal  identity  of  religion  can  fecure  human  race, 
againft  human  violence,  and  that  we  often  and  fatally  miftake,  when  we 
afcribe  to  difference  of  worfhip,  diforders  which  take  their  full  operation 
without  any.  Of  religious  conformity  it  can  only  be  faid,  that  it  includes 
a  ftronger  tendency  to  civil  quiet,  than  religious  difcord  can ;  tho'  exam- 
ples may  be  produced  now  on  the  continent,  of  happinefs  under  the  latter 
fituation  of  things,  as  we  can  produce  many  inftances  of  mifery  under  the 
other.  But  political  philofophy  (fo  to  fpeak)  has  enlightened  feveral  coun- 
tries 


INTRODUCTION.  •/ 

tries  on  the  Continent,  and  the  people  feel  no  civil  mifcries,  becaufe  they 
do  not  adopt  the  religion  pointed  out  to  them  by  their  matters.  To  them, 
and  to  thefe  matters,  an  active  civil  obedience  is  fufiicient. 

Irf  the  cafe  of  various  religions  (particularly  in  their  firft  eftablifhment.s) 
jealoulies  are  natural,  and  will  prevail.  Zeal,  backed  by  credulity,  and 
irimulated  by  hatred,  will  not  hedtate  on' tracing  to  any  odious  form  of 
religion,  the  political  crimes  of  its  votaries.  But  zeal  and  credulity,  how- 
ever they  may  be  cafually  in  the  right,  are  very  unfair  arbiters,  and  will 
be  generally  found  in  the  wrong;  in  both  cafes,  and  in  our  own  country, 
we  v.  i'l  find  fad  examples  of  human  malevolence,  fuitable  to  the  opportunities 
of  gratification.  When  the  oppreffors  of  Ireland  were  unable  to  draw  any 
juftification  of  their  meafurcs  from  a  diverfity  of  religion,  they  were  obliged 
to  charge  on  the  peculiar  perverfenefs  of  the  nation,  what  they  dared  not 
charge  to  their  fpiritual  doctrines :  but  arguments  fnpported  by  appeals  to 
national  oifpofitions  to  virtue  or  vice,  cannot  impofe  long.  Thofe  drawn 
from  differ  ce  in  religion  exhibit  a  fairer  outfide;  becaufe  it  is  polfible 
enough  that  religion,  ill  underttood,  may  have  terrible  confequences  on  civil 
fociety,  whicu  ought  therefore  to  be  guarded  againft.  But  fuch  confequences, 
bad  as  t'sey  may  be,  mutt  iurely  ceafe,  or  operate  lefs  to  public  danger, 
whenever  knowledge  and  legiflative  wifdom  co-operate,  to  bring  their 
caufcs  imoer  a  cloler  examination,  than  they  have  hitherto  undergone.  If 
the  caufes  fhould  be  found  no  other  than  mere  fugitive  opinions,  which 
dittrefs  may  graft  on  a  fair  flock,  judgment  will  interpofe,  and  fcparate  an 
evil  whicli  is  temporary,  from  a  found  principle  which  is  permanent.  Re- 
ligion, good  or  bad,  (according  to  the  prefident  Montefquieu,)  is  the  furefl 
teft  we  have  for  the  probity  of  men  j  and  fhould  the  votaries  of  the  bett, 
in  fome  circumftances,  torture  the  facred  text  to  defend  ill-taken  meafures> 
particularly  when  they  have  very  ttrong  temptations  to  do  fo ;  it  will'  not 
be  difficult  to  reduce  fuch  men  from  civil  error,  to  civil  obedience,  becaufe 
they  can  demonftrably  be  reclaimed  to  fuch  obedience,  even  under  thelafhes 
of  penal  laws ;  as  the  cafe  ttands  in  Ireland,  at  prefent,  with  the  Papitts,  who 
are  loyal  to  their  King,  and  from  a  fenfe  of  religious  duty,  would  be  fo, 

even. 


VI 


INTRODUCTION, 


even  without  experiencing  the  royal  mercy,  to  which  alone,  not  to  the 
laws  of  their  country,  they  owe  their  prefent  quiet  exiftance  in  thefb 
Iflands. 

WE  do  not  think  we  have  any  difTafFefted.  Papifts  at  this  day  in  Ireland. 
The  number,  at  leafl  muft  be  very  inconfiderable ;  but  the  fmalleit  is  an 
object  of  attention.  Relatively  to  thefe,  the  detection  of  them  will  be  eafy, 
(for  they  have  a  fcrupulous  regard  to  oaths,)  from  their  refufal  of  a  teft  of 
loyalty,  and  of  an  abjuration  of  every  connection  and  principle  inconfiftent 
with  it.  By  fuch  a  trial,  legiflators  may  be  enabled  to  feparate  (f6  to  fpeak) 
the  elect:  of  government  from  the  reprobate ;  but  legiflators  muft  conquer 
their  own  pre-occupations  firft,  before  fuch  a  feparation  can  be  made,  or 
even  attempted. 

IN  former  time,  in  the  heat  of  contentions  for  power  and  property, 
pre-occupations  had  a  foundation :  they  were  lucrative  as  well  as  natural ; 
at  this  day  they  are  neither  lucrative  nor  natural.  At  this  day  fun-ly,  the 
tranfient  effects  of  tranfient  policy  fhould  ceafe,  and  if  an  union,  on  the  te- 
nets of  religion  cannot  be  obtained,  yet  an  union  on  civil  principles,  and 
civil  conduct  may.  Good  governors  and  wife  men  will  not  object  to  fuch 
an  union,  tho'  they  may  be  tender  of  propofmg  it,  till  a  majority  is  prepared 
for  believing  what  it  really  is,  an  ufeful  meafure. 

OUR  morals  as  men,  our  interefts  as  fubjects,  require  the  reformation 
here  hinted  at  j  religion,  confiflent  with  civil  order,  fhould  ceafe  to  be  a 
civil  crime,  and  punifhment  fhould  not  reach  thofe  who  are  guilty  of  no 
other.  Until  people,  whofe  principles  (fuperftitious  or  orthodox)  are  recon- 
cileable  to  our  civil  eflablifhment,  are  trufted  with  conftitutional  immu- 
nities, Ireland  cannot  be  happy.  Nay,  the  great  Landlords  of  the  king- 
dom muft  be  reduced  to  a  ftate  of  real,  and  hereafter,  undoubtedly  to  a 
ftate  of  feeling  deficiency  in  their  incomes,  as  the  labouring  and  inc'uftrious 
(more  than  half  the  people)  are  rendered  ufelefs,  and  indeed,  hurtful  to 
the  aggregate  whole,  by  too  many  reftraints.  Lazinefs,  dhTatisfaction,  and 

defpondency, 


INTRODUCTION.  vii 

defpondency,  the  offspring  of  infecurity,  will  generally  prevail  j  nay,  the 
very  induftry  of  the  people,  thus  punifhed,  will  be  turned  againft  the  ftate. 
A  flux  monied  property  may  be  acquired,  by  a  traffic  in  large  herds  of 
cattle,  or  in  imports  and  exports  of  commodities,  and  the  wealth  acquired 
will  find  its  way  into  remote  lands,  when  no  fecurity  can  be  found  for  it 
at  home.  This,  it  muft  be  granted,  is  but  a  partial  evil:  The  British  em- 
pire will  lofe  nothing ;  it  will  in  fad  gain  by  it,  as  an  emigration  from 
hence  to  cultivate  unoccupied  lands  in  North  America,  muft  contribute  to 
the  ftrength  of  government,  and  increafe  of  revenue,  in  thofe  parts  efpecially, 
where  the  Britifh  legislature  have  given  fecurity  of  property,  to  Proteftants 
and  Papifts  indifcriminately. 

AT  the  period  from  whence  the  Author  of  the  following  Memoirs  fets 
forward,  it  will  be  found,  that  fpiritual  hatred  mixed  itfelf  with  our  former 
national  feeds  of  dhTention.  The  perverfenefs  fo  long  imputed  to  thelriih, 
as  a  people,  was  no  longer  charged  on  their  nature,  but  on  their  religion. 
Almoft  every  moral,  and  civil  duty,  was  then  confined  within  the  pale  oF 
an  ecclefiaftical  party :  every  fpecies  of  treachery  was  placed  beyond  it. 
Real  crimes  were  difowned  by  one  faction,  imaginary  crimes  were  im- 
puted to  another ;  and  this  flate  of  things  occafioned  guilt  on  both  fides, 
which  in  a  different  flate,  would  undoubtedly  be  avoided.  High  as  moft  of 
thefe  crimes  were,  yet  moft  were  exaggerated,  and  the  innocent  fuffered 
with  the  guilty.  To  complete  the  mifery  of  the  times,  the  gofpel  of  peace 
was  tortured  to  defend  the  meafures,  and  fanclify  the  drunkennefs  of  every 
governing,  as  well  as  every  refifting  fet  of  men ;  and  thus  it  fared  in 
Ireland,  in  fome  time  after  the  acceiTion  of  Queen  Elizabeth  to  the 
Throne. 

QUEEN  Elizabeth,  whofe  reign  began  in  the  height  of  ecclefiaftical  rage, 
had  admirable  talents  for  government.  To  plant  civil  order  in  the  place  of 
that  mifrule  which  difgraced  the  three  preceding  reigns,  was  difficult. 
Her  intereft  led  her,  and  the  fuccefs  of  her  father  and  brother  encouraged 
her,  to  change  the  religion  then  efiablifhed  in  England.  This  file  effected ; 

but 


vin 


INTRODUCTION. 


but  truth  muft  oblige  us  to  confefs,  that  the  new  church  was  reared  on  the 
foundations  of  perfecution,  and  that  the  violence  fo  juflly  cenfured  in 
Queen  Mary's  reign  was  adopted  as  a  juftifiable  meafure  in  the  prefent. 
The  change  was  made  by  a  quick  ad  of  legiflative  power,  but  without  that 
moderation,  which  found  policy  fhould  direct  in  eftablifhments  of  this  na- 
ture. By  the  change,  one  party  in  the  nation  was  ruined,  another  was 
provoked.  Papifls  were  occafionally  punifhed  without  difcrimination,  and 
in  the  idea  of  party  juftice,  this  procedure  appeared  equitable.  But  the 
Puritan  Proteftant  was  punifhed  alfo,  and  the  clamour  ran'  high  among 
DifTenters,  that  the  old  beail  returned,  with  a  change  only  of  the  rider, 
and  of  the  habiliments.  The  party  for  a  comprehenfive  reformation,  grew 
popular  and  encreafed  every  day  in  ftrength  and  numbers,  as  it  increafed 
in  faction  and  enthufiafm.  The  new  church,  even  in  the  act  of  extirpat- 
ing the  old,  created  to  itfelf,  enemies  on  all  fides,  and  thus  it  happened 
that  the  fyflem  wove  by  civil  policy,  was  in  a  great  degree  unravelled  by  the 
ecclefiaftical. 

IN  Ireland  where  ftatute  laws  prevailed,  but  within  a  narrow  circle,  the 
new  fpiritual  ordinances  made  no  progrefs;  the  minds  of  the  Irifh  were 
even  prepared  againft  any  fpiritual  change,  and  they  were  provoked  by  the 
violence  of  the' pale-governors  in  1540,  when  after  great  excefTes  in  Dub- 
lin and  Trim,  they  extended  their  rage  to  the  town  of  Monaghan,  plun- 
dering not  only  the  monaftery  of  the  obfervants,  but  putting  the  guardian 
and  friars  to  death.  In  the  firft  years  of  Elizabeth's  reign,  fuch  bloody 
menfures  were  wifely  avoided  :  on  its  commencement,  the  Earl  ofSufTex 
appointed  chief  governor  of  Ireland,  proceeded  on  a  plan  of  moderation 
without  the  pale,  and  for  fome  time  within,  where  a  majority  ftill  fhewed 
thcmfelves  extremely  averfe  to  the  new  fpiritual  doctrines,  eftablifhed 
by  parliament  in  England.  The  ruinous  effects  of  a  Brehon  government 
were  long  felt,  and  owned  by  the  old  inhabitants.  A  change  to  a  better 
civil  eftablifhment  was  practicable  and  folicited  for  by  them :  but  they 
were  ftrenuous  for  the  retention  of  their  religion ;  and  tho'  unanimous  on 
no  other  principle  of  defence,  they  declared  themfelves  unanimous  in  the 

defence 


INTRODUCTION. 


IX 


defiance  of  this.  In  treating  therefore  with  the  provincial  Irifh,  Lord 
SufTex  confined  himfelf  to  the  reformation  of  civil  government,  chiefly 
without  prefling  any  other  upon  them.  This  found  policy  was  of  fhort 
continuance,  and  the  people  without  the  pale  were  exafperated,  by  the 
fudden  meafures  taken  againfl  their  brethren  within.  Contemporary 
writers  are  unanimous  in  affirming,  and  the  nature  of  the  thing  verifies 
the  fad,  that  the  penal  laws  againfl  the  exercife  of  their  religion,  were  the 
ftrongeft  incentives  to  every  infurredion  of  the  Jrifh  fince  the  reformation. 
Thefe  laws  were  originally  framed  in  England,  where  the  majority  were 
prepared  for  their  reception ;  but  they  were  rejeded  in  the  Irifh,  or  pro- 
perly fpeaking,  the  pale  parliament. 

THE  natives  of  Ireland,  ready  at  all  times  to  recognize  the  temporal  fu- 
premacy  of  their  fovereign,  and  rejed  any  foreign  claimant  (lay  or  eccle- 
fiaftical)  of  fuch  fupremacy,  merited  being  received  into  the  fociety  of 
conftitutional  fubjeds ;  and  that  they  fhould  be  fo  received,  had  been  the 
labour  of  Sir  Henry  Sydney,  one  of  the  ableft,  wifeft,  and  beft  governors 
ever  fent  into  that  kingdom.  But  in  vain !  The  reformation,  it  is  true, 
made  no  progrefs  for  a  long  time  without  the  pale,  and  extraordinary 
efforts  to  enforce  it  by  arms  would  certainly  be  dangerous,  as  it  might  put 
an  end  to  inteftine  divifions  among  the  people,  which  hitherto  proved  fo 
ufcful  towards  their  reduction.  To  favour  thofe  divifions  was  previoufly 
the  more  politic  alternative,  and  the  Queen  received  the  fubmiflions  of 
many  Irifh  chieftains  at  her  court  very  gracioufly,  difmifTed  them  with 
honours  and  prefents,  and  left  them  free  as  to  the  concerns  of  their  fpiritual 
confcience. 

IT  was  otherwife  within  the  pale,  and  its  environs.  Here  even  the 
fenefchals  of  counties  exercifed  plain  tyranny  over  the  poor  people,  and 
fuch  particular  feverities  were  then  inflided,  even  in  the  opinion  of  the 
Lord  Deputy  himfelf,  "  as  were  fufficient  to  drive  the  bell  and  quieteft  flates 
into  fudden  confufion  (a)" 

(a)  Lord  Mountjoy's  Letter.    Pacat.  Hibern.  Tub  finem. 

b  THE 


x  INTRODUCTION. 

THE  evils  of  perlecution  were  forely  felt  in  England  particularly,  and 
in  feveral  diftrids  of  Ireland,  during  the  greater  part  of  Queen  Elizabeth's 
reign.  One  party  was  punifhed  without  difcrimination,  and  the  other 
(and  indeed  both)  without  found  J^olicy.  Thefe  evils  encreafed  in  the  two 
fucceeding  reigns,  when  thefe  three  kingdoms,  for  the  firft  time  have  been 
united  under  one  fovereign.  James  the  firft  whom  the  trumpeters  of 
fadion,  charged  with  favouring  Popery,  was  a  great  and  determined  enemy 
to  his  popifh  fubjeds.  His  adminiftralion  in  Ireland,  with  little  exception, 
i«  a  full  proof  of  this.  His  trimming  conduct  towards  the  Papifts  of  England, 
antecedently  to  his  acceflion,  is  no  proof  to  the  contrary,  for  they  gained 
nothing  (and  he  intended  they  fhould  gain  nothing)  by  the  fursehe  held 
out  to  them.  Learned  without  knowledge,  cunning  without  wifdom, 
one  of  his  firft  gracious  proclamations  imported  a  general  jail  delivery  to 
all  his  fubjeds,  excepting  murderers  and  Papifts,  and  this  coupling  of  the 
latter  w?tk'  fuch  criminals  produced  a  refentmenr,  which  degenerating 
into  mad  revenge,  contributed  in  a  considerable  degree,  to  the  deteftable 
Powder  Plot,  entered  into  foon  after,  by  a  few  defperate  men,  to  get  rid 
of  their  perfecutors. 

CHARLES  the  fucceflbr  of  James  trod  (and  trod  ruinoufly)  in  his  father's 
fteps.  He  wanted  to  impofe  the  Englifh  religion  on  his  Scotifh  fubjeds. 
The  covenanters  would  not  bear  the  introduction  of,  what  they  deemed  a 
fuperftitious  liturgy,  among  them.  They  defended  themfelves  againft  it  by 
infurredion,  .and  the  parliament  fitting  at  Weftminfter  approved  of  their 
condud.  The  Northern  Irifti  finding  affairs  embroiled  in  Great  Britain, 
and  dreading  fatal  confequences  from  the  refolutions  denounced  againft 
Papifts  in  the  Englifh  Houfe  of  Commons,  entertained  the  thought  of 
availing  themfelves  of  the  prefent  opportunity,  of  fruftrating  the  inten- 
tions of  their  enemies-,'  and  of  -fbaking  off  the  bondage  they  groaned  under, 
ff&n  the  tittid  of  the  late  Queen's  -demife.  But  they  meant  to  compals 
this  end  by  means  equally  juftifiable,  with  thofe  employed  by  the 
Scotch  covenanters,  and  ftyi  without  an  irnpeachment  of  their  loyalty. 

THE 


INTRODUCTION.  * 

THE  memory  of  paft  grievances,  the  dread  of  prefent  detraction  made 
thefe  men  defperate.  For  forty  years  before  the  period  we  mention,  the 
whole  body  of  Irifh  Papifls  bore  miniftenal  invafions  of  the  moft  diftreffing 
nature  to  the  human  mind.  The  lands  poffeffed  by  their  families  for 
feveral  ages,  were  in  the  Court-Cafuiftry  of  that  age  pronounced  invalid 
and  refumable  tenures,  tho'  no  charge  of  treafon  or  rebellion  could  be 
made  to  the  heirs  in  actual  porTeflion.  Upon  this  pretence  of  defective 
titles  fome  have  been  ruined,  others  threatened  with  ruin:  and  this  wa$ 
not  all.  The  court  harpies  grown  impatient  at  the  paffive  conduct  of  the 
proprietors,  attempted  to  provoke  them  to  open  rebellion,  by  exercifing 
the  moft  galling  tyranny  over  their  confciences,  by  fining,  imprifoning, 
and  punifhing  in  various  fhapes,  fuch  Papifts,  as  refufed  to  join  in  the 
eftablifhed  form  of  worfhip.  Here  then  we  fee  how  the  natives  have 
been  alarmed,  in  regard  to  property,  and  fpiritual  liberty,  and  how  they 
were  tortured  by  ftate  inquisitors  for  not  fubmitting  to  religious  doctrines, 
which  fpiritual  directors  may  preach,  but  which  no  civil  power  on  earth 
has  a  right  to  impofe !  —  They  furely  who  vindicate  the  rights  of  the  Scots 
to  infurrection  in  1640,  can  with  no  good  grace  condemn  that  of  the 

Irifh  in  1641. We  do  not  defend  either,  but  we  may  fafely  afTert,  that 

he  who  fhould  at  this  time  of  day  advance,  with  my  Lord  Clarendon, 
that  the  Irifh  had  no  civil  or  religious  grievances  to  complain  of  during 
trie  forty  years  antecedent  to  the  Ultonian  rebellion  in  1641,  has  but 
a  wretched  alternative  in  option  between  wilful  ignorance,  and  barefaced 
difhonefty. 

WE  have  advanced  that  the  Irifli  in  general  wanted,  in  thefe  confufed 
times  of  King  Charles  I.  to  redrefs  grievances  by  legal  and  constitutional 
means,  and  truth  will  warrant  our  faying  fo.  They  were  firmly  attached  to 
our  monarchical  form  of  government ;  they  were  cordially  loyal  to  the 
reigning  Prince,  and  ready  to  make  a  distinction  between  the  feverity  of 
the  law,  and  the  difpofition  of  the  monarch,  notwithstanding  the  unwor- 

b  2  thinefs 


xii  INTRODUCTION. 

thinefs  of  his  deputies,  who  betrayed  him  and  them.     By  their  reprefenta- 
tives  in  parliament  they  made  the   highefl  profefilons  of  their  afFedion, 
and  were  fmcere.     What  then  provoked  to  the  fudden  and  defperate  mea- 
fures   which   followed  ?    The  anfwer   is  eafy  and  ready.      This  devoted 
people  found  the  King's  upright  intentions  fruftrated   by  an  adjournment 
of  the  feffion  of  parliament  in  1641,  fo  contrary  to  the  King's  order,  as 
well  as  intereft.     In  that  proceeding  they  difcovered  how  the  Lords  Juftices 
had  been  leagued   fecretly  with  the   Puritans  at  Weftminfter;  how  the 
King  had  been  betrayed,  and  the  hands  of  his  enemies  ftrengthened ;  how 
the  claim  to  their  own  patrimonies  (the  hereditary  poffeffions  of  feveral 
ages)  had  been  kept  up,  and   the  intention  of  granting   them  to  under- 
takers  from  England   referved.     What   idea   could   this  difobedience   to 
the  King,  this  infecurity    to    the    fubjed,    fuggeft?    It  did  not  produce 
jealoufy  and  miftruft  alone :   it  confirmed  them  in  a  certainty,  that  a  ma- 
jority of  the   more  antient   and   wealthy  proprietors  were  to    be   ruined, 
for  the  advantage  of  needy  Grangers,  as  was   intended  by  Lord  StrafFord's 
plan.     All  grew   impatient,  the  Northern   men,  already  ruined,  grew  def- 
perate.    The  latter  rofe  up  in  arms  in  the  fatal  month  of  October  1641. 
And  feveral  counties  have  all   at  once  been  expofed  to  the  barbarities  of 
an  exafperated  multitude ;  an  evil  which  would  not  remain  to  be  a  ftain 
on  the  face  of  our  annals,  had  the  felfion  been  continued  as  the  King 
intended,   and  had  the  bills  prepared  for  the  fecurity  of  the  antient  pro- 
prietors of  the  kingdom    been   paffed  into   laws.     Had  this,  I  fay,  been 
the  cafe,  the  defpera'does  of  Ulfter  would  be  kept  down  by  their  Southern 
fellow  fubjeds,  who  had  no  concern  in  the  peculiar  complaints  of  that 
party.      But   the  Lords  Juftices   and  their   agents  took  care   to   remove 
this  line  of  feparation,  and  render  the  men  in  poffeffion  as  infecure,  as  the 
men  ejeded.     This  fad:  is  one  of  the  moft  important  in  the  hiftory  of  this 
ifland,'arid  fhould  be  well  underftood.     I  fay  no  more  of  it  here,  that  I 
may  not  anticipate  on  the  following  Hiftorical  Review,  wherein  the  details 
are  given  with  equal  candor  and  judicioufnefs. 


THE 


INTRODUCTION.  xiii 

THE  Earl  of  Clarendon  has  left  us  an  account  of  thofe  times  in  the  ftile 
rather  of  a  pleader,  than  of  an  hiftorian.  He  was  doubtlefs  a  nobleman 
of  great  abilities,  but  very  unjuft  to  the  Irifh  nation.  In  reprefentations 
anticipated  by  fpiritual  hatred  and  national  prejudices,  this  man  c£ 
ftrength,  refigns  all  his  vigour.  No  longer  mafter  of  his  fubjecl,  he  yields 
himfelf  up.  a  willing  captive,  to  fuch  informations  as  were  correfpondent 
to  his  prior  ideas  of  the  people  he  undertakes  to  defcribe.  He  appears  to 
have  been  incapable  of  receiving  fecond  impreffions,  and  we  can  hardly 
on  this  account,  charge  him  with  delivering  us  a  confcious  untruth: 
Hiftory  in  fuch  hands  is  neither  better  nor  worfe,  than  what  the  writer  is 
enabled  to  make  it,  according  to  the  degree  of  his  partiality  or  averfion  j 
and  he  muft  have  little  knowledge  of  men,  who  knows  not,  that  this 
fpecies  of  human  infirmity,  is  but  too  often  an  ingredient  infomeofthe- 
beft,  as  it  always  is  in  the  worft  characters,  with  whom  the  infirmity  ends 
in  vice.  In  the  beft,  it  refembles  a  cancerous  excrefcence  on  a  beautiful 
face,  and  grows  but  too  often  out  of  our  faireft  principle,  that  of  religion, 
from  which  it  fhould,  if  poilible,  be  rooted.  Were  religious  indifference 
ufeful  in  any  inftance,  it  would  be  in  this  before  us,  where  the  more  a 
man  is  lukewarm  in  religious  party-zeal,  the  nearer  he  approaches  to  the 
character  of  a  true  patriot  and  good  citizen.  But  there  is  a  ftrength  of 
mind  fuperior  to  religious  indifference  itfelf,  which  gives  all  the  qualifica- 
tions necefTary  to  conftitute  a  good  man,  and  judicious  hiftorian.  Thus 
ftrength  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  and  other  great  men  (Proteftants  and  Pa- 
pifts)  wanted,  and  ftill  want.  As  painters  of  former  times,  they  may 
give  a  good  likenefs :  as  contemporaries  they  are  intolerable ;  of  all  men 
the  moft  likely  to  be  deceived,  and  the  moft  laborious  to  deceive.  The 
mifchief  they  circulate  is  in  proportion  to  their  abilities,  and  that  rank  in 
life,  which  render  thofe  abilities  confpicuous. 

IT  is,  indeed,  to  be  lamented,  that  Mr.  Hume,  one  of  the  ableft  wri- 
ters of  the  prefent  age,  fhould  as  an  hiftorian  fuffer  himfelf  to  be  fb  far 
led  aftray  by  fuch  contemporaries  as  we  have  hinted  at,  as  to  transfer  all 


or 


XIV 


INTRODUCTION. 


or  moft  of  the  mifchiefs  of  the  year  1641  in  Ireland,  from  the  original 
authors,  to  the  unfortunate  Irifh  alone.  Parties  lefs  aggrieved  in  Scotland 
were  up  before  them,  and  drew  the  fword  not  only  with  impunity  but 
with  advantage.  The  Irifh  in  Ulfter  who  wanted  to  regain  the  lands  they 
loft,  followed  the  example.  We  do  not  juftify  the  ad  in  either  kingdom. 
We  only  advance  in  alleviation  of  the  Irifh  crime,  that  the  majority  of 
the  nation  have,  in  the  two  reigns  of  James  and  Charles,  fuffered  a  cruel 
bondage  of  thirty  eight  years  with  little  intermiffion,  and  had  now  the 
moft  alarming  profped  of  extirpation  before  them.  They  did  not  mean 
to  withdraw  their  allegiance  from  the  King ;  even  the  weak  leaders  of 
the  Northern  rabble  had  no  fuch  intention.  The  latter  began,  and  aded  fingly. 
Their  outrages  on  their  firft  fetting  out  were  kept  within  fome  bounds ; 
moft  of  the  innocent  Proteftants  in  the  neighbouring  diftrids  had  time  to 
efcape  into  places  of  fecurity,  before  many  murders  were  committed. 
The  Papifts  in  the  other  provinces  had  no  ihare  in  their  guilt ;  they  imme- 
diately publilhed  their  deteftation  of  it. 

IN  general,  they  were  fteady  to  their  duty  as  chriftians,  and  to  their 
loyalty  as  fubjeds.  They  in  their  own  defence  took  up  arms,  not  againft 
the  King,  but  againft  the  King's  enemies,  who  announced  their  exciilon  in 
public  refolutions,  and  parliamentary  votes.  This  is  the  truth  of  the  fad. 
Mr.  Hume  paiTes  it  over  as  of  no  importance  to  the  fubjed  of  his 
hiftory. 

HE  appears  to  have  fat  down  with  an  intention  to  cure  us  of  our  un- 
happy-party prejudices,  by  pointing  out  their  terrible  coniequences,  in  the 
laft  age,  or.  our  condud  as  legiflators,  and  our  feelings  as  men.  In  general 
his  obfervations  are  admirable,  and  ftand  in  the  place  of  excellent  inftruc- 
tions,  enforced  by  ftriking  examples.  His  miftakes  at  the  fame  time  are 
hurtful,  and  a  wound  from  fuch  a  hand  muft  be  painful.  But  happily  it 
cannot  be  mortal,  in  the  cafe  before  us,  as  abundant  materials  of  true 
information  are  Hill  preferved  entire.  The  documents  in  the  following 

Review 


INTRODUCTION.  Xv 

Review  will  fhew  that  Mr.  Hume's  reprefentation  of  Irifh  affairs  in  1641, 
is  not  true  hiftory,  but  fine  and  pathetic  writing.  Pity  it  is,  to  find  fuch 
a  man  adopting  the  untruths  of  Sir  John  Temple,  and  fpreading  them  on 
a  new  canvas  heightened  with  all  the  colourings  of  his  art.  The  piece  has 
certainly  cofl  him  fome  labour  j  for  horror  and  pity  are  wrought  up  here 
in  high  tragical  ftrains.  But  the  Irifh  certainly  have  not  fat  for  the  pic- 
ture i  and  Mr.  Hume  in  this  part  of  his  hiftory  muft  admit  the  juflnefs  of 
a  charge,  that  he  has  given  a  wrong  direction  to  the  paffions*  he  has  taken 
fo  much  pains  to  excite. 

MR.  Hume  is  ftill  alive  to  review  and  correct  fome  miftakes  in  his  hif- 
tory 5  and  fhould  he  decline  doing  juftice  in  the  cafe  before  us  (what  muft 
not  be  luppofed)  he,  and  not  truth,  will  be  affected. 

THE  changes  of  religion  in  thefe  kingdoms  produced  a  moft  memorable 
sera  in  our  hiftory  j  and  however  the  reformation  hath  operated,  in  fpread- 
ing the  bafe  of  civil  liberty,  yet  it  divided  us  into  parties,  and  for  a  time 
produced  terrible  ftruggles  for  power  and  property  in  both  kingdoms  5  in 
Ireland  efpecially  thefe  things  had  a  period.  When  all  power  was  fet 
on  one  fide,  and  that  contention  ceafed,  yet  the  hatred  which  commenced 
with  the  original  dilputes  remained,  and  exerted  itfelf  with  rema^able 
violence,  in  the  framing  of  penal  laws,  which  doubtlefs  (hould  be  but 
few,  in  countries  which  exift  by  induftry,  unlefs  the  objecl  of  fuch  laws, 
be  too  formidable  not  to  require  its  removal  at  any  expence  to  the  pub- 
lic. In  this  light  hath  Popery  been  held,  from  the  very  commencement 
of  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign,  and  is  feen  in  no  other  to  this  day.  No  ex- 
perience of  Papifts  being  known  and  acknowledged  good  fubjects  in  other 
Proteftant  countries  j  no  experience  of  their  good  conduct  in  our  own, 
could  hitherto  remove  the  idea  of  their  being  enemies  by  principle  to  our 
Proteftant  eftablifhment.  Sir  William  Blackftone,  who  has  enlightened 
thefe  nations  by  his  admirable  commentaries  on  our  laws,  pronounces  on  this 
fubjecl,  like  thofe  who  are  content  with  the  firft  impreflions  they  receive, 
and  think  but  little  on  a  fubje€t,  in  which  they  are  but  little  concerned. 

"  While 


XVI 


INTRODUCTION. 


"  While  Papifts,"  he  fays,  "  acknowledge  a  foreign  power,  fuperior  to  the 
"  fovereignty  of  the  kingdom,  they  cannot  complain,  if  the  laws  of  that 
"kingdom  will  not  treat  them  on  the  footing  of  good  fubjecls."  With 
great  deference  to  fo  great  an  authority,  this  judgment  includes  a  charge, 
which  it  is  impofTible  to  fupport,  unlefs  it  can  be  proved  that  Englifh  and 
Irifh  Papifts  are  men  of  different  principles  from  their  brethren  in  Hanover 
and  Canada.  But  this  is  not  the  cafe ;  the  majority  of  Englifh  Papifls 
'even  in  the  days  of  Queen  Elizabeth  (who  (tripped  them  of  power  .and  li- 
berty) acknowledged  no  authority  fuperior  to  her  fovereignty,  and  re- 
nounced to  the  authority  of  Pius  the  Fifth,  who  wanted  to  withdraw  them 
From  the  allegiance  they  owed  her.  This  they  have  done,  without  any 
breach  with  the  Roman  fee  in  matters  purely  fpiritual ;  in  things,  I  mean, 
which  regard  the  next  life,  not  the  prefent.  The  Papifts  of  Ireland  have, 
in  a  Formulary  lately  drawn  up  by  themfelves,  renounced  any  authority,  civil 
or  temporal,  claimed  or  unclaimed,  by  any  foreign  Prince  or  Prelate  what- 
foever,  recognizing  at  the  fame  time  his  Majefty's  title,  and  profeffing 
their  allegiance  to  be  due  to  him  folely.  Thus  it  is  at  prefent,  even  in 
Spain  and  Portugal,  where  no  fubjecl  would  dare  own  or  recognize  any 
foreign  power  fuperior  to  the  fovereignty  of  thofe  kingdoms ;  and  nearer 
home  in  France,  the  fovereignty  of  that  kingdom  is  fo  jealoufly  guarded, 
againft  all  foreign  pretenders  and  pretenfions,  that  a  profefTor  who  fhould 
bring  this  matter  even  into  doubt,  would  be  degraded  from  his  office,  if  he 
.did  not  meet  with  a  feverer  punilhment.  Pity  it  is,  that  a  point  of  know- 
ledge, fo  much  within  his  reach,  fhould  efcape  Judge  Blackftone  j  pity  it 
is  indeed,  that  fo  great  an  authority,  fhould  be  employed  to  give  weight, 
and  perhaps  perpetuity  to  a  popular  error,  fo  injurious  to  a  million 
of  his  Majefty's  good  fubjecls  ;  for  fo  I  venture  to  denominate  them,  not- 
withftanding  the  hurt  they  do  the  public  through  a  legal  incapacity  to 
ierve  it. 

WE  are  forry  to  find  any  neceflity  for  faying  fo  much  on  this  fubjeft, 
and  yet  a  little  more  muft  be  added,  before  we  difmifs  it. 

THE 


INTRODUCTION. 


XUi 


THE  fupremacy  of  Popes  in  matters  merely  fpiritnal,  and  directed  as  it 
ought  to  be,  for  the  prefervation  of  harmony  and  unity  in  the  church,-  can- 
not be  formidable  to  princes; thus  reftrided,  it  had  for  many  ages  been 

ufeful  to  them.  The  abufe  of  this  fupremacy,  and  every  ill-grounded  claim 
foreign  to  it,  may  be  removed,  and  (let  me  add)  has  been  removed.  In  the 
prefent  age,  Popes  have  no  more  the  power  of  depofing  Kings,  or  of  ab- 
folving  fubjecls  from  their  allegiance,  than  they  had  in  the  days  of  Conftan- 
tine,  who  permitted  a  legal  eflablifhment  of  their  religion  in  Rome,  the  ca- 
pital of  his  empire.  The  claim  to  this  depofing  power  began  and  operated 
only  in  times  of  bigotry  and  ignorance,  and  has  been  often  oppofed  even  in 
the  darkeft ;  in  the  dawn  of  knowledge  it  could  not  do  much  mifchief ;  it 
could  not  operate  in  the  light ;  and  if  any  among  us  fhould  be  {till  found 
blind;  Ihould  any  fpiritual  doctor  among  us  attempt  to  juflify  fuch  a  claim, 
he  may  be  eafily  detected  by  putting  him  to  the  teft  of  his  civil  orthodoxy. 
Such  a  man,  if  a  chriltian,  will  not  abjure  to  the  public,  what  he  teaches  in 
private.  It  is  againfl  fuch  a  man  that  the  keen  edge  of  penal  laws  fhould 
be  employed ;  legiflative  wifdom  fhould  here  draw  a  line  of  partition,  in- 
flead  of  confounding  the  well  principled,  indifcnminately,  with  their 
oppofers, 

THE  Hiflorical  Review  now  prefented  to  the  public,  was  intended  in- 
tirely  for  expofmg,  in  a  proper  light,  things  over  which  the  fatal  .prejudices 
of  the  times  have  thrown  much  obfcurity.  We  would  draw  ufeful  inftruc- 
tions  from  our  former  calamities,  and  reconcile,  by  truth,  men  too  long  di- 
vided by  miflakes.  We  have  freely  condemned,  in  this  preliminary  difcourfe, 
the  conduct  of  the  Roman  Catholics  before  the  reformation :  We  have  had 
no  call  upon  us  to  juflify  it  fince  that  time  in  any  blameable  cafe,  and, 
through  the  rebellion  which  fucceeded  the  year  1641  in  particular,  the 
author  of  the  following  work  has  been  free  enough  to  expofe  and  cenfure 
the  violence  and  ambition  of  fome  among  the  clergy  as  wrell  as  laity,  that 
the  more  juftice  might  be  done  to  the  virtue  and  patriotifm  of  others  of  the 

c  fame 


XV111 


INTRODUCTION. 


fame  party.  It  was  an  age  of  infatuation  and  drunkennefs,  among  all  par- 
ties (Proteftants  and  Papifts)  throughout  the  three  kingdoms,  and  an  hifto- 
rian  who  from  prejudice  cannot  diftinguiih,  or  who  from  bye-ends  will  not 
diftinguifh,  between  the  mad  and  the  fober,  will  acquit  himfelf  but  ill.  He 
will  not  inftruclt,  but  he  certainly  will  miilead. 

THE  Catholics  of  the  prefent  age,  have  one  great  intereft  in  common 
with  their  fellow  fubjecls,  and  it  confifts  in  the  peace  of  their  country,  un- 
der a  monarch,  who  makes  the  happinefs  of  all  his  people  the  principal  object 
of  his  government.  With  this  intereft  in  quiet  they  never  will  part.  Since 
their  fubmiffion  at  Limerick,  in  1691,  they  have  been  faithful  to  the  go- 
vernment, which  God  has  fet  over  them  j  and  we  take  great  pleafure,  in 
finding  that  the  penal  la\vs  of  the  late  Queen,  which  they  did  not  provoke, 
have  taken  their  beft  effects,  in  crowning  thofe  virtues,  which,  in  fact, 
are  die  production  of  painful  fufferings,  not  of  power  or  wealth.  Whatever 
their  religion  be,  a  complex  fyftem  of  fuperftition,  or  a  fummary  of  chriftian 
duties,  it  enforces  obedience  to  the  eftablifhed  government ;  their  perfeve- 
rance  in  fuch  a  religion  is  not  a  civil  crime,  though  an  hypocritical  adoption 
of  a  different  one,  or  a  reward  offered  for  obtaining  the  adoption,  would  be 
odious  to  God  and  man.  Indeed  if  any  danger  can  arife  from  their  religion, 
it  muft  be  from  their  not  profeffing  it  fincerely,  and  from  omitting  the  du- 
ties it  impofes  on  them.  Every  man  who  has  a  retrofpeft  to  the  grievances 
expofed  in  the  following  work,  will  think  himfelf  happy,  that  he  found  his 
cxiftence  in  this  prefent  century.  In  the  prefent  reign  we  muft  feel  a  com- 
fort like  that  which  fucceeds  to  the  terrors  of  a  mighty  tempeft ;  our  ftate 
bark  is  moored,  and  however  many  may  fuffer  by  reftraints  on  induftry  and 
infecurity  to  property,  yet  every  fubjecl  has  a  full  permiflion  to  exercife  the 
religion  of  his  confcience.  Can  this  be  faid  of  the  Tudor  and  Stuart  reigns, 
when  men  were  fined,  tortured,  and  imprifoned,  to  exercife  a  religion 
againft  their  confcience  ?  Were  infurre&ions  in  thofe  days  any  mighty  won- 
ders among  a  fierce  and  turbulent  people  ?  Or  will  not  their  infrequency  be 
ihe  chief  wonder  with  impartial  pofterity  ? 

THE 


INTRODUCTION, 

THE  intention  of  the  author  in  the  following  Hiftorical  Review  of  times, 
(mod  important  to  be  well  defer ibed)  is,  we  truft,  fufftciently  explained. 
He  labours  to  inftrud,  not  to  mifreprefent  5  he  endeavours  to  conciliate, 
not  to  inflame.  No  honeft  man  of  the  prefent  age,  (Protcftant  or  Papift)  is 
concerned  in  the  conduct  of  Proteflants  or  Papilts  of  any  former  age,  other- 
wife  than  by  contrafting  the  caufes  and  effects  in  the  one  with  thofe  in  the 
other,  and  inftruding  us  thereby  to  put  a  proper  eftimate  on  our  prefent 
happinefs,  and  to  remove  any  ill  impreffion  the  public  may  ft  ill  retain,  in 
regard  to  times  fo  very  different  from  our  own.  This  is  placing  a  mirror 
before  the  reader,  wherein  beauties  and  deformities  are  fairly  reflected ;  and 
whereby  deductions  may  be  made,  for  improving  our  minds  and  mannersv 
by  the  juftnefs  of  the  reprefentation,. 

THE  inftrudion  to  be  drawn  from  the  perufal  of  the  following  HiftoricaV 

Review  has  been  pointed  out ;  and  if  the  Author  has  occafionally  paft  cen- 

fures  on  fbme  of  our  Roman  Catholic  predeceffors,  relatively  to  fome  falfe 

judgments  and  opinions,   he  has  not  done  it  impertinently,  to  guard  the 

prefent  generation  of  Roman  Catholics  againfl  fuch  exploded  notions.     He 

knows  them  tocf  well  to  need  being  fo  guarded.     The  opinions  he  refers  to 

(and  they  were  no  more  than  opinions)  may  be  compared  to  chronic  diftem- 

pers,  which  for  a  time  make  (depredations  on  a  found  conftitution,  and 

which  fuch  a  conftitution  will  in  time  fhake  off.     The  birth  and  parentage 

of  thofe  opinions  can  be  eafily  traced,  if  men  will  be  at  the  fmall  pains  of 

doing  it    They  were  the  offspring  of  local  interefts,  nurfed  by  the  pailions,. 

and  adopted  by  the  politics  of  the  age.     They  are  now  no  more,  and  the 

fhades  which  -formerly  enveloped  the  ignorant  and  unwary  are  difperfed.. 

No  Roman  Catholic  is  now  interefted  in  errors  which  were  but  local,  and 

have  indeed  been  oppofed  by  Roman  Catholics  in  the  moil  clouded  days. 

In  the  light  which  time  hath  fpread  about  us,  Papifls  have  got  a  full  fight 

of  their  civil  duty ;  and  they  profefs  and  practice  it.     To  them  we  need 

not  apply.     Our  prefent  fuit  is  to  Proteftants  who  ftill  are  jealous,  and  who 

may  perhaps  be  loth  to  part  with  miftakes,  they  have,  been  long  in  the  ha- 

c  2  bit 


xx  INTRODUCTION. 

bit  of  indulging.  Some  among  them  (and  it  is  a  good  omen)  have  already 
fhaken  of!  their  captivity  under  thofe  miftakes  •,  and  we  wifh,  and  hope  alfb, 
that  others  may  make  a  philofophic  effort,  and  reflect  that  the  opinions  we 
have  cenfured  were  no  other  than  what  we  have  reprefented  them  to  be,  mere 
temporary  and  tranfient  evils,  from  which  no  party  (Proteftant  or  Papift) 
was  exempt  in  the  times  we  fpeak  of.  At  prefent  no  party  fhould  be 
punifhed  for  opinions  or  principles  which  they  are  ready  to  abjure.  The 
Papifts  it  is  true,  avow  doctrines,  which  they  are  bound  by  confcience  to 
retain,  and  which  their  adverfaries  will  always  condemn.  It  is  not  in  this 
cafe  as  in  the  other.  The  opinion  is  fugitive,  the  doctrine  permanent. 
Relatively  to  tenets  of  faith,  a  charge  made  on  one  fide,  is  admitted  to  be 
juft  on  the  other.  There  can  therefore  be  no  miftake  in  a  cafe  where  all 
parties  are  agreed,  and  no  good  reafon  can  bg  afligned  for  charging  men 
with  do&rines  they  reject,  when  fo  many  are  avowed,  as  would  juftify  the 
charge  of  error,  if  error  it  could  be  proved.  Human  fociety  expofed  by 
nature  to  fundry  evils,  requires  no  adventitious  fupply  from  caufes  wherein 
nature  revolts,  inftead  of  bearing  a  part.  If  the  terms  of  chriftian  commu- 
nion profefTed  by  Roman  Catholics  in  every  country,  be  deemed  crimes 
punifhable  in  any;  they  muft  ftand  to  this  in  every  punifhing  country. 
They  muft,  in  this  cafe,  oppofe  the  penalties  of  confcience  to  thofe  of  law> 
and  refignedly  yield  to  the  lefTer  punifhment. 

ENOUGH  is  faid  to  fhew,  that  an  union  on  civil  principles  and 
practices,  under  the  prefent  eftablifhment,  is  fufKcient  for  all  the  pur- 
pofes  of  civil  fecurity ;  and  we  need  not  go  about  to  prove,  that  in  our 
own  Northern  foil,  and  under  our  variable  climate,  the  profperity  admitted 
by  both,  cannot  be  obtained,  without  the  co-operation  and  mutual  confi- 
dence of  all  our  people.  They  muft  be  hands  of  mifchief  indeed,  that  re- 
quire to  be  tied  up  from  this  co-operation,  and  heads  devoid  of  all  honeft 
principle,  who  fhould  be  an  obftacle  to  fuch  confidence.  The.  Roman  Ca- 
tholics are  by  law  excluded  from  permanent  property.  Even  infecurity  is 
annexed  to  a  flux-monied  property  acquired,  by  their  induftry.  But  the  pe- 
*al  laws  they  are  expofed  to,  have  long  fince  received  a  conftitutional  rati- 
fication, 


INTRODUCTION. 


xxi 


fication,  and  while  fuch  laws  exift,  their  religion  commands  obedience,  not 
refinance.  They  have  as  little  the  inclination,  as  they  have  the  right,  to 
feek  any  alleviation  of  their  fufFerings,  but  what  they  may  obtain,  from  a 
Prince  who  has  approved  himfelf  the  beft  of  Kings,  at  the  head  of  a  wife 
parliament. 

BEFORE  we  conclude,  it  is  but  fit  that  the  author  fhould  exprefs  his  gra- 
titude to  gentlemen  who  have  forwarded  the  prefent  work  by  their  encou- 
ragement. He  does  fo  unfeignedly  ;  and  he  has  a  particular  call  upon  him 
to  confefs  his  obligations  to  Mr.  JAMES  REYNOLDS  of  A/h-Street,  whofe 
correfpondence  with  the  great  towns  of  the  kingdom  is  extenfive,  and  who 
omits  no  occafion,  and  indeed  improves  every  opportunity,  to  approve  him- 
felf a  loyal  fubjecl,  and  good  citizen. 

June  1 2th,  1775. 


AUTHORITIES  quoted  in  the  enfuing  Work. 

Eliquiae  Sacrae  Carolinae,  or  the  Works  of  King  Charles  I.     Octavo. 
Scrinia  Sacra,  or  Myfteries  of  State  and  Government.  Octavo,  Lond.  Ed. 
MorriiTon's  Hiflory  of  Ireland.     Lond.  Ed.  Folio. 
Pacata  Hibernia.     Lond.  Ed.  Folio. 
State  Letters  of  the  Earl  of  StrafFord.     Lond.  Ed.  Folio. 
State  Letters  of  the  Earl  of  Orrery.     Dub.  Ed.  Octavo. 
State  Letters  of  Lord  Arlington,  by  Brown.     Lond.  Ed.  Octavo. 
Borlace's  Hiftory  of  the  Irifh  Rebellion.     Dub.  Ed.  Folio. 
Temple's  Hiftory  of  the  Irifh  Rebellion.     Quarto. 
Sir  John  Davis's  Hiftorical  Relations.     Dub.  Ed.  Odavo. 
Journals  of  the  Irifh  Houfe  of  Commons.     Folio. 
Supplement  to  thefe  Journals.     Dub.  Ed.  Folio. 
Walfh's  Hiftory  of  the  Irifh  Remonftrance.     Folio. 
Carte's  Life  of  the  Duke  of  Ormond.     Lond.  Ed.  Folio. 
Carte's  Collection  of  Original  Letters.     Dub.  Ed.  Odavo. 
Earl  of  Caftlehaven's  Memoirs.     Lond.  Ed.  Duodecimo. 
Earl  of  Anglefey's  Letter  to  the  Earl  of  Caftlehaven.  Lond.  Ed.  Duodecimo. 
Dodor  Leland's  Hiftory  of  Ireland.     Dub.  Ed.  Quarto. 
Warner's  Hiftory  of  the  Irifh  Rebellion.     Lond.  Ed.  Quarto. 
Archbifhop  King's   State  of  the  Proteftants  of  Ireland  under  King  James. 

Quarto. 

Mr.  Lefley's  Anfwer  to  Archbifhop  King.     Quarto. 

The  Earl  of  Clarendon's  Life  and  Memoirs,  by  himfelf.     Dub.  Ed.  Odavo. 
Henry  Earl  of  Clarendon's  State  Letters.     Octavo. 
Lord  EfTex's  State  Letters. 

Mr.  Belling's  Manufcript  Hiftory  of  the  Wars  of  Ireland. 
Sir  John  Dairy mple's  Memoirs.     Dub.  Ed.  Octavo. 
Spencer's  State  of  Ireland.    Dub.  Ed.  Duodecimo. 


A    N 

HISTORICAL    AND    CRITICAL 

RE      VI      E     W 

O    F      T    H    E 

CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND. 

BOOK          I. 

CHAP.        I. 

Of  the  State  of  the  Irifh  from  the  Time  of  the  Invafion  of  Henry  II. 

IN  order  to  form  a  right  judgment  of  the  principles,  and  conduct  of  the 
natives  of  Ireland,  fince  the  reformation  (from  which  period  only,  I  pur- 
pofe  to  confider  their  civil  difTenfions)  it  is  necefTary  to  look  back  to  the 
times  preceding  that  event ;  and  to  take  a  curfory  view  of  the  manner,  in 
which  the  firft   Britilh  adventurers,  and  their  fucceffors,    for   feveral  ages, 
treated  thefe,  as  they  affected  to  call  them,  conquered  People  ( i ).     Now  it  is 
evident  from  all  our  records,  that  after  thefe  adventurers  got  footing  in  that 
kingdom,  the  Britifh  colonies  only,  and  fome  (a)  few  fepts  of  the  Irifh,  that  were 
enfranchifed  by  fpecial  charter,  were  admitted  to  the  Benefit  and  Protection  of 
the  laws  of  England  -,  and  that  the  Irifh,  as  fuch,  were  generally  reputed  aliens, 

B  or 

(i)  Sir  John  Da  vis's  Hiftorical  Relations,  D.  Ed.  p.  45. 

(a)  Thefe  were  the  O'Neals  of  Ulfter,  O'Melaghlins  of  Meath,  the  O'Conors  of  Conaught,  the  O'Briens 
ofThomond,   and  the  Mac  Mouroghs  of  Leinfter.     Sir  John  Davis's  Hift.  Rel. 


2  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  I. 

or  rather  enemies  j  in  fo  much,  that  it  was  adjudged  no  felony  to  kill  a  mere  (£) 
Irifhrnan,  in  time  of  peace. 

IT  is  alfo  evident,  that  (2)  the  Irifh,  on  their  parts,  "  did,  at  feveral  times, 
defire  to  be  admitted  to  the  benefit  of  the  law ;  as  in  their  petitions  to  Richard 
II.  and  Lord  Thomas  of  Lancafter,  before  the  war  of  the  two  Houfesj  and 
afterwards,  to  Lord  Leonard  Gray,  and  Sir  Arthur  St.  Leger,  when  Henry  the 
VIII.  began  to  reform  that  kingdom.  And  it  was  certainly  a  great  defect  in 
the  civil  policy  of  Ireland,  that  for  the  fpace  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  years 
at  leaft  after  the  conqueft  firft  attempted,  the  Englifh  laws  were  not  commu- 
nicated to  its  people,  nor  the  benefit  or  protection  thereof  allowed  them  j  for 
as  long  as  they  were  out  of  the  protection  of  the  laws,  fo  as  every  Englifhman 
inight  opprefs,  fpoil,  and  kill  them  without  controul  (3),  how  was  it  poffible 
they  fhould  be  other  than  outlaws,  and  enemies  to  the  Crown  of  England?  If 
the  king  would  not  admit  them  to  the  condition  of  fubjects,  how  could  they 
learn  to  acknowledge,  and  obey  him,  as  their  Sovereign  ?  When  they  might 
not  converfe,  or  commerce,  with  civilized  men,  nor  enter  into  any  town  or 
city  without  peril  of  ther  lives:  whither  fhould  they  fly,  but  into  woods  and 
mountains,  and  there  live  in  a  wild,  and  barbarous  manner  ?  In  a  word,  if 
the  Englifh  would  neither  in  peace  govern  them  by  the  law,  nor  could  in  war 
root  them  out  by  the  fword,  muft  they  not  needs  be  pricks  in  their  eyes,  and 
thorns  in  their  fides,  to  the  world's  end  ?" 

ON  the  other  hand,  that  thefe  people  merited  far  different  treatment  from 
the  crown  of  England,  is  manifeft  from  hence,  that  when  they  were  at  laft  ad- 
mitted to  the  condition  of  fubjects,  under  James  I.  they  gave  many  fignal 
proofs  of  their  dutifulnefs.  and  obedience ;  and  as  the  fame  knowing,  and 
impartial  witnefs  whom  I  have  hitherto  quoted,  then  vouched  for  them  (4), 
44  would  gladly  continue  in  that  condition,  as  long  as  they  might  be  protected, 
and  juftly  governed,  without  oppreffion  on  the  one  hand,  or  impunity  on  the 
other;  there  being,  in  his  opinion,  no  nation  under  the  fun  that  did  love  equal, 
and  indifferent  (c),  Juftice,  better  than  the  Irifh,  or  that  would  reft  better  fa- 

tisfied 

(2)  Sir  John  Davis's  Hiflorical  Relations,  D.  Ed.  p.  16. 
(3)  Id.  ib.  p.  52.  (4)  Id.  ib.  p.  123. 

(b]  So  ridiculoufly,  as  well  as  tyrannoufly,  was  this  "  man  fhould  be  found  among  the  Englifh,  contrary 
diftinclion  kept  up,  "  That  no  man  was  to  be  taken  for  "  thereunto,  it  was  lawful  to  feize  him, and  his  goods, 
"  an  Englifhman,  who  had  not  his  upper  lip  fhaven  :"  "  as  an  Irifh  enemy."         Sir  John  Davis,  Ib.  p.  92. 
(which,  it  feems,  the  Irifh  had  not.)  "  And,  if  any 

(c)  "  I  dare  affirm,"  fays  Sir  John  Davis,  Attorney  "  cuit  of  fix /hires,  namely,    the  Weftern  circuit  of 
General  in  Ireland,  in  the  reign  of  James  I.  "  that  "  England.     For  the  truth  is,  that  in  time  of  peace, 
"  for  the  fpace  of  five  years  laft  paft,  there  have  not  "  the  Irifh  are  more  fearful  to  offend  the  law,  than 
"  been  found  fo  many  malefactors,  worthy  of  death,  "  the  Englifh,  or  any  other  nation  whatfoevej."  Hift. 
"  in  all  the  fix  circuits  of  this  realm,  which  is  now  Relat.  p.  u6. 

"  divided  into  thirty-fix  ihires  at  large,  as  in  one  cir- 


Ch.H.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  3 

tisfied  with  the  execution  thereof,  altho'  it  were  againft  themfelves;  fo  as  they 
might  have  the  protection,  and  benefit  of  the  law,  when  upon  a  juft  caufe 
they  did  defire  it." 

CHAP.          II. 

The  State  of  the  Irifb,  at  the  Beginning  of  the  Reformation  of  Religion. 

IN  this  condition  of  abfolute  flavery,  the  Irifh  remained  during  the  reigns 
of  Henry  VIII.  Edward  VI  and  Q;  Elizabeth  j  when  the  new  reformed 
religion  was  firft  introduced  among  them ;  a  circumftance  not  at  all  likely  to 
induce  them  to  embrace  it,  even  tho'  they  had  been  willing  to  part  with  their 
old  religion,  which  was  far  from  being  the  cafe.  This  obftacle  to  their  refor- 
mation, was  accompanied  with  others  flill  greater  ;  their  new  paftors  were  to- 
tally ignorant  of  the  Irifh  language,  as  their  flocks,  for  the  moft  part,  were  of 
the  Englifh(0);  befides,  the  inferior  clergy,  in  thofe  days,  who  had  the 
immediate  cure  of  fouls,  were  men  of  no  parts,  or  erudition  j  and,  what 
was  much  worfe,  they  were  full  as  immoral,  as  they  were  illiterate  (i).  "  The 
"  clergy  in  Ireland,"  fays  Mr.  Spencer  (b\  writing  of  this  period,  "  excepting 
"  the  grave  fathers,  who  are  in  high  places  about  the  ftate,  and  fome  few 
"  others,  who  are  lately  planted  in  the  new  college,  are  generally  bad,  licen- 
"  tious,  and  moil  difordered." 

SUCH  were  the  men,  whofe  new  religious  do&rine,  and  difcipline,  thefe 
people  were  required  to  embrace,  againft  the  conviction  of  their  confciences, 
and  at  the  peril  of  their  liberties,  fortunes,  and  lives. 

AT  the  fame  time  that  the  ignorance,  and  immorality  of  the  reforming  mif- 
fionaries  caufed  the  Irifh  to  hate,  and  defpife  their  doctrine,  thefe  people  held 

B  2  the 

(i)  Spencer's  State  of  Ireland,  Dub.  Ed. 

(«)  "  Even   within  the   Englilli  pale,"    (viz.  the  "  terfected  the  Englifh  fettlements,  no  other  language 

counties  of  Dublin,  Meath,    Lowth,    and    Kildare,)  "  was  at  all  known  ;   fo  that  here  the  wretched  flock 

"  the  Irifh  language  was  become  fo  predominant,  that  "  was  totally  inacceffible  to  thofe  (bangers,  who  were 

"  laws  were  repeatedly  enacted  to  reftrain  it,  but  in  "  become   their   paftors."     Leland's  Hift.  of  Ireland, 

«'  vain. — In  thofe  tracts   of  Irifh  territory,  which  in-  Dub.  Ed.  410.  Vol.  ii.  p.  194. 

(1}  He  was  Secretary  to  Lord  Leonard  Gray,  De-  mon  clergymen.     And    befides   thefe,    they  have 

puty  of  Ireland,  in  the  reign  of  Eli7abeth.     "   What-  particular  enormities  ;  they  neither  read  the  fcrip- 

ever  diforders,"   adds  he,  on  this  occafion,  "  are  tures,  nor  preach  to  the  people,  only  they  take  the 

in  the  church  of  England,  may  be  feen  in  that  of  tythes  and  offerings,  and  gather  what  fruit  they  can 

Ireland,  and   much   more;  namely,  grofs   fimony,  off  their  livings,which  they  convert  as  badly."  State 

greedy  covetoufnefs,  flefhly  incontinency,  carelefs  of  Ireland,  p.  131. 
floth,  and  generally  all  difordered  life  in  the  com- 


4  HISTORICAL    REVIEW   or    THE  Bkl. 

the  perfons  of  their  own  clergy,  in  the  higheft  efteem  and  veneration  (c).  Of 
this,  I  fhall  mention  one  remarkable  inftance,  out  of  many  others,  that  occur 
in  their  hiftory(2).  "  Towards  the  end  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign,  her  Ma- 
"  jefty's  forces  befieging  the  caftle  of  Cloghan,  and  underftanding  that  in  the 
"  fame  there  was  a  Rornifh  prieft,"  (to  which  order  of  men  they  never  gave 
quarter,)  "  having  alfo  in  their  hands,  the  brother  of  the  Conftable,  who  had 
"  the  charge  of  the  caftle,  the  commanding  officer  fent  him  word,  that  if  he 
"  did  not  prefently  furrender  the  Caftle  to  him,  he  would  hang  his  brother  in 
"  their  fight.  But  to  fave  the  prieft,  whofe  life  they  tendered,  they  perfever- 
"  ed  obftinately  not  to  yield :  whereupon  the  officer,  in  their  fight,  hanged 
"  the  Conftable' s  brother.  Neverthelefs,  within  four  days  afterwards,  the 
*'  prieft  being  fhifted  away  in  fafety,  the  Conftable  fued  for  a  protection,  and 
"  rendered  the  caftle.  I  do  relate  this  accident,"  adds  my  author,  "  to  the 
"  end  the  reader  may  the  more  clearly  fee,  in  what  reverence,  and  eftimation, 
"  thefe  ignorant  fuperftitious  Irifh  do  hold  a  Popifh  prieft ;  in  regard  of  whofe 
"  fafety,  the  Conftable  was  content  to  fuffer  his  brother  to  perifh." 


H 


P. 


III. 


The  Conduct  of  the  Englijb  Chief  Governors  of  Ireland ',  towards  the  Natives. 

MR.  OSBURNE  informs  us  (i),  that  in  England,  during  Q.  Elizabeth's 
reign,  to  be  a  Catholic  was  thought  to  fignify  nothing  elfe,  but 
an  enemy  to  God,  and  the  Prince.  The  like  prejudice  prevailed  alfb, 
at  the  fame  time,  in  Ireland  ;  and  the  name  of  Irifhman,  or  Papift,  was  deem- 
ed a  fufficient  juftification  of  any  act  of  cruelty,  or  injuftice,  committed  on  the 
perfon  who  bore  it  I  fay  not  this,  merely  on  the  teftimony  of  Irifhmen,  and 
Papifts;  but  on  that  alfo,  of  Englishmen,  and  Proteftants;  fome  of  whom 
were  eye-witneffes  of  the  fads  they  relate,  and  had  the  virtue  to  publifh  their 
deteftation  of  them. 

IN 


(2)  Pacata  Hibernia,  fol.  358. 

(<r)  "  It's  a  great  wonder,"  fays  the  fame  Mr. 
Spencer,  "  to  fee  the  odds,  which  is  between  the 
zeal  of  Popifh  priefts  and  the  minifters  of  the  Gof- 
pel.  For  they  fpare  not  to  come  out  of  Spain,  from 
Rome,  and  from  Rheims,  by  long  toil  and  dange- 
rous travelling  hither;  where  they  know  peril  of 
death  awaiteth  them,  and  no  reward,  or  riches  to 
be  found,  only  to  draw  the  people  to  the  church  of 


(i)  Ofburne's  Woiks. 

Rome.  Whereas,  fome  of  our  idle  minifters,  hav- 
ing a  way  for  credit  and  eftimation  thereby  opened, 
and  having  livings  of  the  country  offered  to  them, 
without  pains,  and  without  peril,  will  neither  for 
the  fame,  nor  for  any  love  of  God,  or  zeal  of 
religion,  be  drawn  forth  from  their  warm  nefts,  to 
look  out  into  God's  barveft."  Ib,  p.  114. 


Ch.III.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  5 

IN  a  (2)  Memorial  prefented  to_  her  Majefly  and  Council,  by  an  (a)  of- 
ficer, who  had  ferved  feveral  years  in  her  army  in  Ireland;  fome  of  thofe 
unconfcionable  courfes  are  fet  forth,  particularly  thofe  frequent  breaches  of 
publick  faith,  and  the  infecurity  of  any  pardon  granted  to  thefe  people, 
on  their  fubmitting  to  the  government;  who,  fays  the  Memorial ift,  "with- 
out being  guilty  of  any  new  crime,  and  eyen  without  a  legal  trial,  were 
afterwards  condemned,  and  executed,  to  the  great  dishonour  of  her  Majefty4 
and  difcredit  of  her  Laws." 

IT  would  be  equally  (hocking,  and  tedious,  to  recite  all  thofe  well-attefted 
acts  of  cruelty  and  perfidy,  which  were  perpetrated  on  thefe  people,  by  the 
order,,  or  connivance,  of  her  Majesty's  principal  Minifters  in  that  kingdom. 
Two,  or  three  inflances  only,  which  include  hundreds  of  fuiferers,  will  fuf- 
fice  for  the  prefent. 

WHEN,  in  the  year  1583  (3),  the- garrifon  of  Srnerwick,  in  Kerry,  furren- 
dered,.  upon  mercy,  to .  Lord  Deputy  Gray  (b),  he  ordered  upwards  of  feven 
hundred  of  them  to  be  put  to  the  fword  (c\  or  hanged  (4).  "  Wingfieldwas  com-r 
miflioned  to  difarm  them ;  and  when  this  fervice  was  performed,  an  Englifh 
company,  was.  fent  into  the  fort,  and  the  garrifon  was  butchered  in  cold  blood, 
nor  is  it  without  pain  that  we  find  a  fervice  ib  horrid,  and  deteftable,  commit-: 
ted  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh.  The  ufual,  and  obvious  excufes  for  this  feverity, 
could  not  efface  the  odioufnefs  of  it;  on  the  Continent  it  was  received 
with  horror." 

ABOUT  the  fame  time  (5),  "Walter:  Earl  of  Eflex,  on  the  conclufion  of  a 
peace,,  invited  Bryan  O'Neal  of  Claneboy,  with  a  great  number  of  his  relations-, 
to  an  entertainment,  where  they  lived  together  in  great  harmony,  making 

good 

(2)  Manufcript  in  Trinity  College*  Dublin.  See  .Append.  No.  i.     (3)  Borlnfe's  Reduction  of  Ireland,  p.  136. 
(4)  Leland's  Hift.  of  Ireland,  Vol.  ii.  p.  383.  (5)  MSS.  Irilh  Chronicle  in  Trinity  College,  Dub. 

(a)  The  author,  in  the  body  of  his  Memorial,  of-  themfelves.     But,  if  it  pleafe  your  Highnefs  to  ap- 

fers  the   following    trial  and  proof  of  his    veracity,  point  Commiflioners  in  that  realm  for  the  trial  y  if  I 

"  I  defire  not  that  your  Majefty  fhould  either  fimply  prove  not  directly  all    that  ever  I  have  declared,  let 

credit  me,  in  this  my  plain  dealing,  in  detecting  them,"  melofeyour  gracious  favour  for  ever." 
(her  Minifters  in  Ireland,)  "  nor  them  in  excufing  , 

(1}  "  Repeated  complaints  were  made  of  the  in-  barbarity,  that  little  was  left  in  Ireland  for  her  Ma- 
human  rigor  practiced  by  this  Deputy,  and  his  officers,  jefty  to  reign  over,  but  afhes,  and  dead  carcafies;." 
The  Queen  was  aflured,  that  he  tyrannifed  with  fuch  Lei.  Hift.  of  Ireland,  Vol.  ii.  p.  287. 

(<•)  "  The  Italian  General,  and  fome  officers,  were  ed  in  cold  blood."  Leland's  Hift.  of  Ireland,  Vol.  ii. 
ajade  prifoners  of  war,  but  the  garrifon  was  butcher-  p.  283. 


6  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  I. 

good  cheer  for  three  days  and  nights  ;  when,  on  a  fudden,  O'Neal  was  furprif- 
ed  with  an  arreft,  together  with  his  brother  and  wife,  by  the  Earl's  order  (d). 
His  friends  were  put  to  the  fword  before  his  face  j  nor  were  the  women  and 
children  fpared:  he  was  himfelf,  with  his  brother  and  wife,  fent  to  Dublin^ 
where  they  were  cut  in  quarters.  This  encreafed  the  difaffe&ion,  and  pro- 
duced the  deteftation  of  all  the  Irifh  -,  for  this  Chieftain  ofClaneboy,  was  the 
fenior  of  his  family,  and  as  he  had  been  univerfally  efteemed,  he  was  now  as 
univerfally  regretted." 

WE  don't  find,  however,  that  any  remarkable  commotion  was  excited  on 
this  account;  or  that  any  immediate  provocation  on  the  part  of  the  Irifh,  was 
fo  much  as  pretended,  for  fo  barbarous  an  ad  of  perfidy.  "  After  the  i  gih 
year  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  viz.  anno,  1577,  the  Lords  of  Conaght,  and 
O'Rorke,"  fays  (6)  Morriffon,  "  made  a  compofition  for  their  Lands,  with  Sir 
Nicholas  Malby,  governor  of  that  province;  wherein  they  were  content  to 
yield  the  Queen  fo  large  a  rent,  and  fuch  fervices,  both  of  labourers  to  work 
upon  occafion  of  fortifying,  and  of  horfe  and  foot,  to  ferve  upon  occafion  of 
war,  that  their  minds  feemed  not  yet  to  be  alienated  from  their  wonted  awe, 
and  reverence  for  the  crown  of  England."  Yet,  in  that  fame  year,  an  horrible 
maffacre  was  committed  by  the  Englifh,  at  Mulloghmafton,  on  fome  hundreds 
of  the  moft  peaceable  of  the  Irilh  gentry,  invited  thither  on  the  public  faith, 
and  under  the  protection  of  government. 

THE  fa&  is  thus  literally  ^tranflated  from  (7)  the  Irifh  annals  of  Queen 
Elizabeth's  reign.  "  The  calends  of  January,  on  Tuefday,  1577.  In  this  year 
the  Englifh  of  Leinfter  and  Meath,  committed  horrid  murders  on  fuch  of  the 
O'Mores  and  O'Conors,  and  others  of  the  King's  and  Queen's  county  as  kept 
the  peace,  fued  for  protection,  and  held  no  correfpondence  with  thofe  of  their 
kindred,  whoitill  flood  out  in  arms  againft  the  Englifh  government." 

"  THE  Englifh  published  a  proclamation,  inviting  all  the  well-afFeded  Irifh 
to  an  interview  on  the  Rathmore,  at  Mulloghmafton ;  engaging,  at  the  fame 
time,  for  their  fecurity,  and  that  no  evil  was  intended.  In  confequence  of 
this  engagement,  the  well-affected  came  to  the  Rathmore  aforefaid}  and  foon 

after 

(6)  Hiftory  of  Ireland,  fol.  Ed.  p.  3.  (7)  MSS.  Trin.  Co!.  Dub. 

(d]  "  Such  relations,"    as   Doctor    Leland    juflly  hiftories,  except  in   the  minutenefs  with  which  they 
obierves  on  this  occafion,  "  would  be  more  fufpicious,  record  the  local  tranfatHons,  and  adventures   of  th$ 
ifthefe  annals   in   general    exprefTed    great  virulence  Irifh.     And  fome  times  they  exprefsly  condemn  their 
againft  the  Eiigliih,  and  their  government.     But  they  countrymen,  for  their  rebellions  againft  their  Prince." 
do  not  appeal  to  differ  efiemially  from   the   printed  Hift.  of  Ireland,  Vol.  ii.  p.  258. 

(e)  By  my  learned,  and  very  worthy  friend,  Charles  O'Conor,  of  Balanegare,  Efq;  as  likewife  the  former. 


Ch.IV.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  7 

after  they  were  afTembled,  they  found  themfelves  furrounded  by  three  or  four 
lines  of  English  and  Irifh  horfe  and  foot,  completely  accoutred,  by  whom  they 
were  ungeneroufly  attacked,  and  cut  to  pieces ;  and  not  a  lingle  man 
efcaped." 

To  this  maiTacre,  the  Memorialift  beforementioned,  probably  alluded, 
when  he  complained  (8),  "  that  her  Majefty's  fervants,  who  were  placed  in 
authority,  to  protect  men  for  her  fervice,  had  drawn  unto  them,  by  fuch  pro- 
tection, three  or  four  hundred  of  the  Irifh,  under  colour  to  ferve  her  Majefty ;, 
and  brought  them  to  a  place  of  meeting,  where  her  garrifon-foldiers  were  ap- 
pointed to  be;  who  there,  moft  dishonourably,  put  them  all  to  the  fword.  This, 
adds  he,  was  done  by  the  confent,  and  practice,  of  the  Lord  Deputy  for  the 
time  being." 

CHAP,          IV. 

Motives  for  the  general  Difcontent  in  Uljhr. 

IN  the  year  1 589  (r),  "  When  Sir  William  Fitzwilliams  entered  upon  the 
government,  Ireland  was  in  the  beft  eftate  that  it  had  been  in  for  a  long 
time,  not  only  peaceable  and  quiet,  but  fo  as  any.  the  greateft  Lord,  called 
by  letter,  or  meffenger,  readily  came  to  the  State  ;  and  none  of  them  were 
known  to  be  any  way  difcontent.  But,  within  three  months  after  his  taking 
the  fword,  having  been  informed,  that  the  Spaniards  lately  (a)  wrecked  upon 
the  coafts  of  Conaught,  and  ULfter,  had  left  with  the  inhabitants  great  ftore 
oftreafure,  and  other  riches,  he  greedily  fought  to  get  it  into  his  hands,  pre- 
tending the  Queen's  fervice,  as  appeared  by  a  commiiTion,  by  which  he  firfl 
effayed  to  feize  the  fame;  but  that  not  taking  effect,  he  made  a  journey  him- 
felf,  into  thefe  parts,  where,  altogether  failing  of  his  purpofe,  he  brought 
thence  with  him,  as  prifoners,  two  of  the  befl  affected  gentlemen  to  the  State, 
that  were  in  thofe  parts,  whom  he  deemed  to  poffefs  the  great  eft  part  of  the 
treafure,  namely.  Sir  Owen  Mac  Tooly,  father-in-law  to  the  Earl  of  Tyrone, 
who  had  long  enjoyed  a  penfion  of  two  hundred  pounds  a  year  from  the 
Queen,  and  Sir  John  O'Dogherty.  The  former  refufing  to  pay  for  his  en- 
largement, continued  prifoner  till  the  beginning  of  Sir  William  RufTell's  go- 
vernment, 

(8)  Lee's  Memorial,  MSS.  Trin.  Col.  Dub.  ( i )  MoriC  Hift.  of  Ireland,  fol.  4. 

(a)  "  Thofe  (Spaniards)  who   were  fKipwrecked  tence  made  ufe   of,  to  excufe   this   barbarity." 

in  Ireland,  and  caft  aftiore,  were  all  put  to  the  fword,  'Tis  faid,  that  on  the  coaft  of  Ireland,  feventeen  (hips, 

or  perifhed  by  the  hands  of  the  Executioner  ;  the  Lord  and  five  thoufand  three  hundred   and  ninety  four  men 

Deputy,  by   whofe  orders  it  was  done,  fearing  they  were  then  deftroyed.     Rapin's   Hilt  of  Eng.  Vol.  ix. 

would  fide  with  the  Rebels  j  at  leaft  this  was  the  pre-  p.  122.  Note. 


8  HISTORICAL   REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.I. 

vernment,  who  in  pity  difcharged  him ;  but  the  old  gentleman's  heart  was 
firft  broken,  fo  as  fhortly  after  he  died.  The  latter  was  releafed,  after  two 
years  reftraint .;  but  not  without  paying  for  his  liberty.  At  this  hard  ufuage 
of  thefe  two  Ulfter  gentlemen,  all  the  great  men  of  the  Irifh,  efpecially  in 
thofe  Northern  parts,  did  much  repine.  "  The  loyal  Irifh,"  fays  Doctor  Leland, 
"  on  this  occafion,  trembled  for  their  own  fafety,  and  the  difaffecled  were  con- 
firmed in  their  inveteracy." 

"ABOUT  the  year  1590(2),  died  M'Mahon,  Chieftain  of  Monaghan,  who, 
in  his  life-time  had  furrendered  his  country  into  her  Majefty's  hands,  and  re- 
ceived a  re-grant  thereof,  under  the  broad  feal  of  England,  to  him  and  his  heirs 
male ;  and  in  default  of  fuch,  to  his  brother  Hugh  Roe  M'Mahon,  with  other 
remainders.  And  this  man  dying  without  irTue-male,  his  faid  brother  came  up 
to  the  State,  that  he  might  be  fettled  in  his  inheritance,  hoping  to  be  counte- 
nanced and  cherifhed,  as  her  Majefty's  Patentee.  But  he  found,  as  the  (b)  Irifh 
fay,  he  could  not  be  admitted,  until  he  promifed  fix  hundred  cows,  for  fuch, 
and  no  other,  were  the  Irifh  bribes.  He  was  afterwards  imprifoned  for  failing 
in  part  of  his  payment ;  and  in  a  few  days  enlarged,  with  promife  that  the 
Lord  Deputy  himfelf,  would  go  and  fettle  him  in  his  country  of  Monaghan  • 
whither  his  Lordfhip  took  his  journey  fhortly  after,  with  M'Mahon  in  his 
company.  At  their  firft  arrival,  the  gentleman  was  clapt  into  bolts;  and  in 
two  days  after,  he  was  indided,  arraigned,  and  executed  at  his  own  door;  all 
done,  as  the  Irifh  faid,  by  fuch  officers,  as  the  Lord  Deputy  carried  with  him, 
for  that  purpofe,  from  Dublin.  The  treafon  for  which  he  was  condemned, 
was,  becaufe,  two  years  before,  he  pretending  a  rent  due  unto  him, 
out  of  Ferney,  levied  forces,  and  made  a  diftrefs  for  the  fame;  which, 
by  the  Englifh  law,  adds  my  Author,  may,  perhaps,  be  treafon ;  but 
in  that  country,  never  before  fubjed  to  law,  it  was  thought  no  rare  thing,  nor 

great 

(2)  Id.  ib.  fol.  10. 

(b}  On  occafion  of  this  manner  of  exprefilng  him-  without  the  "fcandal  of  hiftorical-integrity,  be'ng   ob- 

felf,  which  Morrilfon    often  mates  ufe  of,  the  reader  je&ions  frequently  made  by  the  rebels,  for  expufe  of 

is  defired  to   take   notice   of   the  following   paflage.  their  difloyalty,  as  well  in  all  their  petitions,  astrea- 

"  This\fays  he,  I  write  of  hearfay  ;  but,  as   in  the  ties  of  peace."     Morif.  Hift.  of  Ireland,  f.  8.     He  af- 

general  relation  following,   1  purpofe  to  write  nothing  terwards,  indeed,  mentions,  in  its  due  place,  what  he 

which  is   not  warranted,  either  by  relations  prefented  calls  an  honourable  anfwer  of  the  Deputy,  to  part  of 

to  (he  Queen  by  the  principal  Councellors  of  Ireland,  this  charge,  in  which  anfwer  it  is  affirmed,  "  that  the 

cr  by  letters  interchanged  between  the  ftates  of  Eng-  country  feemed  gla'd  of  M'iMahon's  execution."     But 

land  and  Ireland,  or  like  authentical  writings ;  fo  for  this,  Morriflbn  himfelf,  in  the  fame  page,  flatly  contra- 

the  particular  of  tne  above  i>arm-d   Lord 'Deputy,  if,  df£ts.  Ib.  f.i  I.  And  he  further  protefts,  "  that  he  would 

perhaps,  fome  may  ihiiik  any  thing  obferved  by  me  to  moil  willingly  have  inferted  his    full  juftification,  if 

derogate  from  him,  I  proteft,  that  whatfoever  I  write,  any  fuch  memorial  had  come  to  his  hands. "^ 
i?>  in  like  forr,  warranted,  and  may  not  be  oirmred  Ibid.  fol.  3. 


Ch.  V.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  9 

great  offence.  The  Marfhal,  Sir  Henry  Bagnall,  had  part  of  the  country ; 
Captain  Hensflower  was  made  Senefchall  of  it,  and  had  M'Mahon's  chief  houfe, 
and  part  of  the  land ;  and  to  divers  others,  fmaller  portions  of  land  were 
afligned ;  and  the  Irifh  fpared  not  to  fay,  that  thefe  men  were  all  the  contri- 
vers of  his  death  j  and  that  every  one  was  paid  fomething  for  his  fhare.  "  Cer- 
tain it  is,"  fays  the  fame  (3)  Hiftorian,  "  that,  upon  M'Mahon's  execution, 
heartburnings,  and  loathings  of  the  Englifh  government,  began  to  grow  in 
the  Northern  Lords ;  and  they  fhunned,  as  much  as  they  could,  to  admit  any 
Sheriffs,  or  any  Englifh  among  them  (c}" 


C      H      A      P.          V. 

The  firflCaufes  of  TyroneV  Infurre&ion. 

UPON(i)  the  execution  of  M'Mahon,  and  the  jealoufy  thence  conceived 
againft  the  Englifh,  Maguire,  a  Northern  Lord,  about  the  year  1593, 
began  to  declare  himfelf  difcontent,  and  to  fland  upon  his  defence.  He  al- 
leged, that  he  had  given  three  hundred  Cows,  to  free  his  country  from  a 
Sheriff,  during  the  Lord  Deputy's  government ;  and  that,  notwithstanding, 
one  Captain  Willis^  was  made  Sheriff  of  Fermanagh,  having,  for  his  guard, 
one  hundred  men;  and  leading  about  fbme  hundreds  of  women  and  boys,  all 
living  upon  the  fpoil  of  the  country :  upon  which,  fays  my  Author,  Maguire, 
who  was  Chieftain  of  Fermanagh,  taking  his  advantage,  fet  upon  them  and 
drove  them  into  a  church,  where  he  would  have  put  them  all  to  the  fword,  if 
the  Earl  of  Tyrone  had  not  interpofed  his  authority,  and  made  competition 
for  their  lives,  upon  condition  that  they  fhould  all  leave  the  country.  Upon 

C  this 

(3)  Ib.  (i)  Morif.  ib..fol.  12. 

(<r)  "  The  unhappy  iVI'Mahon,fbr  an  offence  com-  to  Sir  Henry  Bagnall,  and  other  adventurers,  together 

mitted,  before   the  Law,  which  declared   it  capital,  with  four  of  the  old   Irifh  fept.     The  condemnation 

had  been   eflablifhed   in   his  country,  was  tried,  con-  of  this  Chieftain,  confirmed  the  Irifh  in  their  averfion 

demned  by  a  jury,  faid  to  be  formed  of  private  fol-  to  the  Englifh  polity;  which  they  confidered  as  a  fyf- 

diers,  and  executed  in  two  days,  to  the  utter  confter-  tern  of  hateful  cruelty   and   tyranny."     Lei.  Hift.  of 

nation  of  his  countrymen.     His  eftate  was  diftributed  Ireland,  Vol.  ii.  p.  317. 

(a)  "  A  great  part  of  that  unquietnefs  of  O'Don-  all  ;  which  bred  fuch  a  difcontent,  as  that  the  whole 

nel's  country,    came   by   Sir   William    Fitzwilliam's  country  was  up  in  arms  againft  them,  fo  as  if  the  Earl 

placing  one  Willis  there  10  be  Sheriff,  who  had  with  of  Tyrone  had  not   refcued  and  delivered    him,  and 

him  three  hundred  of  the  very   rafcals,  and  fcum  of  them,  out  of  the  country,  they  had  been  all  put  to 

that  kingdom,  which  did  rob  and  fpoil  that  people,  the  fword."     Lee's  Letter  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  MSS, 

ravifh  their  wives  and  daughters,  and  made  havock  of  in  Trinity  College. 


io  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  I. 

this  occalion,  the  Lord  Deputy  Fitzwilliams  fent  the  Queen's  (b)  forces  into 
Fermanagh,  won  Maguire's  caftle  of  Ennifkillen,  and  proclaimed  him  a  traitor. 
The  Irifh  avow,  that  his  Lordfhip  let  fall  fome  fpeeches  againft  the  Earl  of 
Tyrone  hi mfelf,  calling  him  a  traitor  alfo,  (notwithstanding  his  late  fervice,) 
which  fpeeches  coming  to  that  Earl's  hearing,  he  ever  after  faid,  were  the 
firft  caufes  that  moved  him  to  mifdoubt  his  fafety,  and  to  ftand  upon  his  de- 
fence ;  now  firft  combining  himfelf  with  O'Donnell,  and  the  other  Lords  of 
the  North,  to  defend,  adds  Mr.  Morriflbn,  their  honours,  eftates,  and 
liberties. 

THIS  combination,  however,  was  for  fome  time  kept  fecret  j  for  (2)  Ty- 
rone ftill  ferved,  with  the  Queen's  forces,  againft  Maguire,  and  once  valiant- 
ly fighting,  was  wounded  in  the  thigh  (3).  "  But  he  ceafed  not  to  complain 
daily  of  the  Lord  Deputy's,  and  Marshall's,  envy  againft  him;  and  of  wrongs 
done  him  by  the  (c)  garrilbn  foldiers :  and  thefe  wrongs  not  being  redreffed, 
together,  with  the  ill  government  of  the  church,  the  extortions  of  Sheriffs, 
and  the  army's  opprefling  the  fubjecl,  and  by  that  means,  driving  many  daily 
into  rebellion,  made  him  at  laft  refolve  to  temporize  (d)  no  longer."  But  what 
it  was,  that  firft  provoked  him  to  break  out  into  open  acts  of  hoftility  againft 
the  government,  I  fhall  now  briefly  relate. 

IN  the  year  1594,  Sir  William  Fitzwilliams  being  recalled  into  England, 
Sir  William  Ruifell  fucceeded  him  in  the  government  of  Ireland.  To  this  new 
Deputy,  the  Queen  had  been  prevailed  upon  to  give  private  orders  (4),  to 
feize  upon  Tyrone,  and  make  him  a  prifoner,  if  ever  he  fhould  get  him  in 

his 

(2)  Id.  ib.  fol.  13.  (3)  Id.  ib.  (4)  Cambden's  Eliz.  p.  634. 

(1}  The  Earl  of  Tyrone  had,  at  that  time,  in  con-      mandof  all  the  Queen's   forces  fent  againft  Maguire. 
junction  with  the  Englifh  Marshall  of  Newry,  the  com-     It ifh  Annals. 

(c)  The  Queen  had  long   before  this,  frequently,  ter,  wherein  we  look  to  have  redrefs)  but  give  you 
but  in  vain,  ordered   this  grievance  to  be  removed,  an  efpecial  charge,  to   fee  that  our  garritons  ferving 
"  For  that  our  fubjefts  of  that   realm,"  fays  fhe,  in  there,  be  kept  in  better  difcipline  than  heretofore  they 
her   inftruRions    to   Sir   John   Perror,     anno    1583,  have  been.— And  that  fuch  abufes  as   have  been  hi- 
*'  have   been  very  grievoufly   opprefled   by  the  out-  therfo  committed  by  fuch  Captains,  as  have  had  here- 
rages,  and  infolences  committed  by  certain  ill-affecled  tofore  more  regard  to  their  particular  profit,  than  to 
of  our  garrifons  ferving  there,  which  hath  been  partly  the  difcharge  of  their  duties,  may  be  met  withal,  and 
a  caufe  of  the  alienation  of  the  good-will,  which  they  the  party   offending,  feverely    punilhed."     Dtfiderata 
before  bare  unto  us,  we  cannot    (as  a  principal  mat-  Curiofa  Hibern.  Vol.  i.  p.  36. 

(d)  "  Where    it  was  your   Majefty's  pleafure,"  all  means  and  policies  to  aggravate  matters  againft  him 
fays  Lee,  in  his  Memorial  to  the  Queen,  "  He  (Ty-  to  your  Majefty  ;  which  is  credibly  made  known  unto 
rone)  fhould  have  great  encouragement  given  him,  by  him  :  and  more,  that  upon  what  fecurity  foever,  he 
thnnks  foi  his  laft  great   fervice  againft  Maguire,  it  iliould  come  in,  your  Majefty's  pleafure  is  to  have 
was  held  from  him  ;  and  inftead  of  that,  they  devifed  him  detained."    Defid.  Curiof.  Hib.  Vol.  i.  p.  i  io. 


Ch.  V.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  n 

his  power.  Tyrone  had  often  refufed  to  come  to  Dublin,  on  the  invitation  of 
the  late  Lord  Deputy,  from  a  diftruft  of  his  Lordfhip's  honour,  and  on  ac- 
count of  his  known  enmity  to  him  ;  but  Sir  William  Ruffell  having  fent  him 
(5)  a  protection,  which  was  an  affurance  of  fafety  on  public  faith  j  he  fbon 
appeared  before  him  at  the  caftle,  and  declared,  that  the  reafon  of  his  not  hav- 
ing obeyed  the  like  orders  from  the  late  Deputy,  was  becaufe  he  knew,  "  that 
he  had  laid  fnares  for  his  life,  which  it  was  but  natural  for  him  to  avoid."  He 
added,  "  that  the  accufations  againft  him,  were  falfe  and  malicious  j  that  he 
defired  nothing  more,  than  a  fair  and  impartial  trial,  by  which,  he  was  con- 
fident, his  innocence  would  fully  appear;  and,  for  that  purpofe,  he  declared, 
(as  if,  fays  Cambden,  he  thought  himfelf  fufficientl^r  fecured  by  the  teftimony 
of  a  good  confcience,)  that  he  would- renounce  all  claim  to  his  letters  of  pro- 
tection, in  cafe  the  aforefaid  accufations  of  his  enemies  could  be  proved 
againft  him." 

THIS  (6)  matter  being  ferioufly  debated  in  the  Council,  fome  of  that  board 
were  of  opinion,  that  O'Neal  fhould  be  then  made  a  prifoner,  notwithftand- 
ing  his  protection,  in  order  to  anfwer  a  charge  of  High  Treafbn,  which  his 
known,  and  inveterate  enemy,  (e)  Sir  Henry  Bagnall,  had  newly  prepared  againft 
him.  But  the  majority  of  the  council,  either,  fays  my  (7)  Author,  out  of  &(f) 
vain  fcrupje  of  violating  the  public  faith,  or  thro'  fome  fecret  affection  for  Ty- 
rone, declared,  that  he  ought,  in  juftice  and  honour,  to  be  then  difmiffed ;  and 
that  his  trial  fhould  be  deferred  to  another  time.  Of  the  fubject  of  this  debate, 
Tyrone  was  privately  informed  by  the  (g)  Earl  of  Ormond,  and  thereupon,  im- 

C  2  mediately 

(5)  Id.  ib.  (6)  Id.  ib.  (7)  Cambden,  ib. 

(*)  This  fame  Bagnall,  had  formeily  urged  Tome  ar-  wrote  that  he  had  fufficiently  anfwered  them.     Where- 

ticles  of  treafon  againft  him,  "  which,  lays  Morrif-  upon,  the  Lords  of  England  wrote  to  the  Earl  of  Ty- 

fon,  were  believed   in   England,  till  Tyrone  offered,  rone,  that  they  approved  his  anfvvers,    and  that,  in 

by  his  letters,  to  (rand  to  his  trial  either  in  England  or  their  opinion,  he  had   wrong  to  be  fo  charged. — At 

Ireland.     Accordingly,  adds  my  Author,  he  anfwered  the  fame  time,  their  Lordfhip's  wrote  to  the  Deputy, 

to  the    faid  articles,    before   ihe   Lord   Deputy   and  taxing  him  and  the  Marfhal  (Bagnall)  that   they  had 

Council,  at  Dundaik,  in  fuch  fort,  as   they  who  had  ufed  the  Earl  of  Tyrone  againft  law  and  equity."  Hift. 

written  into  England  againft  him,  now  to  the  contrary,  of  Ireland,  fol.  12. 

(f)  Some    Englifh  officers  having  allured   certain  but  here,  the  only  favour  granted  was,  that  they  were 
Iriih  Chiefs,  that  upon  furrendering  themfelves  to  the  not  brought  to    immediate  execution.      They  were 
government,  they  would  obtain  their  pardon.  "  Thefe  committed  to  priion,  their  lands  declared  forfeit,  and 
Chiefo  embraced  the  council,  fubmitted,  and  confented  granted  to  thofe,  by  whofe  council  they  had  furren- 
to  attend  the  Lord  Deputy  St.  Leger  into  England:  dered."     Lei.  Hift.  of  Ireland,  Vol.  ii.  p.  189. 

(g)  This  Earl  had  fome  time  before,  received  the      fo  far  from  obeying  them,  that  he  wrote  a  letter  to 
like  private  orders,  with  refpect  to  fome  Irifh  gentle-      Lord  Treafurer  Burleigh,  in  which  he  told  him,  that 
men  to  whom  he  had  granted  protection  ;  but  he  was     thefe  orders  appeared  very  ftrange  to  him  -,  that  the 

Irifh 


j>a  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  I. 

mediately  fled  from  Dublin ;  and  although  he  was  quickly  followed  by  the 
Deputy's  order  to  flop  him,  which  was  fent  to  all  the  towns  through  which 
it  was.  thought  he  was  to  pafs,  yet  by  the  afliftance  of  his  friends,  and  the 
fwiftnefs  of  his  horfes,  he  efcaped  in  £afety  to  Ulfter. 

ODoNN ELL'S  firft  caufe  of  difafFeclion  to  the  government,  happened  very- 
early  (8).  While  he  was  yet  a  lad,  of  the  age  of  twelve,  or  fifteen  years,  a 
fhip  freighted  with  feveral  curiofities,  was,  by  the  then  Lord  Deputy's  order, 
fent  to  the  bay  of  Tyrconnell ;  where  the  Mailer  having  found  O'Donnellv 
and  fbme  of  his  companions,  feduced  them,  with  a  difplay  of  his  curiofities, 
to  come  on  board  his  veflel ;  and  after  entertaining  them  there  for  fome  time, 
with  much  feeming  affection,  and  refpecl,  he  privately  ordered  his  mariners 
to  fail  back  for  Dublin,  having  got  the  prey  they  came  for.  As  foon  as  they 
arrived  there,  O'Donnell,  and  his  companions,  were  clofely  confinsd  in  the 
caftle  of  that  city,  where  they  remained  prifoners,  under  many  wants  and 
cruel  (h)  reftraints,  for  more  than  feven  years ;  and  at  laft,  made  a  defperate  at- 
tempt to  efcape,  which  by  the  afliftance  of  their  friends,  and  their  own  refoluti- 
on  fucceeded ;  though  not  without  the  lofs  of  the  life  of  one  of  O'Donnell's  com- 
panions, and  the  extreme  danger  of  his  own.  It  was  immediately  upon  his  ar- 
rival in  Ulfter,  after  this  efcape,  that  he  entered  into  the  before  mentioned 
combination  with  Tyrone,  being  then  not  more  than  twenty  years  old. 

THE  (9)  Queen  was  much  difpleafed  that  her  commands,  with  refpecl:  to 
Tyrone,  were  not  executed ;  and  the  (10)  Lords  of  the  Englifh  council  fharply 
rebuked  the  Deputy  for  having  fo  eafily  fuflered  him  to  efcape  out  of  his 
hands.  And  although  Sir  William  Ruflell  afterwards,  frequently  invited  him, 
in  the  moil  ibothing  manner,  to  come  to  Dublin,  he  could  never  be  again 
prevailed  upon,  by  any  promife  of  fafety,  to  put  himfelf  in  his  power ;  but  imme- 
diately betook  himfelf  to  open  ads  of  hoflility :  the  firft  of  which,  was,  (after 
having  defeated  a  great  body  of  the  Queen's  forces)  his  aflaulting,  arid  demo- 

lifhing, 

(8)  Lombard.  Irifti  Annals.  (9)  Cambden's  Eliz.  p  635.  (10)  Morriflbn's  Hift. 

Irifh  gemlemen  in  queflion  had,  according  to  her  Ma-  much  ;  and  whofoever  gave  the  Queen  advice  thus  to 

jefty's  intimations,  delivered  pledges  to  do  good  fer-  write,  is  fitter  to  execute  fuch  bafe  fervice  than  I  am. 

vice,  and  pur  in  aiTurances  of  their  loyalty ;  and  then  Saving  my  duty   to  her  Majefty,  I  would  I  were  to 

he  declares  his  refolution  in  thefe  words  :  "  My  Lord,  have  revenge  by  my  fword,  of  any  man  that  thus  per- 

.1  will  never  ufe  treachery  to  any  man,  for  it  will  both  fuadeth  the  Queen  to  write  to  me."  Carte's  Orm.  Vol. 

touch  her  Highnefs's  honour,  and  my  own  credit  too  i.  fol.  Ivi. 

(/>)  "  His  manner  of  ufage,fays  Lee,  was  moft  diflio-  him,  as  if  he  had  been  a  notable  traitor  and  malefac- 

nomable  and  difcommendable,  and  neither  allowable  tor,  and  kept  (till  amongft  thofe,  who  were  ever  no- 

before  God  or  man. — For  he  (O'Donnell)  being  young,  torious  traitors  to  your  Majefty."     Memorial  to  th« 

and  being  taken  by  this  ftratagem,  having  never  offended,  Queen,  Defid.  Hib.  Vol.  i.  p.  96. 
was  imprifoned  with  great  fe verity,  many  irons  laid  upon 


Ch.  V.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  13 

lifting,  in  the  year  1595,  the  fort  of  Black  Water,  which  was  built  upon  the 
pafTage  into  Tyrone.  "  In  this  viclory,  fays  Burlace  ( 1 1 ),  the  (i)  like  of  which, 
the  Irifh  never  gained,  fince  the  Englifh  firfl  fet  foot  in  Ireland,  Tyrone's 
implacable  enemy,  Marfhal  Bagnall,  with  others,  was  (lain  (k)  (I)" 

THE  feveral  fubmiflions,  which  he  afterwards  made,  with  apparent  fince- 
rity,  were  but  of  fhort  duration;  becaufe  the  conditions  promifed  him  onthefe 
occaflons,  were  never  fulfilled ;  of  which  breach  of  articles,  he  frequently  com- 
plained ;  but  was  only  anfwered  (i  2),  "  That  the  benefit  of  his  pardon  was  Ib 
great,  that  it  ihould  have  counterpoifed  his  wrongs,  and  ftill  kept  him  in  his 
duty  (m.).n 


(ii)  ReducY.  of  Ireland, -p.  1.78; 

(i)  The  Earl  of  Tyrone  ordered,  that  the  dead  of 
the  enemy  fhould  be  interred.  2500  were  left, 
with  their  General,  on  the  field  of  battle:  among 

(k)f  About  this  time,  one  hundred  and  forty-four 
barrels  of'  gun -powder,  fent  from  the  Queen  to 
Dublin,  were  ftored  in  Winetavern-ftreet,  and  took 

(1)  In  this  action,  one  of  the  Queen's  foldiers,  by 
accident,  fet  fire  to  a  barrel  of  gun  powder,  and  that 
fet  fire  to  a  number  of  others  ranged  along  the  line. 
The  explofion  was  terrible,  and  deftroyed  a  great 

(m)  The  report  which  Lee,  in  his  memorial  to 
Q^  Elizabeth  makes  of  Tyrone's  loyalty,  power,  and 
fervices,  is  very  remarkable.  For  mentioning  the  de- 
figns  of  his  enemies,  "  Let,"  fays  he,  "  thofe  devices 
take  effect,  or  otherwife  have  him  cut  off,  your  Ma- 
jefty's  whole  kingdom  there  would  moan  it  moft  piti- 
fully ;  for  there  was  never  man  bred  in  thofe  parts, 
who  hath  done  your  Majefty  greater  fervice  than  he, 
with  often  lofs  of  his  blood,  upon  notable  enemies  of 
your  Majefty.  Yea,  more  often  than  all  the  other 
nobles  of  Ireland.  And  what  quietnefs  your  Majefty 
has  had  thefe  many  years  pall,  in  the  Northern  parts 
of  that  kingdom,  its  neither  your  forces  there  placed 
(which  have  been  but  fmal),)  nor  their  great  fervice 
who  commanded  them,  but  only, the  honeft  difpofi- 
tion,  and  carriage  of  the  Earl,  hath  made  them  obe- 
dient in  thefe  parts  to  your  Majefty.— If  he  werefo bad 


(12)  Morrif.  Hilt: 

whom  were  18  captains,  and  many  other  gentlemen, 
whofe  names  were  unknown.     Irifh  Ann. 


fire  by  accident,  on  the  i3th  of  March.  Numbers 
were  loft,  and  that  part  of  the  town  greatly  damaged 
by  the  explofion.  Iri/h  Annals. 

number  of  the  Queen's  men  ;  and  the  remains  of  the 
defeated  army  marched  back  to  Ardmagh  in  diforder. 

Ibid. 


as  they  wou-ld  fain  enforce,  as-  many  as  know  him, 
and  the  ftrength  of  his  country,  will  witnefs  thus 
much  with  me,  that  he  might  very  eafily  cut  oft  many 
of  your  Majefty's  forces,  which  are  laid  in  garrifon  in 
final!  troops,  in  divers  parts  bordering  upon  his  coun- 
try ;  yea,  and  over  run  all  your  Engliih  pale,  to  the 
utter  ruin  thereof  j  yea,  and  camp,  as  long  as  ihould 
pleafe  him,  under  the  walls  of  Dublin,  for  any  ftrength 
your  Majefty  hath  yet  in  that  kingdom  to  remove 
him."  Lee's  Letter,  MSS.  See  Append.  No.  i. 

"  The  Rebel's  forces,  fays  Borlace,  when  Tyrone 
was  proclaimed  a  traitor,  amounted  to  1000  hoife, 
and  62,80  foot,  in  Ulfter,  and  2300  in  Conaught  ;  all 
at  Tyrone's  beck  :  whereas  before,  800  foot,  and  300 
horfe,  were  efteemed,  on  the  government's  fide,  an 
invincible  army,"  Reduft.  of  Ireland,  p.  175-6. 


CHAP. 


i-4  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  I. 


CHAR          VI. 

Defmond' J  Infurre&ion. 

t  •  ^  H  E  Earl  of  Defmond's  vaft  eftate  in  the  province  of  Munfter,  had  been 
X  an  irrefiftible  temptation  to  former  Chief  Governors,  in  this  reign,  to 
make,  or  to  proclaim  him,  a  rebel,  their  prey  being  enfured  to  them,  in  either 
cafe,  by  his  forfeiture.  And,  indeed,  it  does  not  appear,  that  this  Earl,  before 
he  was  proclaimed,  had  committed  any  over-act  of  treafon;  unlefs  his  private 
-family-quarrels  with  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  about  their  refpeclive  powers,  and 
limits,  can  be  deemed  fuch.  About  a  month  before  he  was  proclaimed,  his 
Countefs'had  delivered  up  their  only  fon,  together  with  Patrick  O'Haly,  Bifhop 
of  Mayo,  and  Con.  O'Rorke,  a  Francifcan  Friar,  both  nobly  defcended,  and 
who  had  fled  to  her  for  protection,  to  Sir  William  Drury,  Lord  Juftice  at 
Limerick,  as  hoftages,  and  pledges  of  the  Earl's  loyalty -,  nor  can  I  find,  that 
any  thing  but  (a)  meer  fufpicion  was  then  alleged  againft  him,  and  that  only 
becaufe  he  refufed,  or  delayed,  to  draw  out  his  forces  againft  his  brother  John 
of  Defmond,  who  was  in  arms  againft  the  Queen  (i).  u  Whilft  he  held  off," 
fays  the  Bifhop  of  Chicefter,  "  with  delays,  and  delufions,  he  was  declared  a 
traitor,  in  the  beginning  of  December,  1579,  after  which  proclamation,  the 
Chief  juftice  Drury  appointed  the  war  to  be  profecuted  againft  him,  by  the 
Earl  of  Ormond."  But  certainly,  fuch  fufpicion  ought,  in  all  equitable  judg- 
ment, to  have  been  removed,  by  his  confenting  to  have  his  only  fon  delivered 
upas  a  pledge  of  his  future  loyalty;  who,  though  but  an  infant,  was  carried  to 
London,  and  detained  a  prifoner  in  the  tower  there,  for  many  years  after. 
It  is  no  fmall  confirmation  of  his  being  previoufly  innocent  of  any  over-ad  of 

treafon, 

(i)  Thankful  Remembrance,  p.  43. 

(a)  "  When  the  Earl  of  Defmond  attended  Drury's  he  refufed  to  comply,  but  ftill   profefled   his  loyalty, 

fummons    to    Kilmalock,    "with    a    well     appointed  He  was  then  ordered  to  deliver  up  one  of  his  caftles, 

company  of  hoile  and  foot,  he  was  committed  to  cuf-  as  a  pledge  of  his   fidelity,  (his  fon  was  delivered  up 

tody  on  bare  fufpicion  ;  but,  upon   making  the  moft  as  fuch,  before,)  his  anfwer  confided  of  complaints 

iblemn  promifes  of  loyalty,  and  fidelity,  he   obtained  of  injuries.     He  was  therefore,  by  proclamation,  de- 

his  liberty,  retired  from  the  camp,  but  refufed  to  at-  clared  a  traitor,  if  within   twenty  days  he  fhould  not 

tend  the  Deputy  ;  and,  therefore,  was  ftill  considered  fubmit.     In  the  mean   time,  his  territories  were,  pur- 

as  a  favourei    of  foreign    invaders,  and    their  caufe.  pofely,  made  the  feat  of  war,  and  expofed   to  all  the 

Upon  this  bare  fufpicion,  Malby  attacked  his  town  of  ravages  of  a  neceiTuous  army.     Defmond,  in  revenge, 

Rathkeal.     This  the   Earl  confidered  as  an  unprovok-  appeared  before  the  town  ofYoughall,  took   it,  cut 

ed,  and  unwarrantable  attempt,  which  he  was  juftified  off  a  detachment  fent  to  its  relief ;  and,  then  firft  de- 

in  repairing.     Malby  prepares  to  reduce  his  caftles,  clared   for  the   Catholic  caufe."     See  Lei.  Hift.   of 

but  Drury's  death   prevents  him.     Defmond  was  now  Ireland,  Vol.  ii.  from  p.  259  to  277. 
fummonsd  by  Sir  William  Pelhani  (Drury's  fucceffor) 


Ch.VI.  CIVIL    WARS    i  N    I  R  E  L  A  N  D.  15 

treafbn,  that,  when  it  was  refblved  in  council,  to  proclaim  him  a  traitor  (2^ ; 
the  Lords  Gormanftown  and  Delvin,  refufed  to  fign  the  proclamation,  \\ith 
the  other  counfellors,  for.  which  they  incurred  her  Majefty's  difpleafure. 

BUT  what  ever  excefTes  Defmond  committed  after  he  was  proclaimed,  it  is 
certain,  that  he  forely  (b)  regretted  them ;  as  appears  by  the.  following  letter, 
written  by  him  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond;  who,  though  his  near  relation,  had 
long  been  his  rival  and  enemy,  and  was  now  appointed  his  judge  (c). 


GREAT  is  my  grief,  when  I  think  how  heavily  her  Majefty  is  bent  to 
disfavour  me;  and,  howbeit  I  carry  the  name  of  an  undutiful  fubjecl,  yet  God 
knoweth,  that  my  heart,  and  mind,  are  always  moft  loyally  inclined  to  ferve 
rny  moft  loving  Prince,  fo  it  may  pleafe  her  Highnefs  to  remove  her  difpleafure 
from  me.  As  I  may  not  condemn  myfelf  of  diflayalty  to  her  Majefty,  fo  I 
cannot  excufe  my  faults,  but  muft  confefs  I  have  incurred  her  Majefty's  indig- 
nation; yet  when  the  caufe,  and  means,  which  were  found,  and  devifed  to 
make  me  commit  folly,  fhall  be  known  to  her,  Highnefs,,  I  reft  in  an  aflured 
hope,  that  her  moft  gracious  Majefty  will  think  of  me  as  my  heart  deferveth ; 
as  alfo  of  thofe,  who  wrung  me  into  undutifulnefs.  From  my  heart,  I  am 
forty  that  folly,  bad  councils,  flights,  or  any  other  things,  have  made  me  to 
forget  my  duty ;  and  therefore,  I  am  moft  defirous  to  get  conference  with 
your  Lordfhip,  to  the  end  I  may  open,  and  declare  to  you  how  tirannoufly  I 

was 

(2)  Abbe  Geoghegan?s  Hift.  of  Ireland,  Vol.  iii.  p.  434.         (3)  Scrinia  Sacra. 

(I)  Defmond  now  fa w  his  whole  extent  of  terri-  by  the  fword,  rather  than  thus  condemned  to  \vafle  in 

tory  ravaged,  and  depopulated  without  mercy  ;  and,  famine." — In  this  ditmal    fltuaiion  of  the  cnce  great 

like  an  abjed  outlaw,  was  compelled    to  take    iTieher  Earl  of  Defmond,  "  His  Coumefs  fell  upon  her  knees 

in  his    woods.      Hrs  miferable  vaffals  were  abandoned  before   the  Lord  Deputy,  and,  with  tears    petitioned, 

to  daily  flaughter,  or  to   the  ftill  more  horrid  calamity  but   in  vain,  that  htr  liufband  fliouid   be    received  to 

of  famine.     When,  at-the-  time  that  their  lives  were  mercy.     His  force,  as  a  rebel,  was  now    foo  incorr- 

fpared,  they  were  frequently   bereft  of  all  means  of  fideiable,  aisd  his  pofTeffions  to    be  forfeited  were  of 

fupport,  Hook  aflures  us,  that  they  were  teen  follow-  too  princely  an  extent,  for  the  Queen's  miniflers  to  ad- 

ing   the  army,  with    their  wives   and  children;  and  mit  of  pardon,  or  fubmiflion."     Lei.  Hift.  of  Ireland, 

begging  that  all  might  be  refcued  from  their  mifeties  Vol.  ii.  p.  278-9. 

(c)  Spencer's  defcription  of  the  calamities  brought  crying  out  of  their  graves,  they  did  eat  the  dead  car- 
on  the  people  of  Munfter,  by  this  war  is  really  fhock-  rions,  happy  were  they  could  find  them,  yea,  and 
ing.  "  Notwithftanding,"  fays  he,  "  that  the  fame  one  another  foon  after  ;  infomuch,  as  the  very  car- 
was  a  moft  rich,  and  plentiful  country,  full  of  corn,  cafies  they  fpared  not  to  fcrape  out  of  their  graves, 
and  cattle. — Yet*  ere  one  year  and  an  half,  they  were  and,  if  they  found  a  plot  of  watercress  or  fhamrocks, 
brought  to  fuch  wretchednefs,  as  that  any  ftony  heart  there  they  flocked  as  to  a  feaft  for  the  time,  yet  not 
would  have  rued  the  fame.  Out  of  every  corner  of  able  to  continue  there  withal;  that  in  fhort 
the  woods  and  glynns,  they  came  creeping  forth  upon  fpace,  there  was  none  almoft  left,  and  a  moft  popu- 
their  hands,  for  their  legs  could  not  bear  them  ;  they  lous-and  plentiful  country  fuddenly  left  void  oi  man, 
ooked  like  anatomies  of  death  j  they  fpake  like  ghofts  and  bead.'"  Stale  of  Ireland,  p.  1 58. 


16  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  I. 

was  ufed ;  humbly  craving,  that  you  will  vouchfafe  to  appoint  fome  time, 
and  place,  where  and  when  I  may  attend  your  honour ;  and  then  I  doubt  not 
to  make  it  appear,  how  dutiful  a  mind  I  carry ;  how  faithfully  I  have,  at  my 
own  charge,  ferved  her  Majefty,  before  I  was  proclaimed;  how  forrowful  I 
am  for  my  offences,  and  how  faithfully  I  am  affeded  ever  hereafter  to  ferve 
her  Majefty  ;  and  fo  I  commit  your  Lordfhip  to  God. 

(Subfcribed,)  GIRALD   DESMOND. 

WHETHER  the  conference  fo  earneftly  defired  in  this  letter  was  obtained, 
or  not,  does  not  appear.  We  only  know  (4),  "  that  Kelly  of  Morierta,  (of 
whom  the  Earl  of  Ormond  had  taken  affiirance  of  his  righting  againft  the  re- 
bels) with  twenty  five  of  his  kearn,  did  in  the  night-time  affault  the  Earl  of 
Defmond  in  his  cabbin,  then  deferted  by  all  his  friends.  Kelly  entering  the 
hut  found  that  all  were  fled,  but  one  man  of  venerable  afped,  ftretched  lan- 
gtiidly  before  a  fire.  The  leader  affailed,  and  wounded  him.  He  ex- 
claimed, "  Spare  me,  for  I  am  the  Earl  of  Defmond."  Kelly  fmote  off  his 
head,  and  brought  it  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond  ^  by  whom  it  was  conveyed  to 
the  Queen,  and  impaled  on  London  bridge  (d)  (e}" 

UPON 

{4)  Carte's  Ormond,  Vol.  i.     Leland's  Hift.  of  Ireland,  Vol.  ii.  p.  288. 

'(J)  The  Irifh  analifts,  and  other  Roman  Catholic  churche",  that  the  town's-men  were  all  Catholics, 
writers,  do  not  fcruple  to  fay,  "  That  the  vengeance  and  containing  their  hands  from  plunder,  were  re- 
of  God  was  fignal  in  this  event,"  on  account  of  this  proved  by  fome  of  that  wicked  company,  for  that 
Earl's  having  committed  great  cruelties  on  his  taking  they  took  not  pait  of  the  fpoil,  as  others  did;  but 
ofYoughall,  "  which  he  gave  up  to  plunder,  not  they  anfwered,  that  they  ought  not  to  rob  or  fpoil 
(paring  even  the  churches,  and  whatfoever  was  facred,  better  chriftians  than  themfelves;  and  one  of  the  faid 
which  his  foldiers  polluted  and  defiled,  biinging  every  Spaniards  cut  his  cloak,  as  St.  Martin  did,  in  five 
thing  to  utter  confufion  and  defolation,  and  making  parts,  and  diftributed  the  fame  upon  five  children, 
havock,  as  well  of  facred  veftments  and  chalices,  as  that  were  ftripped  of  their  cloaths,  and  left  naked  by 
of  any  other  chattle.  Certain  Spaniards,  adds  my  fome  of  the  Reams."  Theatre  of  Catholic  and  Pro- 
author,  who  were  with  them,  at  that  wicked  exploit,  teftant  religion,  p.  436. 
perceiving  by  the  furniture  and  ornaments  of  the 

(e)  Mr.  Spencer  relates  the  firft  caufe  of  difaffec-  the  crown   of  England;  to  whom  the  M'Swiney's, 

tion,  in  the  Defmond  family,  to  the  crown  of  England,  M'Shee's,  and  M'Mahon's,  being  then  fervants,  and 

as  follows  ;  "  In  the  reign  of  King  Edward  the  IVth,  followers,  did   the   like,    and  have  ever    fithence  fo 

Thomas  Earl  of  Defmond,  being  through  falfe  fubor-  continued.     And  with  them,  (they  fay)  all  the  peo- 

nation   (as  they  fay)  of  the  Queen,  for  fome  offence  pie  of  Munfter  went  out,  and  many  other  of  them, 

by  her  againft  him  conceived,  brought  to  his  death  which  were   mere    Englifli,  thenceforth  joined  with 

at  Tredagh  (Drogheda)  moft  unjuftly,    notwithftand-  the  Irifli   againft  the   King,  and   termed    themfelves 

ing  that  he  was  a  very  good  and  found  fubjeft  to  the  very  Irifli,  taking  on   them   Irifli  habits  and  cuftoms, 

King;  thereupon  all  his  kinfmen  of  the  Geraldines,  which  never  fince  could  be  clean  wiped  away,  but  the 

which  then  was  a  mighty  family  in  Munfter,  in  revenge  contagion  hath  remained  ftill  among  their  pofterity." 
of  that  huge  wrong,  rofe  in  arms  againft  the  King,  State  of  Ireland,  p.  102. 

and  utterly  renounced,  and  forfook  all  obedience  to 


Ch.  VI.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  17 

UPON  the  attainder  of  this  Earl,  and  his  confederates  (5),  not  lefs  than 
574,628  acres  of  land,  Englifh  meafure,  fell  to  the  crown,  and  were  difpofed 
of  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  to  Englifh  undertakers. 

THAT  Queen  having  long  determined  to  fend  James,  the  only  fon  and  heir 
of  this  EarlofDefmond,  (who,  as  we  have  obferved(6),  from  his  infancy  had 
been  kept  a  prifoner  in  the  tower,  as  a  pledge  of  his  father's  loyalty)  ;o  Ireland, 
in  hopes  that  his  prefence  there  would  draw  off  his  father's  followers  from 
James  Fitzthomas,  who  had  ufurped  the  title  of  Defmond,  and  gave  her  Ma- 
jefty's  forces  much  oppofition,  did  in  the  year  1600,  put  that  defign  in  execu- 
tion. The  young  Earl  landed  at  Youghall,  October  I4th,  and  was  conducted 
from  thence,  by  Captain  Price,  to  the  President  of  Munfler  at  Moyallo  ;  the 
Captain  prefented  him  to  his  Lordfhip,  together  with  her  Majefty's  letter,  and 
letters  patent  under  the  great  feal  of  England,  for  his  reftitution  in  blood  and 
honour. 

"  THE  Lord  Prefident  of  Munfler,  in  order  to  make  trial  of  the  affections  of 
the  Earl's  Kindred,  and  followers,  confented,  at  his  own  requeft,  that  he 
fhould  make  a  journey  from  Moyallo  into  the  county  of  Limerick;  the  Earl 
came  to  Killmalock  of  a  Saturday  in  the  evening;  and  by  the  way,  and  at  his 
entrance  into  the  town,  there  was  a  mfghty  concourfe  of  people,  infomuch, 
that  all  the  ftreets,  doors,  and  windows,  yea,  the  very  gutters,  and  tops  of 
houfes  were  filled  with  them ;  and  they  welcomed  him  with  all  expreffions, 
and  figns  of  joy  ;  every  one  throwing  upon  him  wheat  and  fait,  according  to 
an  ancient  ceremony  ufed  in  that  province.  That  night,  the  Earl  was  invited 
tofup  with  Sir  George  Thornton,  and  although  he  had  a  guard  of  foldiers,  who 
made  a  lane  from  his  lodgings  to  Sir  George's  houfe,  yet  the  confluence  of  peo- 
ple was  fo  great,  that  he  could  not,  in  half  an  hour,  make  his  pafTage  thro' the 
crowd.  After  fupper,  he  had  the  fame  encounters  in  his  return  to  his  lodgings. 
The  next  day  being  Sunday,  the  Earl  went  to  church  to  hear  divine  fervice; 
and  all  the  way  his  countrymen  ufed  loud,  and  rude,  dehortations  to  keep 
him  from  church  ;  unto  which  he  lent  a  deaf  ear ;  but  after  fervice  and  the 
fermon,  were  ended,  the  Earl  coming  forth  of  the  church,  was  railed  at,  and 
fpit  upon,  by  thofe,  that  before  his  going  to  church,  were  fb  defirous  to  fee, 
and  falute  him ;  infomuch,  as  after  that  public  profeflion  of  his  religion,  the 
town  was  cleared  of  the  multitude  of  ftrangers;  and  the  Earl,  from  thence 
forwards,  might  walk  as  quietly,  and  freely,  and  as  little  in  effect  followed, 

D  or 

•  (5)  -MbrKff  Hift.  fol.  4.  (6)  Pacata  Hibernia,  fol.  90. 


i8  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk,  I. 

or  regarded,  as  any  other  private  gentleman ;  nor  did  any  of  his  father's  fol- 
lowers, except  fome  of  the  meaneft  fort'  of  freeholders,  after  that,  refort  un- 
to him." 

As  nothing  can  excufe  the  barbarous  incivility  of  thefe  Irifh  to  the  young 
Earl  of  Defmond  on  that  occafion,  fo  this  pafTage  furnifhes  no  ill  proof  of  the 
miftaken  policy  of  the  then  government  of  Ireland,  which  coniifted  in  profe~ 
Jyting  by  force,  or  fedudion,  to  the  eftablifhed  religion,  the  heirs  of  the  prin- 
cipal Irifh  families,  with  a  view  of  drawing  their  followers,  and  dependents 
after  them.  "  For  the  truth  is,"  as  my  (7)  Author  well  obferves  in  the  fame 
place,  "  the  young  Earl's  religion,  being  a  Proteftant,  was  the  only  caufe 
that  bred  this  coynefs  in  them  all;  for,  if  he  had  been  a  Romifh  Catholic, 
the  hearts,  and  knees,  of  all  degrees  in  the  province,  would  have  bowed  ua- 
to  him." 

CHAR          VII. 

Lord  Deputy  MountjoyV,  and  Lord  VerulamV  opinions  of  the  Government  of 

Ireland  in  1602. 

AND,  indeed,  all  thinking  men  faw,  and  regretted,  that  the  policy  of 
the  government  of  Ireland,  at  this  jundure,  was  as  weak,  as  it  was 
wicked.  Lord  (i)  Deputy  Mountjoy  (2),  in  a  letter  to  the  Lords  of  the  Council 
in  England,  feems  to  impute  to  its  fraud,  and  feverity,  the  continuance  of 
the  war  even  to  that  time.  "  All  the  Irifh,"  fays  he,  "  that  are  now  obftinate, 
are  fo  only  out  of  their  diffidence  to  be  (a)  fafe  in  any  forgivenefs ;  and 
though  they  are  weary  of  the  war,  they  are  unwilling  to  have  it  ended,  for 
fear  left,  upon  a  peace,  there  would  enfue  a  fevere  reformation  of  religion. 
They  have  the  antient  fwelling,  and  defire  of  liberty,  in  their  countrymen, 
to  work  upon ;  their  fear  to  be  rooted  out,  and  to  have  their  old  faults  punifh- 
ed  upon  particular  difcontents ;  and,  generally,  all  over  the  kingdom  (£),  their 

fear 

(7)  Ib.  (i)  In  1600.  (2)  Pacat.  Hibern.  in  fine. 

(a)  "  When  feme  one,  who  hath  been  a  bad  mem-  hath  been  order  given,  without  any  trial  at  all,  for 

ber,  pardoned  by  your  Majefty,    hath  heard  himfelf  the  execution  of  him.     And  fo  he  has  loft  his  life  to 

exclaimed  upon  to  be  a  notable  thief  after  his  pardon  ;  the  great  diihonour  of  your  Majefty,  and  difcredit  of 

and  hath  (imply  come  in,  without   any  bonds,  or  any  your  laws. — And  this  di/honeft  practice  has   been   by 

enforcement,  to  an  open  fefllon,  to  take  his  trial  by  confent  of  your  Deputies."    Lee's  Memorial  to  Q^ 

your  Majefty's  laws,  if  any  could  accufe  him  j  not-  Elizabeth,  MSS.  College  Library, 
withstanding  his  coming  in  after   this  manner,  there 

(*)  "  All  the  Irifh  Chieftains  concurred  in  the  fame  general  demand  of  a  free  exercife  of  religion." 

Lei,  Hift  of  Ireland,  Vol.  ii.  p.  335. 


Ch.VII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  19 

fear  of  a  perfecution  for  religion.  The  leaft  of  which,  alone,  have  been 
many  times  fufficient  to  drive  the  beft,  and  moft  quiet,  dates  into  fudden 
confufion."  Nay  he  even  feemed  to  apprehend,  that  thefe  fears,  and  their 
diffidence  to  be  fafe  in  any  forgivenefs  (c),  "  would  keep  all  fpirits  from  fettling, 
breed  new  combinations,  and  even  ftir  the  towns  themfelves,  to  folicit  foreign 
aid,  with  promife  to  caft  themfelves  into  their  protection."  In  order  to  pre- 
vent which,  he  fubmits,  to  their  Lordfhips  confideration,  the  following 
particulars. 

"  As  all  pain,  and  anguifh.  impatient  of  the  prefent,  doth  ufe  change  for 
a  remedy,  fo  (fays  his  Lordfhip)  will  it  be  impoflible  for  us  to  fettle  the  minds 
of  thofe  people  into  a  peace,  or  reduce  them  unto  order,  while  they  feel  the 
fmart  of  thefe  fenfible  griefs,  and  apparent  fears,  which  I  have  remembered 
to  your  Lordfhips,  without  fome  hopes  of  redrefs,  and  fecurity."  After  which, 
he  tells  them,  "  that  they  fhould  be  advifed,  how  they  punifhed  in  their  bo- 
dies, and  goods,  fuch,  merely  for  religion,  as  did  profefs  to  be  faithful  fub- 
jeclsj  and  againft  whom  the  contrary  could  not  be  proved;  that  it  would  as 
much  avail  the  fpeedy  fettlement  of  Ireland,  as  any  thing,  if  it  would  pleafe 
her  Majefty,  to  deal  liberally  with  the  Irifh  Lords  of  the  country,  or  fuch  as 
were  of  good  reputation  among  them,  in  the  diftribution  of  fuch  lands,  as  they 
formerly  poffeffed,  or  fuch  as  the  ftate  could  make  little  ufe  of  for  her  Majefty. 
If  they  continue  (adds  his  LordQiip)  as  they  ought  to  do,  and  yield  the  Queen 
as  much  commodity,  as  fhe  may  otherwife  expecl,  fhe  hath  made  a  good  pur- 
chafe  of  fuch  fubjecls  for  fuch  lands."  Lord  Verulam  (3),  •  in  a  letter  to  Se- 
cretary Cecil,  about  the  fame  time,  earneftly  recommended  the  like  lenity, 
and  forbearance,  with  refpect  to  thefe  people.  "  I  think,"  fays  he,  "  that 
much  letting  of  blood  in  the  decline  of  the  defeafe,  is  againft  all  method  of 
cure ;  that  it  will  but  exafperate  neceffity,  and  defpair ;  and,  perchance0  difco- 
ver  the  hollownefs  of  that  which  is  done  already ;  which  none  blazeth  to  the 

D  2  beft 

(3)  Scrinia "Sacra. 

(c)  "  When  there  have  been  notable  traitors  in  have  been  fecret  commiflions  given  for  the  murthering 

arms  againft  your  Majefty,"  fays  the  before-me-ntion-  of  thofe  men.     They  have  been  often  let  upon  by  the 

ed  Memorialift,  "  and  fums  of  money  offered  for  their  fheriffj  of  (hires,  to  whom  the  commiflions  were  di- 

heads,  yet   could  by   no  means   be  compafled,  they  reeled,  in  fundry  of  which  /hires,  fome  of  them  have 

have  in  the  end,  of  their  own  accord,  made  means  for  been  killed,  and  others  have  hardly  efcaped.     And, 

their  pardon,  and  have  put  in  lureties   for  their  good  after  all  this,  they  have  (imply  come,  without  pardon, 

behaviour,  offering   to  do  great  fervice,  which  they  or  protection,  to  fubmit  themfelves  to  your  Majefty's 

have  accordingly  performed,  to  the  contentment  of  laws,  where  they  have  been  put  to  their  trial  upon 

the  State,  and  thereupon  received  pardon,  and  have  feveral  enditements,  of  all  which  they  have  been  ac- 

put  in  fureties  for  their  good  behaviour,  and  to  be  quitted,  and  fet  at  liberty."    Lee's  Memorial  to  the 

anfwerable  at  all  times  at  ailizes,  and  fefllons,  when  Queen,     Defid.  Curiof.  Hib.  Vol.  i.  p.  92. 
they  fhould  be  called.    Yet,  notwithftanding,  there 


20  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk  I. 

beft  fhew.  But  of  all  other  points,  to  my  underftanding,  the  moil  effectual 
is  the  well  expreffing,  or  impreffing,  of  the  defign  of  England  on  that  mifer- 
able,  and  defolate  nation  ;  that  the  Queen  feeketh  not  an  extirpation  of  the 
people,  but  a  reduction ;  and  now  that  fhe  hath  chaftifed  them  by  royal 
power,  and  arms,  according  to  the  neceffity  of  the  occafion,  that  her  Majefty 
taketh  no-  pleafure  in  the  effufion  of  blood,  and  the  difplanting  of  antient 
generation." 

AND  then,  as  to  the  matter  of  religion,  "  All  divines,"  proceeds  his  Lord- 
fhip,  "  do  agree  that,  if  confcience  be  to  be  enforced  (wherein  they  differ) 
yet  two  things  muft  precede  its  enforcement  j  the  one,  mean's  of  information, 
the  other,  time  of  operation  j  neither  of  which  they  (the  Irilh)  have  yet  had. 
And  there  is  no  doubt,  but  to  wreftle  with  them  is  directly  oppofite  to  their 
reclaim,  and  cannot  but  continue  their  alienation  from  the  government ;  and, 
therefore,  a  toleration  of  religion,  for  a  time  not  definite,  feems  to  me  to  be 
a  matter  warrantable  by  religion,  and  in  policy  of  abfomte  neceflity:  anct 
the  hefitation  of  this,  I  think,  hath  been  a  great  caftine  back  of  affairs  ia 
Ireland." 

CHAP.          VIIL 

Proclamation  of  Pardon  in  the  Province  of  Munfter. 

. 

THE  Irifh,  during  the  whole  time  of  this  war,  feem  to  have  acted  chief- 
ly on  the  defenfive,  notwithftanding  the  vaft  deftruction  by  fire, 
fword,  and  famine,  which  the  Chief  Governors  of  Ireland  flill  carried  through 
every  part  of  their  country.  Of  this  deftruction,  the  Qpeen  herfdf  expreffed 
a  very  fenfible  feeling,  when  fhe  declared  on  that  occafion  (i),  "  That  fhe 
feared  the  fame  reproach  might  be  made  to  her,  which  was  formerly  made  by 
Bato  to  Tiberius,  viz.  It  is  you !  you !  that  are  to  blame  for  thefe  things,  who 
have  committed  your  flocks,  not  to  fhepherds,  but  to  wolves." 

THIS  private  declaration  of  pity,  her  Majefty,  fbon  after,  feconded,  by  a 
public  act  of  trujy  royal  beneficence,  in  facilitating,  and  inviting,  fome  of 
thefe  mifguided  people's  fpeedy  return  to  their  duty.  But  her  gracious  inten- 
tions, and  commands,  in  that  refpect,  were  in  a  great  Meafure,  neglected,  or 
difobeyed,  by  her  principal  Ministers  in  that  kingdom. 

IN 

(i)  Cambd.  Eliz.  circa  Initium. 


Ch.IX.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  2r 

"  IN  (2)  December  1600,  the  Queen  difpatched  an  order  to  Lord  Deputy; 
Mountjoy,  to  grant  a  general  pardon  to  all,  and  every,  the  inhabitants  of 
Munfter,  of  what  condition,  or  ftate  foever ;  thereby  to  remove  from  them 
all  fufpicion  of  impeachment  for  their  former  offences  j"  "  whereunto,"  adds  her 
Majefty,  "  the  greateft  part  of  them  have  been  violently  carried,  rather  by  the 
power  of  the  arch-traitors  (whom  fhe,  therefore,  excepts  from  pardon,)  than 
by  any  wilful  defection  in  their  loyalty."  And  to  the  end  the  people,  wafted 
with  the  mifery  of  thefe  wars,  might  not  be  burthcned  with  the  expences  in 
the  obtaining  their  pardons,  or  putting  in  fecurity  for  the  peace,  even  when 
needful,  her  pleafure  was,  that  the  fees  of  the  feal,  ihould  be  either  wholly 
remitted,  or  ib  moderated  by  the  Lord  Deputy  and  council,  that  her  fubje£ts 
might  have  caufe  the  more  dutifully,  and  gladly,  to  embrace  her  princely  cle- 
mency, and  bounty,  in.that  her  gracious  and  free  pardon." 

i 
IN  lefs  than  two  months  after  the  publication  of  this  order,  upwards{3)  of 

four  thoufand  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  province  fubrnitted,  for,  protection,  to 
the  Lord  Prefident  All  thefe,  however,  contrary  to  her  Majefty's  exprefs 
commands,  "  his  (4)  Lordfhip  obliged  to  put  in  fuch  pledges,  as  no  governor 
in  former  times  ever  had  done  the  like."  How  little  he  obferved  her  Majefty's 
commands  of  forgivenefs,  in  other  refjpecls,  appears  from  an  hiftory, .  which 
he  himfelfhas  left  us,  of  the  two  laft  years  of  this  war.  Whence  we  may 
very  probably  conclude,  that  he  who  was  not  artiamed  to  publifh  fuch  inhu- 
man actions  of  his  own,  as  are  there  recorded,  did  not  fcruple  to  order,  or 
£ommit,  others,  if  poffible,  more  inhuman,  which  he  took  care  to  fupprefs. 


C      H      A      P.          IX. 

' 

The  Spaniards  invade  Ireland. 

IN  the  23d  of  September,  1601,  the  Spaniards,  under  (i)  Don  Juan 
D'Aguila,  landed  at  Kinfale,  full  of  confidence,  that  they  would  be  im- 
mediately joined,  in  their  hoftile  attempts  on  the  kingdom^  by  all  the  difcon- 
tented  Irifh.  But,  herein,  they  were  greatly  difappointed ;  (2)  for  u  no  Irifh 
of  account,"  fays  MorrhTon,  "  repaired  to  them^  except  fome  dependents  of 
Florence  M'Carty,  who  was  then  in  prifon,  and  had  invited  them  over."  And, 
although  Don  Juan,  immediately  after  his  landing  (3),  publifhed  a  manifefto, 
wherein  he  folemnly  declared,  that  his  defign  in  this  expedition,  was  to  refcue 

them 

(2)  Pacat.  Hibern.fol.  116.  (3)  Id.  ib.  fol.  121.  (4).  Id.  ib. 

(i)  Id.  ib.  fol.  136.  (2)  Id.  ib.  (3)  Id.  ib.  fol.  200. 


22  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  I. 

them  from  that  oppreffion  and  flavery,  which  they  had  fo  long  groaned  under, 
on  account  of  their  religion,  (which  alfo,  he  promifed  to  re-eftablifh  in  a  free 
and  flourishing  ftate,)  yet  he  found  the  generality  of  thefe  people,  and  even 
many  of  their  (a)  clergy,  fo  unwilling  to  aflat  him,  even  for  thefe  defirable 
purpofes(4),  "  that  he  conceived  a  juft  difdain  and  fpleen,  againft  the  na- 
tion." This  is  confirmed  by  Lord  Deputy  Mountjoy  himfelf,  who  informed 
the  Englifh  council  (5),  "  that  Don  Juan,  and  his  Spaniards,  conceived'  ma- 
lice againft  the  Irifh,  in  whofe  aid  they  too  late  difcovered  no  confidence  could 
be  placed."  It  is  fcarcely  credible,  and  yet  we  have  the  fame  Lord  Deputy's 
teftimony  for  it,  that  this  Spanifh  general  offered  (6)  fix  (hillings  a  day  to  every 
horfeman  among  the  Irifh,  that  would  join  his  ftandard.  "  So  that,"  adds  his 
Lordfhip,  "  it  is  a  wonder  unto  us,  that  from  prefent  ftaggering,  they  fall  not 
to  flat  defection."  And,  what  increafes  the  wonder  ftill  more,  is,  that  not- 
withftanding  all  this,  much  the  (7)  greater  part  of  the  Queen's  army,  which 
then  befieged  him  in  Kinfale,  confifted  of  the  Irifh.  But  fo  very  few  of  thefe 
people  were  feduced  to  that  defection,  by  thefe  tempting  offers  and  declara- 
tions ;  and  fo  ridiculoufly  incenfed  were  the  Spaniards  againft  them,  on  that 
account,  and  thought  them  fo  little  worthy  to  be  faved  in  any  fenfe,  that 
one  of  their  officers  publickly  declared  (8),  "  That  he  believed,  Chrift  did  not 
<lie  for  them." 

As  for  thofe  few  Irifh,  who  joined  the  Spaniards  on  their  firft  arrival,  Sir 
George  Carew  himfelf,  feems  to  have  made  their  apology  (9),  by  faying  "  that 
little  wonder  was  to  be  made  thereat,  confidering  what  power  religion  and 
gold  have  in  the  hearts  of  men,  both  which  the  Spaniards  brought  with  them 
into  Ireland." 

IMMEDIATELY  before  the  furrender  of  Kinfale,  which  was  occafioned  (b) 
by  the  entire  defeat  of  the  Northern  Irifh  under  Tyrone,  who  came  to  relieve 
it,  her  Majefty's  army,  being  in  purfuit  of  the  routed  enemy  (10),  "  continued 

the 

(4)  Id.  ib.  fol.  224.  (5)  Morrif.  Hift.  fbl,  192.  (6)  Id.  rb.  fol.  144.  (7)  Pacat.  Hibern.  fol.  213. 
<8)  Pacat.  Hibern.  (9)  Id.  ib.  fol.  224.  (10)  Id.  ib.  fol.  144. 

(a)  "  Candour  obliges  us  to  acknowledge,   that  advantageous  point  of  view)  that  a  considerable  party 

the  Romifh  clergy,  at  this  time,  did  not  uniformly  among  the  clergy,  recommended  a.  dutiful  fubmitfion 

concur  in  exciting  the  Irifh  to  insurrections.     Sullivan  to  the  government,  and  oppofed  the  practices  of  their 

himfelf,  confefles  (although  it  was  his  bufmefs  to  re-  more  intemperate  brethren."     Leland's  Hift.  of  Ire- 

prefent  the  religious  zeal  of  his  countrymen  in  the  moft  4and,  Vol.  ii.  p.  306. 

(£)  Morriffon  affirms,  "  that  the  reafon  moving  in  whofe  aid,  they  too  late  difcovered,  no  confidence 
Don  Juan  to  make  the  furrender  of  Kinfale,  was  the  could  judicially  be  placed."  Hift.  of  Ireland,  f.  193. 
malice,  he  and  the  Spaniards  had  againft  the  Irifh ; 


Ch.  IX.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  23 

execution  a  mile  and  an  half,  and  left  it  there  only  becaufe  they  were  tired  of 
killing :"  "  Alid  had  it  not  been,"  fays  ( 1 1 )  MorrifTon,  who  was  then  on  the  fpot, 
"  for  fome  impediments  from  the  wearinefs  of  the  men,  and  the  ill  condition 
of  the  horfes  for  want  of  feeding,  we  had  cut  the  throats  of  all  the  rebels  there 
affembled."  "  The  Earl  of  Clanrickard  killed  (12),  with  his  own  hand,  above 
twenty  Irifh ;  and  cried  out  to  fpare  no  rebels :  for  which  the  Deputy  knighted 
him  in  the  field,  among  the  dead  bodies.  There  were  fome  of  the  Irifh  taken 
prifoners,  who  offered  great  ranfoms,  but  upon  their  bringing  to  the  camp, 
they  were  all  hanged." 

MORRISSON  informs  us  of  one  particular,  concerning  the  defeat  of  the  Irifh 
at  the  battle  of  Kinfale ;  which,  for  its  oddity  at  leaft,  defer.ves  fome  notice  (i  3). 
'  On  the  fame  day,"  fays  he,  "  an  old  written  book  was  fhewn  to  the  Lord 
Deputy,  wherein  was  a  prophecy,  naming  the  ford  and  hill,  where  this  battle 
was  given ;  and  foretelling  a  great  overthrow  to  befall  the  Irifh  in  that  place." 
Sir  George  Carew  has  given  a  more  circumftantial  account  of  this  prophecy  (14). 
"  He  had  often  .heard  the  Earl  of  Thomond  fay,  that  in  an  old  book  of  Irifh 
prophecies,  which  himfeif  had  feeii,  it  was  reported,  that  towards  the  latter 
days,  a  battle  fhould  be  fought  between  the  Englifh  and  the  Irifh,  in  a  place 
which  the  book  named,  near  unto  Kinfale ;  and  the  Earl  coming  out  of  Eng- 
land, and  landing  at  Kinfale,  in  the  time  of  the  fiege,  Sir  George,  and  divers 
others,  heard  him  report  the  prophecy,  and  name  the  place,  where,  according 
to  it,  the  battle  fhould  be  fought.  The  day  on  which  the  vidory  was  obtain- 
ed, he  and  the  Earl  rode  out  to  fee  the  dead  bodies  of  the  vanquished,  and 
afked  fome  that  were  there  prefent,  by  what  name  that  ground  was  called  •, 
they  not  knowing  to  what  end  the  queftion  was  afked,  told  the  tnie  name 
thereof;  which  was  the  fame,  that  the  Earl  had  before  reported  to  him. 
"  I  befeech  the  reader,"  continues  the  Prefident,  "  to  believe  me,  for  I  de- 
liver nothing  but  truth  j  but  as  one  fwallow  makes  no  fummer,  fo  fhall 
not  this  one  true  prophecy  iacreafe  my  credulity  in  old  predictions  of  that 
kind." 

(H)  Hift.  of  Ireland,  fol.  178.  (12)  Pacat.  Hibern.  (13)  Ubi  fupra  fol.  179, 

(14)  Pacat.  Hibern,  fol.  235- 


CHAP. 


24  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  L 

CHAP.          X.      ' 

'The  Cruelty  of  the  Englifb  Army  in  Munfter. 

ff 

IN  December  1 600,  about  nine  months  before  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  ( i ), 
"  There  was  not,  as  has  already  been  obferved,  in  the  whole  province  of 
Munfter  (a),  one  caftle  that  held  out  againft  the  Queen ;  nor  was  it  known 
that  there  were  five  rebels  in  a  company  there/'  And  afterwards,  at  the  bat- 
tle of  Kinfale  (2),  almoft  all  the  infnrgents  of  the  other  provinces,  who  were 
there  attended  under  Tyrone,  were  totally  (b)  difperfed.  Yet  the  unceafing 
cruelty  of  the  victors,  which  increafed  in  proportion  to  the  weaknefs  of  the 
vanquifhed,  provoked  thefe  latter  to  have  recourfe,  once  more,  to  arms  for 
their  natural  defence.  After  that  battle,  the  Englifh  feemed  determined  to 
deftroy,  indifcriminately,  all  the  remaining  Irifh,  that  came  in  their  way ; 
which  they  had  fometimes  done  with  fuch  circumftances  of  barbarity,  that  the 
Irifh,  in  defpair,  were  often  tempted  to  prevent  them,  by  deftroying  them- 
felves.  Thus,  at  the  taking  of  the  caftle  of  Dunboy,  "  the  (3)  Lord  Prelidenr, 
fuppofing  that  the  befieged  in  their  extremity  would  leap  into  the  fea,  which 
was  near,  polled  fbmeof  the  officers  there  with  boats,  who  had  the  killing  of 
about  thirty  of  them,  that  attempted  it."  That  garrifon  had  fent  out  a  mef- 
fenger  offering  to  furrender  the  caftle,  if  they  might  have  aflurance  of  their 
lives;  but  the  Lord  Prefident,  inftead  of  granting  that  affurance,  turned 
the  meflenger  over  to  the  Marfhal,  by  whofe  direction  he  was  (4)  executed." 

NOTHING 

(i)  Pacat.  Hibern.  (2)  Id.  ib.  (3)  Ib.  fol.  320.  (4)  Ib. 

i 

fa)  "  And  now  (December,   1600)  there  was  not      loofe  vagabonds  difperfed  in  all  corners."  Morrif.  Hift. 
a  caftle  in  Munfter  held  for  the  rebels,  nor  any  com-      of  Ireland,  fol.  94. 
pany  of  ten  rebels  together,  though  there  wanted  not 

(b)  We  are  told  by  a  contemporary  Roman  Catholic  Englifh,  by  reafon  of  fo  many  great  overthrows  given 

writer,  that  Tyrone's  defeat  at  the  battle  of  Kinfale,  unto  them,  were  broken,  and  put   to  flight  by  a  few 

was  a  judgment  from  God,  on  account  "  of  his  fol-  horfe-men,  that  iffued   out  of  the  Engliih  camp  ;  be- 

diers,  in  their  march   thither  to  relieve  the  Spaniards,  ing  thereunto  folicited,  and  procured   by  the   Earl  of 

having  robbed  and  fpoiled  the  monafteries  of  Tirana-  Clanrickard,  an  Irifh  (Roman  Catholic)  Earl,  then  in 

lage,    and  Kilcrea ;  and   prophaned   other  churches.  the   Engliih  camp.     Wherefore,"    adds   my   author, 

For,  fays  that  writer,  the  Queen's  army  confiiled,  for  "  the  faid  Earl  of  Tyrone,  returning  from  that  over- 

themoftparr,  of  Irifh  Catholic  Soldiers;  the  Englifh  throw,  faid,  that  it  was  the  vengeance  of  the  Mighty 

being  altogether,  faving  a  very   few,    confumed    by  Hand  of  God,  and  his  mod  juft  judgment,  which 

cold  and  fau)ine,  being  unable  to  endure  the  toil  and  ought  to  be  executed  upon  fuch   wicked,  and  facrile- 

labour  of  fo  unfeafonable  a    winter  campaign.     Yet  gious  foldiers,  that  perpetrated  fuch  outrages  upon 

Tyrone's  army  exceeding  the  other  in  multitude   of  facred  places."     Theatre  of  religion,  p.  423. 
people,  and  ever  before  that   lime,    terrible   to  the 


Ch.  X.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  25 

j 

NOTHING  can  better  fhew  the  implacable  Fury  of  thefe  Englifti  comman- 
ders, and  the  defpair  to  which  that  fury  drove  the  Irifh,  than  fome  particulars 
of  this  fiege,  which  are  thus  related  by  the  Lord  Prefident  himfelf  (5). 
"  M'Geoghegan,  chief  commander  of  the  caftle,  being  mortally  wounded  with 
divers  fhots  in  his  body,  the  garrifon  made  choice  of  one  Thomas  Taylor  to 
be  their  chief;  who,  having  nine  barrels  of  powder,  threw  himfelf  and  it  into 
the  vault,  and  there  fate  down  by  it,  with  a  lighted  match  in  his  hand; 
vowing,  and  protefling  to  fet  it  on  fire,  and  blow  up  the  caftle,  himfelf,  and 
all  the  reft,  except  they  might  have  promife  of  life,  which  was  by  the  Lord 
Prefident  refufed.  His  Lordfhip  intending  to  bury  them  in  the  ruins,  and  en- 
tering amongft  them  into  the  caftle,  the  reft  of  the  garrifon  conftrained  Taylor 
to  furrender  fimply ;  who,  with  eight  and  forty  more,  being  ready  to  come 
forth,  and  the  Lord  Prefident's  officers  having  entered  to  receive  them,  they 
found  the  above-mentioned  M'Geoghegan  lying  there  mortally  wounded ;  but 
perceiving  Taylor,  and  the  reft,  ready  to  furrender  themfelves,  he  (M'Geoghe- 
gan) raifing  himfelf  up  from  the  ground,  and  fnatching  a  lighted  candle,  ftaggered 
therewith  to  a  barrel  of  powder,  which,  for  that  purpofe,  was  unheaded;  of- 
fering to  caft  it  into  the  fame;  but  Captain  Power  took  him,  and  held  him 
in  his  arms,  until  he  was  by  our  men  inftantly  killed.  The  whole  number 
of  the  ward,"  continues  my  author,  "  confifted  of  one  hundred  and  forty 
three  feleded  men ;  being  the  beft  choice  of  all  their  forces,  of  the  which  no 
one  man  efcaped,  but  were  either  (lain,  executed,  or  buried  in  the  ruins ;  and 
fo  obftinate  a  defence  hath  not  been  feen  within  this  kingdom." 

IF  any  of  the  Irifh  that  were  in  arms,  intruded  into  the  dwellings  of  their 
peaceable  countrymen ;  or  compelled  them  to  pay  them  contribution  (which 
they  durft  not  refufe)  thefe  latter  were  always  considered  as  harbourers,  and 
abbettors,  of  rebels,  and  forfeited  their  lives,  and  properties,  for  having  yield- 
ed to  a  force,  which  they  could  not  refift.  Thus  we  find,  that  the  Lord  Pre- 
fident "  having  (6)  heard,  that  the  Munfter  fugitives  were  harboured  in  certain 
parts  of  that  province,  diverted  his  forces  thither,  burnt  all  the  houfes  and 
corn,  taking  great  preys,  and  harafling  the  country,  killed  all  man-kind  that 
•were  found  therein.  From  thence,  he  went  to  other  parts,  where  he  did  the 
like ;  not  leaving  behind  him  man  or  beaft,  corn  or  cattle,  except  fuch  as  had 
been  conveyed  into  caftles." 

E  "  THE 

(5)  Ib.  fol.  318.  (6)  Pacat.  Hibern.  fol.  106. 


26  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OP    THE  Bk.  I. 

"  THE  (7)  ward  of  Caftle-Liftoel,  eighteen  in  number,  when  befieged  by 
Sir  Charles  Wilmot,  came  forth  upon  their  knees,  and  begged  for  mercy. 
The  women  and  children  (fays  my  author^,  Sir  Charles  fuffered  to  depart;  but; 
of  the  weaponed  men,  he  hanged  nine;  the  refidue  he  detained  till  he  had 
acquainted  the  Lord  Prefident  with  what  he  had  done,  who  gave  prefent  or- 
ders for  the  execution  of  the  reft." 

THE  fame  Sir  Charles  Wilmott,  having  at  another  time  gone  to  feek  the 
enemy  in  their  camp,  "  entered  (8),"  fays  the  fame  hiftorian,  u  without  any 
refiftance;  for  there  he  found  nothing  but  hurt,  and  fick  men;  whofe  lives, 
and  pains,  by  the  foldiers,  were  both  determined." 

ONE  would  immagine,  from  the  virulence  of  the  expreilions,  and  the  bar- 
barity of  the  actions,  mentioned  in  this  hiftory,  that  it  was  written  rather  by 
an  enemy,  than  a  chief  commander  of  her  Majefty's  forces;  or  that  the  Irifh 
had,  at  this  time,  given  fome  new,  and  extraordinary,  provocation  for  fuch 
inhuman  actions,  and  expreffions.  But  it  is  manifeft,  even  from  this  hiftory, 
that,  during  the  laft  two  years  of  this  war,  thefe  Irifh  were  in  no  fort  aggref- 
fors,  or  afTailants ;  for  the  author  himfelf  affures  us,  from  his  own  know- 
ledge (9),  "  That,  ever  fince  the  fiege  of  Kinfale,  they  were  fo  much  afraid 
of  the  Queen's  forces,  that  they  lived  in  their  faftneffes,  fupporting  themfelves 
with  their  own  victuals,  and  the  wines  that  had  been  fent  them  out  of 
Spain." 

CHAP.          XI. 

A  dreadful  Famine  in  Ireland. 

THUS  did  her  Majefty's  Minifters  in  Ireland  execute  her  orders  of 
clemency,  and  forgivenefs,  towards  thefe  mifguided  people.  Nor  were 
even  thefe  inceffant  acts  of  cruelty  fufficient  to  appeafe  their  enmity.  That 
deftruction,  which  their  fwords  had  left  unfinifhed,  they  now  induftrioufly 
compleated  by  a  general  famine.  Mr.  Morriffon  mentions  this  method  of 
ending  the  war,  with  a  feeming  complacency,  at  leaft,  without  diflike.  But 
the  eFects  of  it  were  too  horrible  to  be  unfeelingly  related,  even  by  an  enemy. 
"  Becaufe(i),"  fays  he,  "  I  have  often  made  mention  formerly,  ofourde- 
ftroying  the  rebels  corn,  and  uilng  all  means  to  famifh  them,  let  me  now,  by 

two 

•       Id.  ib.  (8)  Ib.  (9)  Ib.fol.  377. 

(i)  Hiftory  of  Ireland,  fol.  272. 


Ch.  XL  CIVIL    WARS    i  N    I  R  E  L  A  N  D.  27 

two  or  three  examples,  fhew  the  miferable  eftate  to  which  they  were  there- 
by reduced."  He  then,  after  telling  us,  that  Sir  Arthur  Chichefler,  Sir  Richard 
Morriflbn,  and  other  commanders,  faw  a  moft  horrid  fpeclacle  of  three  chil- 
dren, whereof  the  eldeft  was  not  above  ten  years  old,  feeding  on  the  flefh  of 
their  dead  mother,  with  circumftances  too  (hocking  to  be  repeated ;  and  that 
the  common  fort  of  rebels  were  driven  to  unfpeakable  extremities,  beyond 
the  records  of  any  Hiftories,  that  he  had  ever  read  in  that  kind;  he  mentions 
an  horrid  ftratagem  of  fome  of  thefe  wretched  people,  to  allay  the  rage  of 
hunger,  in  the  following  manner.  "  Some  old  women  (2),"  fays  he,  "  about 
the  Newry,  ufed  to  make  a  fire  in  the  fields,  and  divers  little  children  driving 
out  the  cattle  in  the  cold  mornings,  and  coming  thither  to  warm  themfelves, 
were  by  thefe  women  furprifed,  kiHed,  and  eaten ;  which  was  at  laft  difco- 
vered  by  a  great  girl,  breaking  from  them  by  the  ftrength  of  her  body ;  and 
Captain  Trevor  fending  out  foldiers  to  know  the  truth,  they  fo'und  the  chil- 
drens  fculls  and  bones,  and  apprehended  the  old  women,  who  were  executed 
for  the  fad.  No  fpeclacle,"  adds  MorrifTon,  "  was  n^ore  frequent  in  the 
ditches  of  towns,  and  efpecially  in  wafted  countries,  than  to  fee  multitudes 
of  thefe  poor  people  dead,  with  their  mouths  all  coloured  green  by  eating 
nettles,  docks,  and  all  things  they  could  rend  up  above  ground." 

THE  Lord  Deputy  and  Council  (3),  in  a  letter  to  the  Lords  in  England 
concerning  their  receiving  the  fubmiflions  of  fome  Irifh  chiefs,  acquainted 
them,  "  That  they  had  received  thefe  fubmiflions,  partly  for  the  good  of 
the  fervice,  and  partly  out  of  human  commiferation  -,  having  with  our  own 
eyes  (fay  they)  daily  feen  the  lamentable  jftate  of  the  country,  wherein 
we  found  every  where  men  dead  of  famine;"  They  add,  "  that  they  had 
been  credibly  informed,  that  in  the  fpace  of  a  few  months,  there  were  above 
three  thoufand  ilarved  in  Tyrone." 


(2)  Morrif.  ib.  foi.  273.  (3)  Ib.  fol.  237. 


E2  CHAP. 


28  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  I. 

C      H      A      P.          XII. 

The   greater,    and  better    Part  of  the    Iri/b  in    this    War,  fought  for    the 
Queen  again/I  their  Countrymen. The  hard  Terms  of  their  being  received 

to  Mercy. 

•^. 

IN  thelriih  parliament  of  1614,  the  Catholic  members,  in  order  to  obtain 
a  fufpenfion  of  fome  penal  ftatutes,  then  put  in  ftrid  execution  againft 
thofe  of  their  religion,  alleged  their,  anceftors  fignal  fervices,  'exhibited  in  the 
royal  army,  during  the  wars  of  the  former  reign  (i).  "  Chronicles  of  blood," 
faid  a  member  of  that  houfe  of  commons,  "  fhew  the  glory  of  our  progenitors, 
as  the  Queen's  army  was  full  of  natives."  Nay  it  was  openly  affirmed,  in 
the  fame  parliament,  and  might  have  been  then  eafily  contradided  if  untrue  (2), 
"  That  the  gentlemen  of  Ireland  had  fpent  as  much  in  that  war,  as  the 
Queen  herfelf;  and  that  one  gentleman,  of  only  three  hundred  pounds  a  year, 
expended  ten  thoufand  pounds  on  that  occafion."  Moft  certain  it  is,  that 
the  principal  nobility,  and  gentry:of  the  kingdom,  and  all  the  cities  and  cor- 
porate towns,  perfifted  in  their  allegiance  to  her  Majefty,  notwithstanding  the 
many  tempting  offers  made  them  by  the  Spaniards,  in  order  to  withdraw 
them  from  it.  It  is  alfo  certain  (3),  that  more  than  one  half  of  that  gallant 
army  under  Lord  Mountjoy,  which  fo  fuccefsfully  attacked,  and  at  laft  en- 
tirely defeated  Tyrone,  was  Irifh;  nor  did  their  having  (4)  lefs  pay  than  the 
Englifh,  or  their  being  expofed  to  endure  the  brunt  in  every  action,  "  leffen 
their  zeal,  or  activity,  in  the  fervice."  Yet  the  terms  on  which  the  fubmit- 
ting  Irifh  were  received  to  mercy,  feem  to  have  been  calculated,  not  fo  much 
to  reclaim  them,  as  to  make  them  ftill  continue  defperately  in  action.  For, 
befides  the  ufual  pledges  of  their  wives  and  children,  with  other  cautions, 
which,  contrary  to  her  Majefty's  merciful  order  of  December,  1600,  (before 
recited)  were  exacted  from  them;  as  a  further  proof  of  their  fincere  fubmi£- 
fion,  and  previous  to  their  pardon,  it  was  alfo  required,  that  they  fhould 
perform  what  was  called,  fome  iignal  fervice  on  their  own  people  j  which, 
in  reality,  was  nothing  lefs,  than  that  they  fhould  bafely  betray,  or  perfi- 
dioufly  murder,  fome  of  their  neareft  kindred,  or  former  frknds.  Mr.  Mor- 
rifon  acquaints  us  (5),  "  that  Lord  Mountjoy  never  received  any  to  mercy, 
but  fuch  as  had  fo  drawn  blood  on  their  fellow-rebels.  Thus,"  fays  (6)  he, 

"  M'Mahon, 

(i)  Commons  Journal,  Vol.  i.  (a)  Ib.  (3)  Morrif.  Hift.  fol.  iao.  (4)  Id.  ib,  fol.  208. 

(5)  Ib,  fol.  43.  (6)  Ib,  fol.  77. 


Ch.  XII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  ^ 

"  M'Mahon,  and  M'Artmoyle,  offered  to  fubmit ;  but  neither  could  be  re- 
ceived, without  the  other's  head."  But  barbarous  as  thefe  terms  of  accept- 
ance were,  they  were  fometimes  reluctantly  complied  with.  "  J  (7)  have- 
made,"  fays  Lord  Mountjoy  himfelf,  "  fome  of  the  fubjecls,  already,  reclaim- 
ed, and  in  thefe  times  fufpeded,  put  themfelves  in  blood  already;  for  evea 
now  I  hear,  that  Lord  Mountgarret's  fons  have  killed  fome  of  Cloncare's,  and 
fome  of  Tyrrill's  followers,  iince  I  contefted  with  their  father  about  fomewhat 
I  heard  fufpicious  of  them."  I  fhall  mention  one  notable  inftance  of  this  kind 
of  fervice,  contrived,  and  related,  by  the  Lord  Prefident  of  Munfter 
himfelf. 

"  ABOUT  (8)  this  time,"  fays  he,  "  Nugent  came  to  make  his  fubmiffion 
to  the  Prefident;  by  whom  he  was  told,  that  as  his  crimes  and  offences  were 
extraordinary,  he  could  not  hope  for  pardon,  unlefs  he  would  deferve  it  by 
fome  extraordinary  fervice  •,  .which,  faid  the  Prefident,  if  you  fhall  perform, 
you  may  deferve  not  only  pardon  for  your  faults,  committed  heretofore,  but 
alfo  fome  ftore  of  crowns  to  relieve  your  wants  hereafter.  Nugent,  who  was 
valiant  and  daring,  and  in  whom  the  rebels  repofed  great  confidence,  prefent- 
ly  promifed  not  to  be  wanting  in  any  thing  that  one  man  could  accomplrfh  ; 
and,  in  private,  made  offer  to  the  Prefident,  that,  if  he  might  be  well 
recompenfed,  he  would  ruin,  within  a  fhort  time,  James  Fitzthomas,  the 
then  reputed  Earl  of  Defmond,  or  his  brother  John.  But  the  Prefident,  hav- 
ing before  contrived  a  plot  for  James,  gave  him  in  charge  to  undertake  his 
brother  John.  Accordingly,  fome  few  days  after  this,  Nugent  riding  in  com- 
pany with  John  Fitzthomas,  and  one  Mr.  Copinger,  permitted  this  great  cap- 
tain to  ride  a  little  before  him,  minding,  his  back  being  turned,  to,  fhoot  him 
through  with  his  piftol,  which,  for  the  purpofe,  was  well  charged  with  two, 
balls.  The  opportunity  offered,  the  piftol  bent,  both  heart  and  hand  ready 
to  do  the  deed,  when  Copinger,  at  the  inftant,  {hatched  the  piftol  from  him, 
crying  Treafon!  wherewith  John  Fitzthomas  turning  himfelf  about,  perceived 
his  intent.  Nugent  thinking  to  efcape  by  the  goodnefs  of  his  horfe,  fpurred 
hard,  the  horfe  ftumbled,  and  he  was  taken;  and  the  next  day,  after  exami- 
nation, and  confeflion  of  his  intent,  hanged.  In  his  examination,  he  freely 
confeffed  the  whole  intent,  which  was  to  have  difpatched  John  Fitzthomas, 
and  immediately  after,  to  have  pofted  to  his  brother  James,  to  carry  the  firft. 
news  thereof;  intending  to  call  him  afide  in  fecret  manner,  to  relate  the  par- 
ticulars of  his  brother's  murder,  and  then  to  execute  as  much  upon  him  alfo; 
adding,  that  although  they  fhould  take  away  his  life,  which  he  would  not 
intreat  them  to  fpare,  yet  was  their  own  fafety  never  the  more  afTured;  for 

that 

(7)  Id.  ib.  fol.  132,  (8)  Pacat.  Hibern.  fol.  37'8. 


3o  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bkl. 

that  there  were  many  others,  whom  himfelf  perfectly  knew  to  have  fworn 
unto  the  Prefident,  to  effedt  as  much  as  he  intended :  this  confeffion,  being 
fealed  with  his  death,  did  ftrike  fearful  terror  into  the  two  brethren ;  and 
although  the  plot  attained  not  fully  the  defired  fuccefs,  yet  it  proved  to  be  of 
great  confequence." 

YET  thefe  fubmitting  Irifli,  who  upon  very  light  fufpicion,  were  obliged  to 
comply  with  fuch  cruel  injunctions,  were  eminently  ferviceable  to  Lord 
Mountjoy,  in  the  profecution  of  this  war.  His  Lordfhip  acknowledges,  in 
feveral  letters  to  the  Englifh  Council,  the  great  affiftance  they  had  given  him ; 
and,  in  one  of  them  exprefsly  fays,  "  That  (9),  if  thefe  fubmittees  had  not 
furnifhed  his  army  with  beeves,  it  would  have  been  in  great  diftrefs."  "  Yet 
the  commanders  of  that  army  often  took  their  cattle  (10),  without  payment  in 
ready  money ;  which,"  fays  MorrhTon,  "  grieved  them :"  or,  if  they  meant 
to  fhew  them  particular  favour,  "  they  paid  them  in  the  new  bafe  coin,  then 
made  current  by  proclamation,  in  afhilling  of  which,  there  was  not  more  (i  i) 
than  two  pence  value  in  filver." 


CHAP.          XIII. 

Tyrone  fues  for  Pardon,  and  obtains  it. 

LORD  Mountjoy  was  highly  ambitious  of  putting  an  end  to  this  war; 
an  honour,  which  his  predecefTors  in  the  government  had  in  vain  en- 
deavoured to  attain.  For  this  purpofe,  he  had  received  the  fubmilfions  of 
many  of  the  well-difpofed  Irifh  chiefs ;  and  by  fire,  famine,  and  the  fword, 
had  weakened,  or  ruined,  mod  of  thofe,  who  ftill  continued  obftinate.  He 
had  reduced  Tyrone  himfelf  to  great  extremity ;  having  taken,  or  deftroyed, 
moft  of  his  fortrefTes ;  and  (what  perhaps  was  more  mortifying  to  him)  having 
broken  in  pieces  (i)  the  chair  of  ftone,  wherein,  for  many  centuries,  the 
O'Neals  of  his  family  had  been  invefted  with  more  than  kingly  authority. 
His  Lordfhip  had  narrowly  enquired  into  the  conduct  of  former  chief  gover- 
nors; and  finding  that  the  principal  caufes  of  their  ill  fuccefs,  in  the  reduclion 
of  this  people,  were  their  inceffant  cruelties,  and  frequent  breaches  of  the 
public  faith,  he  abftained,  in  fome  meafure,  from  (a)  the  former ;  and,  with 

refpeft 

(9)  Morrif.  Hift.  fol.  115.  (10)  Id.  ib.  (n)  Id.  ib.  fol.  23.  (i)  Id.  ib.  foJ.  236. 

(a)  The   friendly,  and    honourable  manner  of  his      paflage  reJated   by  his  Secretary  Morriflbn.     "  The 
receiving,  and    entertaining   fome   of  the  fubmitting      23d  of  April,  his  Lordfliip,"    fays  he,    "  kept  St. 
chieftains  of  the  Irifh,  may  be  feen  in  the  following     George's  feaft  at  Dublin,  with  foleran  pomp,  the  cap- 
tains 


Ch.  XIII.  .  CIVIL.  WARS    IN    IRELAND.  51 

refpeft  to  the  latter,  altho'  he  was  not  very  punctual  to  his  word  in  his  private 
dealings,  yet  he  found  it  abfolutely  neceffary,  for  obtaining  his  great  end,  to 
obferve  it  ftri£tty  in  his  promifes  of  pardon,  and  in  all  public  matters,  wherein 
the  honour  of  the  ftate  was  concerned  (2).  *'  He  kept  his  word  inviolably  in 
public  affairs,"  fays  his  Secretary  Morriffon,  "  without  which  he  never  could 
have  been  intrufted  by  the  Irifh;  but,  otherwife,  in  his  promifes  he  was 
dilatory,  and  doubtful;  fo  as,  in  all  events,  he  was  not  without  his 
evaflon." 

BY  thefe  means,  the  tranquillity  of  Ulfter  was  fo  far  reftored,  in  Au^uft 
1602,  that  the  Deputy  told  Cecil,  in  a  letter  of  that  date  (3),  "  That,  except 
things  fell  out  much  contrary  to  what  he  had.  good  reafon  to  expect,  he  pre- 
iumed,  if  the  Queen  kept  the  Irilh  garrifons  ftrong,  and  well  provided  for  ail 
the  enfuing  winter,  fhe  might,  before  the  next  fpring,  fend  into  Ireland  pro- 
per perfons,  with  her  pleafure  how  much,  and  in  what  manner,  every  man 
fhould  hold  his  land ;  and  what  laws  fhe  would,  have  current  there ;  and  he 
was  confident,  they  would  be  obeyed.  And  after  this  winter,"  adds  his  Lord- 
fhip,  ".I  think  fhe  may  withdraw  her  garrifons,  only  leaving  wards  in  their 
places;  and  if  I  be  not  much  deceived,  you  fhall  find,  that  thefe  men  will  be 
the  laft  of  all  Ireland  that  will  forfake  the  Queen's  party ;  and,  I  prefume, 
after  this  winter,  they  will  do  the  Queen  good  fervice  againft  the  Spaniards,  if 
they  come." 

ON  (4)  the  30th  of  March  following,  Tyrone  came  to  Mellifont,  where  be- 
ing admitted  to  the  Lord  Deputy's  chamber,  he  kneeled  at  the  door  humbly, 
for  a  long  fpace,  making  his  penitent  fubmiflion  to  her  Majefty.  And  the 
next  day  he  made  a  moft  humble  fubmiflion  in  writing,  figned  with  his  own 
hand;  wherein,  after  abfolutely  cafting  himfelf  on  her  Majefty's  mercy,  with- 
out prefuming  to  juftify  his  difloyal  proceedings,  he  among  other  things,  moft 
forrowfully,  and  earneftly  defired,  that  it  might  pleafe  her  Majefty,  rather  in 
fbme  meafure  to  mitigate  her  jufl  indignation  againft  him,  in  that  he  did  re- 
ligioufly  vow,  that  the  firft  motives  of  his  rebellion  were  neither  practice,  ma- 
lice, nor  ambition;  but  that  he  was  induced  firft  by  fear  of  his  life,  which,  he 
conceived,  was  fought  by  his  enemies  practice,  to  ftand  upon  his  guard."  This 

fubmiflion 

(2)   Morriflbn,  ib.  fol.  236.         (3)  Id.  ib.          (4)  Id.  ib. 

tains  bringing  up  his  meat,  and  fome  of  the  colonels  Spaniagh,  chief  of  the  Cavanaghs  in  Leinfier.  Thefe," 
attending  on  his  perfon  at  the  table,  to  which  feaft,  adds  my  author,  "  were  entertained  with  plenty  of 
the  rebels  were  invited,  whom  his  Lord/hip  had  late-  wine,  and  all  kindnefs  ;  his  Lordlhip  alluring  them, 
ly  received  to  mercy,  under  her  Majefty's  protection,  that  as  he  had  been  a  fcourge  to  them  in  rebellion,  fo 
till  their  pardons  might  be  figned ;  namely,  Turlogh  he  would  now  be  a  mediator  for  them  to  her  Majefty, 
M'Henry,  captain  of  the  Fews,  Ever  M'Cooley,  in  their  ftate  of  fubjecls,  they  ftanding  firm  and  con- 
chief  of  the  Fearney,  O'Hanlon,  a  Lord  of  Ulfter,  flant  to  their  obedience."  Hift.  of  Ireland,  p.  99. 
Pfaeiim  M'Feagb,  chief  of  the  O'Byrnes,  and  Donell 


32  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  I. 

fubmifllon  in  writing  (adds  Mr.  MorrifTon)  was  prefented  by  the  Earl  of  Ty- 
rone, kneeling  before  the  Lord  Deputy  and  Council,  and  in  the  prefence  of  a 
great  affembly,  whereupon  the  Lord  Deputy,  in  the  Queen's  name,  promifed 
to  the  Earl,  for  himfelf,  and  his  followers,  her  Majefty's  gracious  pardon. 
And  to  himfelf  the  reftoring  of  his  dignity  of  the  Earldom  of  Tyrone,  and  of 
his  blood  j  and  likewife  new  letters  patent  for  all  his  lands,  which,  in  his  for- 
mer letters  patent,  had  been  granted  to  him,  before  his  rebellion  (5).  "  Thus 
had  the  Queen's  army  under  Lord  Mountjoy,  broken,  and  abfolutely  fubdued, 
"all  the  Lords  and  chieftains  of  the  Irifhry.  Whereupon,  the  multitude  being 
"brayed,  as  it  were,  in  a  mortar,  with  fword,  famine,  and  peftilence  together, 
-fubmitted  themfelves  to  the  Englifh  government,  received  the  laws,  and  Ma- 
•giflrates,  and  moft  gladly  embraced  the  *  King's  pardon,  and  peace,  in  all  parts 
x>f  th&  realm,  with  demonftrations  of  joy,  and  comfort." 

(5)  Sir  John  Davis's  Hift.  Relations.  *  James  I. 


BOOK 


HISTORICAL.  AND    CRITICAL 

E      V      I      E     W 


OF.     THE 


BOOK          II. 

CHAP.        I. 

Tbe  State  of  the  Irijh  under  King  James  I. 

O  ME  few  years  before  Queen  Elizabeth's  death, King  James  was  at  (i) 
the  utmofl  pains  to  gain  the  friendfhip  of  Roman  Catholic  Princes,  as  a 
neceffary  precaution  to  facilitate  his  accefllon  to  the  Englilh  Throne.  Lord 
Home,  who  was  himfelf  a  Roman  Catholic,  was  entrufted  with  a  fecret  com- 
miffion  to  the  Pope ;  the  Archbifhop  of  Glafcow,  another  Roman  Catholic, 
was  very  adive  with  thofe  of  his  own  religion.  Sir  James  Lindfay  made  great 
progrefs  in  gaining  the  Englifh  Papifts."  And  as  it  feems  to  have  been  part  of 
that  King  s  policy,  in  order  to  pave  the  way  to  his  fucceffion  (2),  "  to  wafte 
the  vigour  of  the  ftate  of  England,  by  fome  infenfible,  yet  powerful,  means," 
he  had  his  agents  in  Ireland,  fomenting  Tyrone's  war,  (  "  The  Scots  daily  car- 
rying munition  to  the  rebels  in  Ulfter.")  So  that  the  Queen  was  driven  to  an 
almoft  incredible  (a)  expence  in  carrying  it  on,  and  her  enemies  Hill  encouraged 
by  James's  fecret  afliftance,  and  promifes. 

F  "  IT 

(i)  Robenfon's  Hift.  of  Scotland,  &c.  (z)  Secret  Correfpondence  between  King  James  and  Sir  Robert 
Cecil,  p.  75. 

{a)  "  The  Queen's  charge  for  Ireland,"  faysMor-  thoufand,  fix  hundred  and  feventy-three  pounds,  nine- 
riiTon,  "  from  the  iftof  April  1600,  to  the  2gth  of  teen  fhillings  and  four-pence  halfpenny."  Hift.  of 
March  1602,  was  two  hundred  and  eighty-three  Ireland,  fol.  197. 


34.  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    or    THE  Bk.IL 

"!T  (3)  is  certain,"  fays  Mr.  Ofburne,  "  that  the  promife,  King  James  made  to 
Roman  Catholics,  was  regiftered,  and  amounted  fo  high  at  leaft,  as  a  tolera- 
tion of  their  religion." 

"  OF(4)thefe  intrigues,  Qjieen  Elizabeth  received  obfcure  hints  from  feve- 
ral  quarters  (5)."  Her  Majefty  in  a  letter  to  the  King  himfelf  in  i  599,  gave 
him  to  underftand,  "  that  there  were  many  letters  from  Rome,  and  elfewhere, 
which  told  the  names  of  men,  &uthorifed  by  him  (tho*  (he  hoped  falfely)  to 
allure  his  conformity  "as  time  might  ferve,  to  eftablifh  the  dangerous  party,  and 
fail  his  own." 

THE   Roman  Catholics,  in  the  different   provinces  of  Ireland,    were,  on 
James's  acceffion,  fo  much  elated  with  the  hopes  of.the  above-mentioned  tole- 
ration,, kad  bad  takeft  tip  fuch  an  opinion,  that  the  King  himfelf  was  a  Catho- 
lic, that  they  ran  into  fome  exceifes,   which  have  been  fmce,  unfairly  repre- 
fented  by  Hiftorians,  as  fo  many  overt  acts  of  treafon,  and  rebellion.  For,  on 
that  miftaken  notion,  they>  exercifed  their  religion  {[Sublickly,  and  even  feized 
on  fome  churches  for  their  own  ufe.     The  Mayors  of  Cork,  and  Waterford, 
are  faid  to  have  refufed  to  proclaim  the  King,  becaufe  they  did  not  proclaim 
himprecifely  at  the  time  appointed  by  his  excellency;  and  the  citizens  of  Cork 
would  not,  it  feems,  fuffer  the  King's  munition,  and  artillery,  which  was  en- 
trufted  to  their  keeping,  lo  be  conveyed  to  a  new  fort,  built  within  their  fran- 
chifes,  but  againft  their  confent.     But  we  can  eafily  make  it  appear,,  that  thefe 
paffages  admit  of  a  much  more  favourable  interpretation,  than  what  has  been 
given  them.      For  it  is  not  furely  probable,  that  men,  who  had  prefer ved 
their  allegiance  under  a  fevere  perfectition  of  their  religion,  during  all  the 
time  of  Qjieen  Elizabeth's  reign,  would,  without  any  fcew  caufe,  all  at  once, 
become  rebels  to  a  Prince,  from  whom  they  hourly  expeded  a  toleration  of  it; 
and  whom  they  generally  believed  to  be  privately  of  their  own  way  of  think- 
ing in  that  fefpe£t.     They  excu fed  their 'delay  in  proclaiming  the  King,  by 
afering  his  Excellency,  that  it  was  occafioned  (6),  "  Only  -by  their  defire  of 
doing  it  with  the  greater  folemnity;"  which  excufe  appears  to  have   been 
accepted;  for  when  they  had,  foon  after,  proclaimed  his  Majefty,  in  the  folemn 
manner  they  intended^  l?ord  Mountjoy  told  them  (7),  "  That  in  regard  of 
their  joyful,  arid  folemn  way  of  domg.it,  he  was  wiling  to  interpret  their 
adions  to  the  beft,  and  took  their  good  performance'fbr  an  excufe/'     And,  as 
tb  the  hindering  the  munition,  and  artHlery  to  be  carried  to  the  fort,  they 

alleged 

(3)  Ofburne's  Works.          (4)  Robertfon  «bi  fupra.  (5)  Sanndcrfbn  King  James.        (6)  Morriflbn's 

Kiftorj.        O)  M-  »b- 


Ch.L  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  3$ 

alleged  (8),  "  That  the  fort  was  commanded  by  a  perfon,  who  hacj,  on  feveral 
occafions,  {hewn  great  contempt,  and  enmity  to  their  city ;  and  that  the  fol- 
diers  there  had  offered  them  many  abufes,  fhooting  at  their  fifhermen,  and  at 
the  boats  fent  out  for  provifion ;  and  ufing  them  at  their  pleafure."  And 
they  made  it  their  reqeuft  to  his  Excellency,  that,  as  the  fort  waa  Ipuilt  within 
their  franchifes,  they  might  have  the  keeping  of  it  for  his  Majefty,  which 
they  would  do  to  their  utmoft  peril.  They  had,  betides,  another  excufe, 
which  was  not  altogether  difapproved  of  by  his  Lordfhipj  they  knew,  that 
the  Deputy's  power  had  determined  with  the  Queen's  life  j  but  they  did  not 
know,  that  it  was  renewed  by  her  fucceffor  (9),  "  It  may  be,"  fays  his.  Excel- 
lency, in  his  letter  to  them  on  this  occasion,  "  that  yqu  have  rafhly,  and  un- 
advifedly  done  this,  upon  fome  opinion  of  the  ceafing  of  authority  in  the  pub- 
lic government,  upon  the  death  of  our  late  fovereign,  which  is  (bmewhat 
more,  though  no  way  in  true,  and  fevere  judgment,  excufable ;  and,  I  think 
otherwife,  you  never  would  have  been  fo  foolifh."  And  it  was  then  only  that 
he  firft  undeceived  them  as  to  that  matter,  by  telling  them(io),  "  That  his 
authority,  as  Lord  Deputy,  was  renewed,  and  confirmed  by  his  then  Ma- 
jefty's  royal  letters  patent,  under  his  feal ;  requiring  them,  upon  their  alle- 
giance, to  pay  obedience  to  it ;"  and  adding,  "  that  if  he  ihould  find  they  did 
fo,  he  would  be  glad  to  have  occafion  to  interpret  all  things  paft  in  the  better 
part,  and  take  as  little  notice,  as  he  could  thereof." 

BUT  his  Lorfhip  feems  not  to  have  waited  for  the  effects  of  this  letter, 
which  is  dated  April  the  27th  j  for  on  the  firft  of  the  following  month,  he 
marched  out  with  an  army  towards  Munfter,  and  on  the  4th  entered  at  a 
place  called  Gracedieu,  near  the  city  of  Waterford ;  the  citizens  of  which  re- 
fufed,  at  firft,  to  receive  his  army  into  the  town,  being  authorifed  thereto  by 
their  charter ;  but  they  offered  to  give  free  and  prompt  admittance  to  his  Lord- 
fliip,  and  his  retinue,  the  Chief  of  them  having,  for  that  purpofe,  come  forth, 
and  attended  him  in  his  camp. 

WHAT  Lord  Mountjoy  feemed  principally  torefent  in  thefe  people,  to  fuch 
a  degree  as  thus  fuddenly  to  draw  down  the  army  upon  them,  was  the  bold- 
nefs  of  feveral  of  the  towns,  and  corporations (i  i),  "  in  fetting  up,  of  their 
own  heads,  the  public  exercife  of  the  Popifh  worfhip."  For,  in  all  his  letters 
to  the  magiftrates  of  that  province,  he  takes  particular  notice  of  that  boldnefs ; 
frequently  alluring  them  (12),  "  That  his  Majefty  wras  a  good  Proteftant;  and 
even  threatening  one  of  thefe  towns  (13),  "  that  if  they  did  not  defift  from 
the  public  breach  of  his  Majefty's  laws,  in  the  celebration  of  the  Mais,  he 

F  2  would 

(8)Id.ib.        (9)  Id.  ib.  fol.  188.        (10)  lb.         (u)Idib.        (12)  Id.  ib.  .   •  (ij-J-Id.  ib. 


36  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  II. 

would  think  them  fit  to  be  profecuted  with  the  revenging  fword  of  his  Majefty's 
forces." 

AND  in  truth,  his  Excellency,  in  this  expedition  to  Waterford,  appears,  at 
firft  fight,  to  have  acted  the  part,  rather  of  a  meek  and  zealous  Proteflant 
miffioner,  than  that  of  an  incenfed  leader  of  an  hoflile  army.  For,  upon  the 
citizens  coming  forth  to  pay  their  refpecls  to  him  in  his  camp  (14),  he  imme- 
diately required  them  to  bring  unto  him  one  Doctor  White,  a  famous  Jefuit 
of  that  city,  "  With  whom,"  fays  MorrifTon(i5),  "  he  difputed  againft  fbme 
erroneous  pofitions  of  popery ;  all  which,"  adds  my  Author,  "  his  Lordfhip 
did  (as  no  layman,  I  think,  could  better  do)  moft  learnedly  confute."  It  is 
but  juftice  to  obferve,  that  his  Lordfhip,  at  the  fame  time,  did  as  learnedly 
confute  an  erroneous  pofition  in  the  citizens  charter,  granted  by  King  John  ; 
by  which  they  fuppofed  themfelves  privileged  to  deny  his  foldiers  entrance 
into  their  city.  But  his  Lordfhip  told  them  roundly,  without  entering  into 
the  merits  of  the  matter  (16),  "  That  if  they  did  not  prefently  open  their  ports 
to  him,  and  his  army,  he  would  cut  King  John's  charter  in  pieces  with  King 
James's  fword ;  and  that,  if  he  entered  the  town  by  force,  he  would  ruin  it, 
and  ftrew  fait  upon  the  ruins  (b)" 


CHAP.          II. 

A  general  A6t  of  Oblivion. 

KING  James  fucceeded  to  the  Englifh  throne  without  oppofition  j  and 
his  Catholic  fubjecls,  throughout  the  three  kingdoms,  made  fignal  re- 
joicings on  that  account.  Upon  this  occafion,  he  not  only  confirmed  Ty- 
rone's pardon,  but  alfo  received  him  in  England,  (whither  he  was  conducted 
by  Lord  Deputy  Mountjoy)  with  fingular  marks  ( i )  of  favour ;  and  fbon  after, 
fent  him  back  with  (a)  honour,  to  take  pofTeffion  of  his  eftates  in  Ireland  j 

having 

(14)  Id.  ib.  (is)Id.  ib.  (i6)Id.ib.  (i)  Morrif.  ubi  fupra. 

(b)  "  But  this  ftorm,"  fays  an  adverfe  writer,   "as  Hibern.  Vol.  i.  p.  416.     Such  privileges   were  after- 

foon  as  the  Lord  Deputy  prefented  himfelf  with  an  wards  granted  them,  "  That  the  Juftices  of  aflize 

army  before  their  walls,  was  appeafed ;  and  not  long  having   no  authority  to  hold    their  aflizes  there,  the 

after,  larger  liberties  and  immunities  were  granted  un-  Jaws  of  religion  (againft  recufants)  could  not  be  e«- 

lo  them,  than  formerly  they   had."    Defid.  Curiof.  cuted."     Ib.  Vol.  i.  p.  359. 

(a)  Tyrone's  reception  by  the  people  of  Beaumor-  him,  with  bitter  words.     And  when  he  was  to  return, 

ris,  where  he  landed,  was  very  different.    *'  For  no  he  durft  not  pafs  by  thefe  parts,  without  directions  to 

refpecl  to  the  Lord   Deputy,"  fays  Morriflbn,  "  m  the  Sheriffs   to  convey  him,    with   troops  of  horfe, 

whofe  company  he  rode  up  to  London,  could  contain  from  place  to  place,  till  he  was  fafely  embarked.*' 

many  women  in  thefe  parts,  who  had  loft  hufbandi,  Morrif.  Hift,  of  Ireland)  fol.  296. 
and  children  in  the  Jrifh  war,  from  flinging  dirt  at 


Ch.II.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  37 

having  fet  forth  a  proclamation,  forbidding  all  perfons  to  reproach  him,  at 
any  time  after,  with  the  rebellion  formerly  raifed  by  him,  and  then  happily 
fupprefTed. 

BUT  (2)  although,  by  the  fuppreffion  of  this  rebellion,  the  minds  of  the 
people  were  broken,  and  prepared  to  obedience,  yet  the  ftate,  upon  good 
reafon,  did  conceive,  that  the  public  peace  could,  not  be  fettled,  till  the  hearts 
of  the  people  were  alfo  quieted,  by  fecuring  them  from  the  danger  of  the  law, 
which  moft  of  them  had  incurred,  one  way  or  other,  in  that  great  and  general 
confufion;  therefore,  by  a  general  ad  of  ftate,  called  the  Ad  of  Oblivion, 
publifhed  by  proclamation,  under  the  great  feal,  all  offences  againft  the  crown, 
and  all  particular  trefpafTes  between  fubjed  and  fubjed,  were  to  all  fuch  as 
would  come  into  the  juftices  of  affize,  by  a  certain  day,  and  claim  the  benefit 
of  this  ad,  pardoned,  remitted,  and  utterly  extinguished  (b),  never  to  be  re* 
vived,  or  called  in  queftion.  And  by  the  fame  proclamation,  all  the  Irifhry, 
who  for  the  moft  part,  had  no  defence,  or  juftice,  from  the  crown,  were  re- 
ceived into  his  Majefty's  immediate  protedion.  "  This,"  continues  my  Author, 
**  bred  fuch  comfort,  and  fecurity  in  the  hearts  of  all  men,  as  thereupon 
enfued  the  calmeft,  and  moft  univerfal  peace,  that  ever  was  feen  in  Ireland." 

YET,  in  the  midft  of  this  moft  calm,  and  univerfal  peace,  his  Majefty, 
quite  unmindful  of  all  his  former  promifes  of  favour  to  his  Roman  Catholic 
fubjeds,  ordered  a  proclamation  to  be  publifhed,  ftridly  forbidding  the  exer- 
cife  of  their  religion  to  thofe  of  Ireland^  banifhing  their  clergy,  and  inflicting 
ievere  penalties  on  all  fuch,  as  fhould  be  found  to  harbour,  or  entertain  them ; 
enjoining,  alfo,  the  immediate  execution  of  the  ad  of  uniformity  of 
the  fecond  of  Elizabeth;  which  ad,  tho'  pretended  to  have  been  patted 
in  the  Irifh  parliament  forty  years  before,  was  then  firft  folemnly  pub- 
lifhed 

BY  this  ad,  all  Roman  Catholics  are  obliged  to  aflift  a,t  the  Proteftant 
ehurch-fervice,  every  Sunday  and  Holyday,  on  the  penalty  of  twelve  pence, 
and  of  what,  indeed,  was  infinitely  more  grievous,  the  cenfures  of  the  Eccle- 
fiaftical  courts,  for  each  default.  A,  method  of  proceeding  very  inconfiftent 
with  the  fundamental  principles  of  that  religion,  which  this  ad  was  intended 
to  introduce,  viz.  freedom  of  con fcience,  and.  the  right  of  private  judgment. 

Heylin 

(a)  Sir  John  Davis's  Hiftorical  Relations. 

(I)  Happy,  indeed,  had  it  been  for  the  proprie-     thernot  fo  fcandaloufly  broken,  in  a  few  years  after, 
tors  of  fix  entire  counties  in  Ulfter,  had  this  folemn     as  we  fliall  prefently  fee  it  was, 
promife  of  oblivioa  been  faithfully  obferved  j  or  ra- 


38  H  I  S  T  O  R  I  C  A  L    R  E  V  I  E  W   o  F    THE  Bk.  IL 

Heylin  has  juftly  obferved  another  abfurdity  in  this  ftatute.  "  The  (3) 
Irifh,"  fays  he,  "  were  obliged,  under  feveral  penalties,  to  be  prefent 
at  the  reading  of  the  Engliih  Liturgy,  which  they  underftood  no  more 
than  they  did  the  Mafs  ;  by  which  means,  they  were  not  only  kept  in  conti- 
nual ignorance,  as  to  the  dodrines,  and  devotions,  of  the  church  of  England, 
but  alfo  were  furnifhed  with  an  excellent  argument  againft  ourfelves,  for  hav- 
ing the  Divine  Service  celebrated  in  fuch  a  language,  as  the  people  did  not 
underftand  (c)" 

C      H      A      P.  III. 

Some  Confederations  on  the  two  Statutes  of  Supremacy  and  Uniformity. 

THE  execution   of  the  penal  ad  laft  mentioned,  and  of  the  preceding 
ftatute  of  fupremacy,  was  the  more  grievous,  and  unjuftifiable,  as  they 
were  both  well  known  to  have  been  impofed  upon  the  nation  by  force,  or 
fraud,  though  under  the  plaufible  appearance  of  parliamentary  fandion. 

As  for  the  ftatute  of  fupremacy,  there  is  no  queftion  but  the  Irifh  chief- 
tains were  previoufly  awed,  and  broken,  by  a  military  force,  in  order  to  (a) 
gain  their  confent  to  it(i).  "  Lord  Leonard  Gray,  to  prepare  the  minds  of 
the  people  to  obey  this  ftatute,  began  firft,  (fays  Sir  John  Davis,)  with  a  mar- 
tial courfe,  by  making  a  victorious  circuit  round  the  kingdom,  whereby  the 
principal  fepts  of  the  Irifhry  were  all  terrified,  and  moft  of  them  broken  ;  and 
then,  after  this  preparation  thus  made,  he  firft  propounded,  and  pafTed  thofe 
laws,  which  made  the  great  alteration  in  the  ftate  ecclefiaftical." 

OF 

(3)  Eliz.  (i)  Sir  John  Davls's  Hiftorical  Relat. 


(c)To  remedy  this  inconvenience,  "  In  the  reign  of  faid  to  fome  of  his  friends,  "  In 

James  I.  it  was  ordered,  that  the  Bible  and  Common-  we  had  Englifh  Bibles,  and  Iriili  Minifters  ;  but  now 

prayer  fhould    be  tranflated  into    the  Irifh  language  ;  we  have  Minifters  come  out  of  England  unto  us,  and 

which  "was  done:  and  every  parifh  church  was  obliged  Irifh  Bibles  with  them."  —  Moft  of  the  benefices    and 

to  pay  ten  Shillings  for  an  Irifh  bible,  when  not  one  church-livings  in  Ireland,  were  beftowed  upon  Eng- 

amongft  an  hundred  could  read,  or  underftand  it.  And  lilh  and  Scottish   Minifters,  not  one  of  them  having; 

therefore,"  adds    my   Author,    "an  Irifh  Proteftant  three  words'  of  the  Irifh  tongue'.'"    Theatre  of  Calk 

Bifhop  did  laugh  at  this  ftrange  kind  of  ahcrarion,  and  and  Proteft.  Religion,  p.  245. 

. 

(a)  Yet  even  when  it  came  to  be  propofed  in  par-  fup;emacy."     And  fp  formidable,  at  leaft  Co  conficer- 

liament,  "Lords   and  Common?  joined  in  erprelring  able  was  this  party,  u  that'  the  Archbifhop    (Brown) 

'.heir  abhorrence  of  the  fpiritual  authority  affiimed  by  would  not  venture   to  fill   up  their  benefices  until  he 

the  King."      Lei.  Hift.   of  Ireland,  Vol.   ii.  p.  165.  had  confulted  his  patron  Lord  Cromwell."     Id.  ib.  p. 

"  But  fear,"  fays  the  fame  writer,  "  ferved  to  allay  167.     Thefe  incumbents  objected  to  the  legality  of 

the  violence  of  thofe,  who  could  not  be  perfuaded."  that   ftatute,    becaufe,    "    two   Prodrors   from   each 

However,  "  in  defpite  of  legislative  authority,  they  Diocefs,  had  been  ufually  fummoned  and  claimed  to 

ftill  oppofed  that  law  with  indefatigable  zeal.     Several  be  a  member  of  the  leglflative   body,  and  to  have  a 

incumbents  of  the  diocefs  of  Dublin,  chofe  to  refign  full  right  of  fuffrage  in  every  queftion  ;  and  becaufe-, 

their  benefices,  rather  than  acknowledge  the  'King's  in  this  cafe,  their  claim  was  rejected."    Ib.  p.  165-6 


ClUII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND. 


39 


OF  the  ftatxite  of  uniformity,  of  the  2d  of  Elizabeth,  all  the  Irifh  writers  at, 
or  near,  that  period,  unanimoufly  affirm,  that  it  was  furreptitioufly  or  forcibly 
obtained.  Mr.  Lynch  in  his  Cambrenfis  Everfus,  informs  us  (2),  "  That  it  was 
pafTed  by  the  artifice  of  one  Mr.  Stanyhurft  of  CordufT,  then  Speaker  of  the 
Irifh  Commons,  who  being  in  the  reforming  Intercft,  privately  got  together, 
on  a  day  when  the  houfe  was  not  to  fit  (b)^  a  few  fuch  members  as  he  knew  to 
be  favourers  of  that  intereft,  and  confequently,  in  the  abfence  ofallthofe, 
who,  he  believed,  would  have  oppofed  it.  But  that  thefe  abfent  members, 
having  underftood  what  had  paiTed  in  this  fecret  convention,  did,  foon  after, 
in  a  full  and  regular  meeting  of  parliament,  enter  their  protefts  againft  it;  up- 
on which  the  Lord  Lieutenant  allured  many  of  them,  in  particular,  with 
protections,  and  oaths,  that  the  penalties  of  that  ftatute  ihould  never  be  in- 
flicted j  which  they  too  eafily  believing,  fuffered  it  to  remain  as  it  was.  This, 
adds  my  author,  I  have  often  heard  for  certain  truth,  from  many  antient  peo- 
ple, who  lived  at  that  time;  and  I  am  the  more  inclined  to  believe  it,  becaufe 
the  Lord  Lieutenant's  promife  was  fo  far  kept,  that  this  law  was  never  gene- 
rally executed,  during  the  remainder  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign  "  which  was 
more  than  forty  years ;  that  is,  until  all,  or  moft  of  thofe  members  were,  pro- 
bably, dead,  to  whom  fuch  promife  had  been  given. 

"  IN  (3)  the  very  beginning  of  that  parliament,  January  I2th,  1559,  rhoft 
of  the  nobility,  and  gentry,  were  fo  divided  in  opinion  about  ecclefiaftrcal  go- 
vernment," fays  Sir  James  Ware,  "  that  the  Earl  ofSuffex,  then  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant, thought  proper  to  diffolve  it,  in  the  beginning  of  the  following  month." 
We  find  alfo(4),  that  his  excellency,  upon  difTolving  the  Parliament,  went  to 
England,  to  confult  her  Majefty  on  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom ;  that,  in  a  few 
months  after;  having  returned  to  Ireland,  he  received  orders  to  call  an  ailem- 
bly  of  the  clergy,  for  the  eftablifhment  of  the  Proteftant  religion;  and  that, 
after  this  aiTembly  had  difperfed  themfelves,  William  Walfli,  Bifhop  of  Meath, 
not  content  with  what  offers  her  Majefty  had  propofed,  was,  for  preaching 
againft  the  book  of  Common-prayer,  firft  jmprifoned,  and  afterwards  depofed, 
by  order  of  her  Majefty." 

Now, 

(2)  P-  (3)  Annals.  (4)  Id.  ib. 

(1)  "  In  this  Houfe  of  Commons,  we  find  there-  little  wonder,  that  in  defpite  of  cJamour,  and  oppo- 

prefentatives  fummoned  for  ten  counties  only;  the  fition,  in  a  fcffion  of  a  few  weeks,  the  whole eccle- 

reft,  which  made  up  the  number  of  feventy-fix,  were  fiaftical  fyftem  of  Queen  Mary  was  entirely  reverfed." 

citizens  and  burgefles  of  thefe  towns,  in  which  the  Leland's  Hift.  of  Ireland,  Vol.  ii.  p.  224. 
Royal  authority  was  predominant.     It  ia  therefore, 


40  HISTORICAL   REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  II. 

Now,  as  under  the  words,  "  Ecclefiaftical  Government,"  the  whole  pur- 
port, and  tendency  of  this  a£t  of  uniformity  are  plainly  comprehended,  may 
we  not  reafonably  conclude,  from  Lord  SufTex's  diffolving  the  parliament,  on 
account  of  the  jarring  opinions  of  the  members  concerning  that  ftatute ;  and  from 
the  order,  which  he  foon  after  received,  to  call  an  alTembly  of  the  clergy, 
"  for  the  eftablifhment  of  the  Proteftant  religion,"  (which  order,  had  that  act 
being  duly  and  legally  pafTed,  would  have  been  needlefs,  if  not  abfurd)  that 
the  ftatute  in  queftion  was  not  openly,  and  regularly  carried ;  but  that  it  was 
forcibly,  or  clandeftinely  impofed,  in  the  manner  before- mentioned  (c)  ? 


CHAP.          IV. 

Sir  Arthur  ChichefterV  Government. 

IN  the  year  1605,  Lord  Deputy  Chichefter,  ("  who  (i)  had  been  a  pupil  of 
the  famous  Arch-puritan  (a)  Cartwright,  and  was  himfelf  a  great  patron, 
and  encourager  of  that  feel,")  "  having  (2)  ordered  the  Roman  Catholic  Alder- 
men, and  fomeof  the  principal  citizens  of  Dublin,  to  be  called  before  the  coun- 
cil, exemplified  under  the  great  feal,  and  publifhed,  the  above-mentioned  aft 
of  uniformity ;  in  regard,"  fays  my  Author,  "  there  was  found  to  be  a  mate- 
rial difference  between  the  original  record,  and  printed  copies  j  that  none 
might  pretend  ignorance  of  the  original  record  j  and  added  thereto  the  King's 
injunction  for  the  obfervance  of  it." 

Mr. 

(0  Prefbyterian  Loyalty.  (2)  Harris's  Hift.  of  Dublin. 

(c)  We  are  told  t>y  a  contemporary  hiftorian,  that  a  the  oppofers  were  likely  to  be  abfenf,  viz.  Early  in 
fimilar  artifice  was  fuccefsfully  made  ufe  of,  the  year  the  morning,  before  the  ordinary  hour  of  refort  of 
before,  to  get  the  -like  aft  of  uniformity  pafled  in  Eng-  Knights,  Citizens,  and  Burgefles,  to  the  parliament- 
land  ;  which,  probably,  was  confidered  as  a  good  houfe,  and  upon  a  day  unlocked  for,  the  ftatifts  pro- 
predecent  for  pafling  the  I-rtfti  act  in  the  fame  manner,  cured  the  faid  bill  to  be  fuddenly,  and  moil  unjuftly 
"  The  bill,"  fays  my  Author,  "  met  many  rubs  and  (tho*  not  without  fome  difficulty)  pafled  by  the  great- 
lets  among  the  members  of  the  Commons  ;  whereup-  cr  number  of  voices :  the  rather  bccaufe  of  the  ab- 
on,  by  watching  an  opportunity  to  fummon  the  fa-  fence,  and  fubtle  circumvention  of  the  reft  of  their 
vourers  of  it  together,  at  one  unexpected  hour,  when  fellow- members."  Hift.  of  the  reformation,  Vol.  i. 

(a)  This  Cartwright  was  fo  (launch  a  non-confor-  ««  that  in  his  prayer  before  his  fermons,"  he  ufed  to 

mift,  even  as   to   ceremonials,  that  in  his  reply  to  fay,    "  becaufe  they    (meaning  the  Bifliops)  which 

Archbifhop  Whitgift,  he  makes  ufe  of  thefe  words  :  ought  to  be  pillars  of  the  church,  do  band  themfelves 

'•  Certain  of  the  things  we  ftand  upon,  are  fuch,  that  agairfft  Chrift,  and  his  Truth,    therefore,  O  Lord, 

if  every  hair  of  our  heads  were  a  life,  we  ought  to  af-  give  us  grace,  and  power,  as  one  man,  to  fet  oui- 

ford   them,  for  the  defence  of  them  "     Sir  George  felves  againft  them."    p.  47. 
Paul,  in  hi«  life  of  Archbifliop  Whitgift,   tells  us, 


Ch.  IV.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  41 

MR.  (3)  Carte  has  difcovered  no  lefs  ignorance,  than  partiality,  in  his  man- 
ner of  juftifying  the  execution  of  this  penal  ftatute,  at  that  juncture.  "  The 
Irifh  Catholics,"  fays  he,  "  became  accidentally  fubject  to  the  fmall  pecuniary 
penalties  of  it,  forty  years  after  it  was  made,  upon  their  feparation  from  the 
public  worfhip  of  the  (eftablifhed)  church  of  Ireland;  and  it  was  reafonable  to 
imagine,  that  fuch  a  fudden  defection  fhould  have  irritated  the  government, 
and  put  them  upon  fome(b)  wholefome  feverities,  to  flop  it  in  the  beginning." 
Here  is  a  caufe  afligned  for  inflicting  this  penalty,  which  never  exifted  but  in 
the  Hiftorian's  brain.  For  their  feparation,  and  fudden  defection,  from  the 
public  worfhip  of  the  church  of  Ireland,  necefTarily  fuppofes  their  for- 
mer agreement,  and  conformity  to  it;  but  this  he  could  not  fuppofe  of  the 
Irifh  in  general,  without  a  barefaced  contradiction  to  known  facts.  For  fo 
ftedfaftly  did  thefe  people  adhere  to  their  antient  religion  in  that,  and  the 
former  reign,  notwithftanding  the  many  alluring  offers,  and  terrifying  punifh- 
ments,  made  ufe  of  to  withdraw  them  from  it,  that  Chichefler  himfelf,  who 
had  often  employed  both  means  of  feduction,  was  heard  to  exclaim,  in  the 
rage  of  difappointment  (4),  "  That  he  believed  the  very  air,  and  foil  of 
Ireland,  were  infected  with  popery."  The  barbarous  incivility,  already  men- 
tioned, which  the  young  Earl  of  Defmond  met  with  from  his  countrymen, 
and  followers,  after  they  were  convinced  of  his  conformity  to  the  public 
worfhip  of  the  church  of  Ireland,  is  a  fufficient  refutation  of  this  miftake. 

THE  King  about  this  time  (5),  fent  inftructions  to  the  ftate,  for  miniftring 
the  oath  of  fupremacy  to  the  Catholic  Lawyers  and  Juftices  of  Peace  ;  and  for 
putting  the  laws  againft  recufants  in  ftrict  execution.  Accordingly  (6),  "  of 
fixteen  Aldermen,  and  citizens  of  Dublin,  fummoned  before  the  Privy  Coun- 
cil, nine  werecenfured  in  the  caftle  chamber ;  and  fix  of  the  Aldermen  were 
fined,  each  in  one  hundred  pounds ;  and  the  other  three,  in  fifty  pounds  a-piece ; 
and  they  were  all  committed  prifoners  to  the  caftle,  during  the  pleafure  of  the 
court.  It  was^  at  the  fame  time,  ordered,  that  none  of  the  citizens  fhould 
bear  offices,  until  they  had  conformed (c)" 

G  HARD 

(3)  Life  of  Ormond,  Vol.  i.  (4)  Analefta  Sacra.  (5)  Carle  ubi  fupra.  Vol.  j.  fol.  21. 

(6)  Harris  ubi  fupra. 

(b)  Yet,  in  another  place,  he  owns,  "  That   the      executed  (adds  he)  it  would  be  a  force  upon  the  con- 
penalties  of  this  aft  were    raifed   for  the  private  gain      fciences  of  the  poor  ignorant  Irifh,  as  they  Itood  in- 
of  minifters  j  and  had   always  occafioned  a  clamour      formed."     Cart.  Oim.  Vol.  i.  fol.  523. 

abroad,  of  a  terrible  perfecuiion;  and  if  rigoroufly 

(c)  On  this  occafion,  "  all    the  old   Englifh  fami-      denied  the  legality  of  the  fentence  by  which  thefe  fe- 
lies  of  the  pale,  took  the  alarm,  and  boldly  remon-      verities  were  inflicted,  and  urged,  that  by  the  ftatute 
firated  agaiaft  the  feverity  of  thefe  proceedings.   They     of  zd  of  Elizabeth,  the  crime  of  recufancy  had  its 

punifhinent 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW    or    THE 


Bk 


HARD  as  this  treatment  of  the  Catholic  laity  was,  (amidft  "  the  calmeft, 
andmoftuniverfal  peace  that  was  ever  known  in  Ireland,")  that  of  their  clergy 
was  ftill  more  rigorous.  To  omit  many  other  inftances,  the  cafe  of  Robert  Law- 
ler  deferves  particular  notice.  When  this  poor  man  was  thrown  into  prifon, 
for  exercifing  the  function  of  a  Roman  Catholic  prieft,  he  (7),  in  order  to  re- 
move all  fufpicion  of  his  maintaining,  or  teaching  any  feditious  dodrines, 
made  the  following  confelfion,  before  the  Lord  Deputy  and  Council ;  and  af- 
terwards confirmed  it  on  oath,  viz.  "  That  he  did  acknowledge  his  ibvereign, 
King  James,  to  be  his  lawful  chief,  and  fupreme  governor,  in  caufes  as  well 
ecclefiaftical,  as  civil ;  that  he  was  bound  in  confcience  to  obey  him,  in  all 
faid  caufes  j  and  that  neither  the  Pope,  nor  any  other  foreign  Prelate,  or  Po- 
tentate, had  power  to  controul  the  King,  in  any  caufes  ecclefiaftical,  or  civil, 
within  that  kingdom,  or  in  any  other  of  his  Majefty's  dominions."  Yet  this 
extreme  condefceufion  could  not,  it  feems,  prevent  his  condemnation.  The 
only  pretence  for  this  feverity  was,  his  having  denied,  privately,  to  fome  of 
his  friends,  who  vifited  him  in  prifon,  that  he  had  ever  made  fuch  confeffion, 
as  was  derogatory  to  the  fpiritual  authority  of  the  Roman  Pontiff;  for,  he 
told  them,  "  that  he  had  not  acknowledged,  that  the  King  was  fupreme  gover- 
nor in  fpiritual  caufes,  but  in  ecclefiaftical."  Whether  this  diftin&ien,  cal- 
culated for  the  private  fatisfac~Hon  of  his  friends,  was  well  or  ill  founded,  I 
fhall  not  take  upon  me  to  determine;  but  certain  it  is,  that  it  cancelled  all 
the  merit  of  his  public  confeffion. 

(7)  Sir  John  Davis's  Reports  in  fine. 


punifliment  afcertained,  and  that  any  extenfion  of  the 
penalty  was  illegal,  and  unconstitutional. — Their  re- 
monftrance  was  prefented  to  the  Council  by  an  unu- 
fual  concourfe  of  people,  but  the  chief  petitioners 
were  confined  to  the  caftle  of  Dublin  ;  and  Sir  Pa- 
trick BarnweH,  their  great  agent,  was,  by  the  King's 
command,  fent  in  cuftody  into  England."  Lei.  Hift. 
of  Ireland,  Vol.  ii.  p.  421-2. 

The  King,  on  this  fubjeft,  wrote  to  Chichefter, 
"  That  he  thought,  both  the  order  he  had  taken  for 


reformation,  and  the  punifliment  he  had  inflidled  upon 
fome  of  the  Aldermen  of  Dublin,  and  certain  others 
whom  his  letters  mention,  for  their  contempt,  to  be 
not  only  juft,  but  neceflary.-— And  that  he  conceived 
hope,  that  many,  by  fuch  means,  will  be  brought  to 
conformity  (in  religion)  who  perhaps  hereafter  will 
find  caufe  to  give  thanks  to  God,  and  him,  for  being 
drawn  by  fo  gentle  a  conftrainr,  to  their  own  good." 
Defid.  Curiof.  Hib.  Vol.  i.  p.  465. 


CHAR 


Ch.  V.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND. 


CHAP.          V. 


43 


The  Confpiracy ,  and  Flight  of  the  Ear  Is. 

THESE  feverities  not  having  produced  the  defired  effecl,  which,  pro- 
bably, was  a  new  infurrec"lion,  and  confequently  new  forfeitures,  ano- 
ther expedient  was  made  ufe  of,  which  had  been  (a)  fbmetimes  fuccefsful,  viz. 
private  information  of  an  intended  confpiracy  of  the  Irifh,  by  means  of  an 
anonymous  letter.  But  that  there  was  in  fad  no  fuch  confpiracy,  and  that 
this  letter  was  meerly  a  ftate-trick,  to  enfnare  the  innocent,  by  forged  accu- 
fations,  we  have  as  good  proof,  as  can  poffibly  be  had  of  a  negative,  in  the 
manifeft  abfurdity,  and  contradiction,  of  the  different  accounts,  which  have 
been  left  us  of  it. 

THE  firft  of  thefe  accounts,  which  is  taken  from  Do£tor  Henry  Jones,  Bifhop 
of  Meath,  and  formerly  Scout-mafter  General  to  Cromwell's  army,  runs  thus(i), 
"  Anno  1607,  there  was  a  providential  difcovery  of  another  rebellion  in  Ire- 
land ;  the  Lord  Chichelter  being  Deputy ;  the  difcoverer  not  being  willing  to 
appear,  a  letter  from  him,  not  being  fubfcribed,  was  fuperfcribed  to  Sir  Wil- 
liam Ufher,  clerk  of  the  Council,  and  dropt  in  the  council-chamber,  then  held 
in  the  caftle  of  Dublin  •,  in  which  was  mentioned  a  defign  for  feizing  that 
caftle  and  murthering  the  Deputy,  with  a  general  revolt,  and  dependance  on 
Spanifh  forces ;  and  this  alfo  for  religion ;  for  particulars  whereof,  adds  the 
Bifhop,  I  refer  to  that  letter,  dated  March  the  igth,  1607."  Hence  it 
appears,  that  the  firft  difcovery  of  this  confpiracy  arofe  from  the  anonymous 
letter  above-mentioned. 

DOCTOR  Carlton,  Bifhop  of  Chichefter,  a  cotemporary  writer,  has  left  us 
a  prolix  account  of  the  difcovery  of  this  confpiracy,  in  which,  however,  there 
is  no  mention  made  of  this  anonymous  letter.  The  fubftance  of  his  account 
is  what  follows. 

G  2  "MONTGOMERY, 

(i)  Preface  to  Borlafe's  Hiftory  of  the  Irifli  Rebellion. 

(a)  This  was  then  thought  to  have  been  a  contri-  niflers,  when,  and   how  to  make  ufe  of  them  agimft 

vance   of  Secretary  Cecil,  whom  Ofburne  calls  "  an  Catholics.     The  original  of  thefe  inftrucli  ns,  in  Ct- 

adept    in   ftate  tricks  "    and  who   two  years   before,  cil's  own  hand-wiiting,  was  formerly  in  the  keeping  of 

found  the  like  expedient  to  have  fucceeded  in  rhe  af-  the  infamous  Judge  Bradfliaw,  by  whom  it  was  fliewn 

fair  of  the  Gun  powder  Treafon.     (See  an  Eflay    to-  to  bir   William   Percival,  who  communicated  it  to  a 

wards  a  new  hiftory  of  that  treafon.)     "  Cecil,"  fays  gentleman  of  great  worth,  who  died  anno  1697,. and 

Mr.  Dod,  "  was  an  adept   in  framing  fiflitious  plots,  left  it  among  other  papers  of  remarks  upon  the  times." 

and  has  left  inftrudiotis  behind  him  to  fucceeding  mi-  Ecclefiaft.  Hilt.  Vol.  iii.  fol.  196. 


44  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  11 

"  MONTGOMERY  (2),  Bifhop  of  Derry,"  fays  he,  "  fufpecled,  or  was  told, 
that  Tyrone  had  gotten  into  his  hands  the  greateft  part  of  the  lands  of  his 
Bifhoprick ;  which  he  intended,  in  a  lawful  courfe,  to  recover ;  and  finding 
ther^  was  no  man  could  give  him  better  light,  or  knowledge  of  thefe  things, 
than  O'Cahane  (who  was  great  with  Tyrone)  made  ufe  of  fuch  means,  that 
he  (O'Cahane)  came  to  him  of  his  own  accord,  and  told  him,  he  could  help 
him  to  the  knowledge  of  what  he  fought  j  but  that  he  was  afraid  of  Tyrone  j 
yet  he  engaged,  to  reveal  all  that  he  knew  of  that  matter,  provided  the  Bifhop 
would  promife  to  fave  him  from  Tyrone's  violence,  and  not  deliver  him  into 
England,  which  the  Bifhop  having  promifed,  he  brought  O'Cahane  to  the 
Council  in  Dublin,  to  take  his  confelfion  there.  Upon  this,  procefles  were 
fent  to  Tyrone,  to  warn  him  to  come  up  to  Dublin,  at  an  appointed  time,  to 
anfwer  the  fuit  of  the  Lord  Bifhop  of  Derry.  There  was  no  other  intention 
but,  in  a  peaceable  way,  to  bring  the  fuit  to  a  trial ;  for  the  Council  then 
knew  nothing  of  the  plot.  But  Tyrone  having  entered  into  a  new  confpiracy, 
of  which  O'Cahane  was,  began  to  fufpecl,  when  he  was  ferved  with  a  procefs 
to  anfwer  the  fuit,  that  this  was  but  a  plot  to  draw  him  in,  and  that  furely 
the  treafon  was  revealed  by  O'Cahane.  Upon  this  bare  fufpicion,  Tyrone 
with  his  confederates,  fled  out  of  Ireland,  and  loft  all  thofe  lands  in  the  North." 
Dodor  Carlton  adds,  "  that  he  had  this  account  of  the  difcovery  of  the  con- 
fpiracy from  the  Bifhop  of  Derry  himfelf  The  reader  will  pleafe  to  recollect, 
that,  according  to  the  Bifhop  of  Meath's  ftory,  the  iirft  difcovery  of  this  plot 
was  made  to  the  Council  by  an  anoymous  letter  dropt  in  the  council-chamber ; 
but,  by  the  Bifhop  of  Derry's  account,  the  actual  flight  of  the  Earls,  and  their 
confederates,  out  of  the  kingdom,  was  what  alone  excited  in  them  the  firft 
fufpicion  of  the  confpiracy. 

BUT  let  us  reflect  a  moment  on  the  obvious  incredibility  of  this  latter  Bifhop's 
tale.  O'Cahane,  a  prime  Catholic  gentleman,  poffefTed  of  a  very  large  eftate, 
enters  into  a  confpiracy  with  Tyrone,  againft  the  Proteftant  religion,  and  go- 
vernment of  Ireland ;  and  yet,  at  the  fame  time,  he  comes,  "  of  his  own  ac- 
cord," to  a  Proteflant  Bifhop,  to  put  him  in  a  way  to  deprive  the  perfon,  who 
was  to  be  his  chief  leader  in  that  confpiracy,  of  a  great  part  of  his  eftate,  the 
lofs  of  which  muft  have  proportionally  leffened  that  leader's  power  to  carry 
it  on  i  and  this  he  does  for  no  other  recompence,  but  a  promife  from  the 
Bifhop,  that  he  will  fave  him  from  Tyrone's  violence ;  that  is  to  fay,  from  the 
violence  of  a  man,  with  whom  he  was  not  only  great,  but  alfo  joined  in  a 
plot  agaiat  the  government.  Now  fuppofing  that  O'Cahane  only  knew  that 
Tyrone  was  engaged  in  fuch  a  confpiracy,  without  being  himfelf  an  accom- 
plice 

(2)  Thankful  remembrance,  &c.  p.  168, 


Ch.  V.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  45 

plice  in  it,  would  he  not  have  thought  fuch  knowledge  of  his  guilt  a  much 
better  fecurity,  and  defence,  againft  Tyrone's  violence,  (as  it  put  him  abfolute- 
ly  in  his  power,)  than  any  promife  of  protection  from  the  Bifhop  could  be  ? 
But  as  it  is  fuppofed,  that  he  was  actually  concerned  with  Tyrone  in  that  con- 
fpiracy, what  can  be  more  abfurd,  than  to  imagine,  that  he  would,  of  his  own 
accord,  and  without  any  fuitable  recompencc,  have  thus  provoked  his  leader, 
to  feek  revenge,  and  his  own  pardon  by  revealing  his  (O'Cahane's)  guilt  ?  For 
it  is  not  even  pretended,  that  O'Cahane  had  any  thoughts,  all  thia  while,  of 
difcovering  the  plot;  and  how  he  could  have  expected  to  carry  it  on,  in  con- 
cert with  Tyrone,  after  having  thus  provoked  and  injured  him,  is,  indeed,  a 
a  myftery  not  eafily  unravelled  (b). 

SIR  John  Temple's  account  (3)  of  this  confpiracy  is  much  fhorter  than  that 
of  either  of  thefe  Bifhops,  but  equally  incoherent  and  abfurd.  "  In  this  ftate," 
fays  he,  "  the  kingdom  continued  under  fome  iadifferent  terms  of  peace  and 
tranquillity,  until  the  (c)  Earl  of  Tyrone  took  up  new  thoughts  of  riflng  into 
arms.  And  into  this  rebellious  defign  he  drew  the  whole  province  of  Ulfter, 
then  entirely  at  his  devotion.  But  his  plot  failed  j  and  finding  himfelf  not 
able  to  get  together,  any  confiderable  forces,  he,  with  the  principal  of  his 
adherents,  quitting  the  kingdom,  fled  into  Spain." 

THE  contradi&ion  of  Tyrone's  having  drawn  the  whole  province  of  Ulfter. 
into  his  rebellious  defigns,  and  at  the  fame  time,  his  not  being  able  to  get  to- 
gether any  conliderable  forces,  is  too  glaring,  to  need  any  further  animad- 
vcrfio-n. 

THESE  are  the  only  written  accounts  I  have  yet  met  with,  after  a  very 
diligent  fearch,  of  this  confpiracy  of  the  Earls,  from  which,  I  prefume,  the 
candid  reader  will  conclude,  that  there  never  was  any  fuch  confpiracy;  and  that 

thefe 

(3)  See  his  HUlorj  of  the  Iriili  Rebellion. 

(I)  Incredible   as  thefe* things  are,  yet  m  order  to  that  would  not  do,  his  Majeily  was  p'eafcd,  that  he 

carry  on   thg    farce   thoroughly,    and    to   garble    up  fliould  ufe  his  difcretion  in  drawing  down  fome  force 

O'Cahane's  great  eftate,   among  the   reft,  O'Cahane  upon  him."     This  letter  is  dared  Jnnuaiy  24th,  1607. 

himfelf  was  afterwards  feized,  as  one  of  the  confpira*  And  in  another  letter  of  the   zoth  of  November  fbl- 

tors,  and  forfeited,  like  the  other  gentlemen  of  Ulfter.  lowing,  they  fay,  "  but  for  O'Cahane,  whom  it  feem- 

The  King  and  Council,  however,    difcovered   fome  eth,  you  have  imprifoned,  we  like  well  of  the  couife 

tendernefs,  with   refpecl  to    him,    befoie   his  actual  you    have  taken  with  him. — And  we  allow  alfo,  very 

feifure.     For  they  defired  the  Deputy  "  to  bring  him  well  of  your  placing  his  fon  in  the  college."     Defide- 

to  conformity,  by  {baking  the  rod  over  him  ;  but  if  rata  Curiofa  Hibern.  p.  508-13. 

(c)  Tyrone  was,  at  this  time,  fo  clofely  looked  not  drink  a  full  caroufe  of  fack,  but  the  ftate  was  ad- 
after,  "  that  he  was  he'ard  to  complain,  that  he  had  vertifed  thereof,  within  a  few  hours."  Sir  Jt>hnDa- 
fo  many  eyes  watching  over  him,  as  that  he  could  vis's  Hift.  Relat.  p.  117. 


46  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  II. 

thefe  accounts  were  then  framed,  however  injudicioufly,  to  give  fome  colour 
of  right  to  public  ads  of  flander,  oppreffion,  and  rapine. 

DOCTOR  Leland  has  juftly  obferved  on  this  occafion(4),  "  That  it  feems 
extraordinary,  that  the  Northerns,  who  were  ftill  fmarting  with  the  chaftife- 
mentthey  had  received,  in  the  late  rebellion ;  whofe  confequence,  and  influ- 
ence, were  confiderably  diminifhed ;  and  who  were  very  lately  reconciled  to 
government,  and  inverted  with  their  honours  and  eftates,  fhould  precipitately 
involve  themfelves  in  a  new  rebellion  (d)"  Such  an  event  indeed,  in  thefe 
circumftances,  not  only  feems  extraordinary,  but  actually  is,  at  leaft  in  a 
moral  fenfe,  utterly  incredible. 


H 


P. 


VI. 


Puritan  Bi/hops  in  Ireland. 

DURING  Sir  Arthur  Chichefter's  government,  feveral  of  the  eftablifhed 
clergy  were  puritanically  affected,  if  not  puritans   profefTed.     Of  this 
number,  was  the  famous  Doctor,  afterwards  Primate,  Ufher;  for  when  in  the 
year  1605,  he  was  Provoft  of  the  College  of  Dublin,  "  the  whole  doctrine  (i)  of 

Calvin 

(4)  Hift.  of  Ireland,  Vol.  if.  (i)  Carte's  Ormond. 


(d)  But  the  fame  writer  endeavours  to  refute  the 
Only  traditional  account  which  has  been  hitherto  hand- 
ed down  to  us  of  it,  (viz.  that  the  flight  of  the  Earls 
was  occafioned  by  the  treachery  of  one  of  the  family 
of  St  L  aurence  ;)  by  meerly  fuppofing,  "  that,  if 
any  art,  or  treachery  had  been  ufed  to  render  the  Earls 
obnoxious  to  the  law,  they  would  themfelves  have 
explained  the  deep  fcheme,  and  have  left  fome  me- 
morials, in  vindication  of  their  conduct,  either  in 
Spain  or  Rome,  where  they  were  entertained,  and 
protected.  But,  as  no  fuch  memorials  (fays  he)  have 
appeared,  they  feem  fo  have  acquiefced  in  the  charge 
ofconfpiracy  againft  the  Englifh  government."  But 
to  this  it  may  be  anfwered,  on  a  much  more  probable 
fuppofition,  that  thefe  noblemen  were  not,  perhaps 
expert  at  drawing  up  memorials ;  or  rather,  that  they 
were  in  too  defponding,  and  necellitous  a  condition," 
to  do  more  than  relate  their  misfortunes,  and  the 
manner  in  which  they  wese  brought  on  them,  verbally, 
in  order  to  obtain  a  fubfiftence  from  thofe  courts,  to 
which  they  fled  for  refuge  ;  and  that  this  traditional 
account  was  originally  detived,  and  uniformly  handed 
down  to  us,  from  fuch  verbal  relation.  But  let  us 
trj  the  force  of  this  negative  reafoning  on  the  oppo- 


fite  fide  of  the  queftion.  The  King  feems  to  have 
been  fo  apprehenfive,  that  this  affair  of  the  Earls 
"  might  blemifli"  (as  he  exprefles  it)  "  the  reputa- 
tion of  that  friefldfhip  which  ought  to  be  mutually  ob- 
ferved between  him  and  other  Princes,  that  he  thought 
it  not  amifs,  to  publifh  fome  fuch  matter,  by  way  of 
proclamation,  as  might  better  clear  mens  judgments 
concerning  the  fame."  At  the  fame  time,  fofemnly 
promifing,  '•  that  it  fhould  appear  to  the  world  as  clear 
as  the  fun,  by  evident  proof,  that  the  only  ground, 
and  motive  of  thefe  Earls  departure  was  the  private 
knowledge  and  inward  terror  of  their  own  guiltinefs." 
Ib.  p.  425  But  neither  in  that,  nor  in  any  other  au- 
thentic inftrument,  nor  in  any  manner  whatever,  did 
his  Majefty  deign,  ever  after,  to  enlighten  the  world, 
even  with  the  leaft  glimpfe  of  evident  proof,  that  fuch 
was  the  motive  of  thefe  Earls  departure.  And  I  (hall 
leave  it  to  the  deciiion  of  every  candid  reader,  whether 
this  non -performance  of  his  Majefty's  folemn  promife, 
be  not  a  better  negative  proof  of  the  nullity,  and  fic- 
tion of  this  confpiracy  of  the  Earls,  than  the  barenon- 
appearance  of  a  memorial  in  their  vindication,  can  be 
deemed  of  its  real itjr? 


Ch.VH.  .CIVIL    WARS    IN -IRELAND. 

Calvin  was,  by  his  management,  received  as  the  public  belief  of  the  Irirti 
church,  and  ratified  by  Chiehefter  in  the  King's  name  (2).  It  was,  in  fliort, 
be  that  drew  up  thofe  Calviniftical  articles,  then  agreed  to  in  convocation, 
which  were  afterwards  condemned,  and  abolifhed  by  Lord  Dc-p-iiy  Wcnt- 
worth,  containing  arrant  Brownifm,  and.  confirming  not  only  the  Lambeth- 
articles,  fuppreffed  by  Queen,  Elizabeth,  and  afterwards  reje&ed  by  King, 
James  j  but  alfo  feveral  particular  fancies  and  notions  of.  his  own." 

**  AFTER  (3)  the  repeal  of  the  Irifh  a£t  againft  the  bringing  in. of  > he  Scots, 
retaining  them,  and  marrying  with  them,  the  Scottifh  Prefbyttrs  came  over  to 
Ireland  in  great  Numbers,  Thefe  the  Irifh  Bifhops  condefcended  to  ordain, 
not  as  performing  the  function  of  Bifhops,  for  they  would  not  receive  ordina- 
tion from  them  as  fuch,  but  as  meer  Prefbyters,  alTifting  with  fome  of  their> 
own  Minifters,  in  order  to  qualify  them  to  enjoy  benefices  in  the  church. 
And  thefe  Bifhops  were  fo  exceedingly  complaifant,  on  fuch  occafions,  that 
they  left  out  all  thofe.  expreffions  in  the  eflablifhed  form  of  ordination,  which 
thefe  Ministers  excepted  againft;  inferting  and  ufing  fuch  others,  as  they  con- 
fented  to,  and  approved  of.  After  this  method,  Mr.  Blair  was  p-ublickly  or- 
dained by  Doctor  Eccl in,  Bifhop  of  Down,  in  the  church  of  Bangor;  and  all 
thofe  of  the  Prefbyterian  perfuafion,  who  were  ordained  in  Ireland,  between 
the  years  1622,  and  1642,  were  ordained  after  the  fame  method;  and  all  of 
them-  fo  ordained,  enjoyed  the  churches  and  tythes,  though  they  remained 
Prefbyterians  ftillr,  and  ufed  not  the  Liturgy.  And  there  was,  adds  my  Au- 
thor, a  civil  comprehenfion  between  them,  and  a  fort  of  an  ecclefiaftica!  com- 
prehenfion  too;  for  they  frequently  met,  and  confulted  with  the  Bifhops,, 
about  the  affairs  of  common  concernment  to:  the  intereft  of  religion ;  and  fome- 
of  them  were  members  of  the  convocation  in  1634."  The  fame  author  in- 
forms us,  "  that  thefe  Prefbyters  employed  themfelves  in  their  minifterial 
work,  to  the  approbation  of  all  the  moderate,  and  fober  Epifcopalians;  and 
particularly,,  of  the  great  Primate  Ufher,  from  whom;  they  had  great,  ap^ 
plaufe." 

C      H      A      P:          VII. 

Warm  Contefts  in  the  Irijh  Houfe  of  Commons* 

IN  the  year   1613,  a   parliament  was  called,  wherein  the,  attainder,  and 
outlawry,  of  the  noblemen  and  gentlemen  of  Ulfter,  together  with  feveral 
other  ads,  injurious  to  the  religion,  and  property,  of  the  natives,  were  intend- 
ed to  be  palTed    "  The  Irifh,"  fays  Mr.(i)  Carte,  "  on  this  occafion,  were 

apprehenfive 

(2)  Id.  ib.  Vol.  i.  fol.  73,  (3)  Prelbytcrian  Loyalty.  (i)  Life  of  Crraond,  Vol.  i. 


48  HISTORICAL    REVIEW   OF    THE  Bk.  II. 

apprehenfive  that  fome  further  penal  laws,  particularly  againft  harbouring^ 
Jefuits,  and  feminary  priefts,  and  for  obliging  not  only  Magiftrates  in  corpo- 
rations, but  alfo  profefTors  of  the  law,  and  others  to  take  the  oath  of  fupre^ 
rnacy,  would  be  enacted."  And  that  apprehenfion  was  but  too  well  founded. 
Knox,  a  Scotch  Puritan,  and  Bifhop  of  Raphoe,  had  informed  the  Deputy, 
that  the  only  fure  means  of  extirpating  Popery  out  of  Ireland,  was  by  the  death, 
or  banifhment  of  the  perfons,  and  the  confifcation  of  the  properties,  of  Papifts. 
And,  although  neither  of  thefe  humane  alternatives  was  fully  adopted  by  his 
Excellency,  yet,  from  that  malignant  infinuation,  he  certainly  meditated 
ibme  new,  and  fevere  parliamentary  reflriclions  upon  them  at  that  junfture. 
For  this  purpofe,  feveral  new  boroughs  were  haftily  (b)  created  in  Munfter, 
and  Conaught ;  fome,  and  thofe  not  a  few,  even  after  the  writs  had  been  if- 
fued.  And  from  the  antient  boroughs  and  towns,  many  undue  returns  of 
aliens,  and  other  unqualified  perfons,  were  openly  procured. 

UNDER  thefe  circumflances,  when,  on  the  firft  day  of  the  fe:flion(2),  Sir 
John  Davis  was  propofed  for  Speaker,  Sir  James  Geogh  obferved,  "  That  he 
faw  (c)  many  perfons  in  the  houfe,  who  had  had  no  right  to  fit  as  members ; 

and 

(2)  Reeves  in  Analeft.  Part  ii.  p.  14. 


(a)  There  was  a&ually  a  bill  of  that  kind  fent  over 
by  the  Deputy,  concerning  which,  the  King  tells  him 
and  the  Council,  in  returning  the  other  bills,  "  We 
think  it  a  fit  ti-.iie   to  difpatch   from  hence,  Sir  John 
Davis,  our  Attorney  General   of  that  kingdom,  with 
thofe  bills  which  were  firft  tranfmitted   thiiher,  under 

(b)  "  The  Deputy"  fays  Doftor  Leland,  "  conti- 
nued to  increafe  the  new  boroughs  to  the  number  of 
forty ;  of  which  feveral  weie  not  incorporated,  until 
the  writs  for  fummoning  a  parliament  had  already  if- 
fued. — This  awakened  the  fears  of  the  numerous  party 
ofrecufants;  fome  additional   feverities  againft  thofe 
who  refufed  to  abandon  theRomifh  communion  ;  fome 
additional  penal  ftatutes,  or  at  leaft  the  revival  of  thofe 
already  made,  were  naturally  dreaded."      Hiftoflrc- 

(t)  The  Lords  of  the  pale,  in  their  humble  remon- 
ftrance  to  his  Majefty  on  this  occafion,  obferve,  a- 
roong  other  things,  "  That  the  managing  elections 
for  that  parliament,  had  generally  bred  fo  grievous  an 
apprehenfion,  as  is  not  in  their  power  to  exprefy,  arj>- 
fing  from  a  fearful  fufpicion,  that  the  projttt  of  erect- 
ing fo  many  corporations  in  places  that  fcarcely  pafs 
the  rank  of  the  poor  villages  of  the  pooreft  country  in 
Chriftcndom,  do  tend  to  nought  elfe,  but  that  by  the 
voices  of  a  few,  fele&ed  for  that  purpofe  under  the 


the  great  feal  of  England,  and  were  lately  fent  for 
hither  again,  by  our  fpecial  direction,  to  the  End  that 
the  bill  againft  the  Jefuits,  &c.  might  be  taken  away 
from  the  reft,  to  be  further  considered  by  us ;  which 
w«  ourfelves  have  done  with  our  own  Hands."  De- 
fid.  Cutiof.  Hib.  Vol.  i.  p.  325. 

land,  Vol.  ii.  p.  445.  The  fame  author  had  before 
informed  us,  "  That  thefe  new  boroughs  being  moft 
of  them  inconfiderable,  and  many  too  poor  to  afford 
wages  to  their  reprefentatives,  muft  have  been  entirely 
influenced  by  government,  and  retftrned  its  creatures, 
and  immediate  dependents  j  and  that  they  were  re- 
prefented  by  Attorneys  clerks,  and  the  fervants  of 
the  Lord  Deputy."  Ib.  p.  443. 


name  of  BurgeiTes,  extreme  penal  laws  fhould  be  im- 
pofed  on  his  Majefty's  fubje&s. — That  his  Majefty's 
fubjecls  of  Ireland,  in  general,  did  very  much  diftafte 
and  exclaim  againft  the  depofing  of  fo  majiy  Magif- 
trates in  the  cities,  and  boroughs  of  that  kingdom, 
for  not  fparing  the  oath  of  fupremacy,  in  fpiritual 
and  ecclefiaftical  caufes,  they  prot-efting  a  firm  pro- 
feflion  of  loyalty,  and  of  all  kingly  jurifdi'ftion  in  his 
Highnefs."  Defid.  Curiof.  Hiber.  Vol.  i.  p.  t6c. 


Ch.  VII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  49 

and  therefore  moved,  that  their  votes  might  be  a  while  fufpended,  until  a 
Speaker  was  chofen;  after  which  the  legality  of  their  elections  fhould  be  duly 
enquired  into.  But  this  motion  being  foon  rejected,  and  Sir  James  urged,  by 
the  oppofite  party,  to  proceed  directly  in  the  chufing  of  a  Speaker,  he  named 
(d)  Sir  John  Everard,  and  was  feconded  by  Sir  Chriftopher  Nugent,  Mr. 
William  Talbot,  and  feveral  other  refpeclable  members.  But  Sir  Oliver  St. 
John,  and  Sir  Thomas  Ridgeway  infifting  tumultuoufly,  that  Sir  John  Davis 
was  chofen  Speaker,  by  a  majority  of  voices ;  and  the  other  party 
calling  out,  as  loudly,  to  place  Sir  John  Everard  in  the  chair,  great  confufion 
arofe  among  them  ;  fo  that  the  number  of  votes,  on  either  fide,  could  not  be 
determined,  until  Sir  John  Davis's  friends  having  followed  him  to  another 
room,  thofe  who  remained  within,  agreed  to  put  Sir  John  Everard  in  the 
chair,  fuppofing  him  to  be  duly  elected,  as  in  truth  he  was  by  a  real  majority 
of  legal  voices,  notwithftanding  the  greater  number  of  nominal  votes  on  the 
other  fide.  But  the  court-members,  on  their  return,  finding  him  there,  and 
confcious  of  their  greater  numbers  (3)  dragged  him  violently  thence,  and  fixed 
(eJSir  John  Davis  in  his  place.  They  were  emboldened  to  commit  this  out- 
rage, by  the  prefence  of  a  band  of  foldiers  completely  armed,  with  lighted 
matches  in  their  hands,  who  were  placed,  for  that  purpofe,  at  the  entrance 
into  parliament.  Alarmed  at  thefe  proceedings,  the  Catholic  members  quitted 
the  houfe,  having  firft  openly  protected  againft  the  authors  of  fuch  unheard-of 
violence,  as  invaders  of  the  liberties  of  their  country,  and  of  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  parliament. 

H  NOT 

(3)  Analecla  Sacra.    Reeves  ubi  fupra. 

(d)  "  A  Recufant   of  refpeftable  characler,    who      dulged  with  a   penfion."     Leland's  Hift.  of  Ireland, 
bad   been  a  Juftice  of  the  King's  bench,  and,  on  re-      Vol.  ii.  447. 

(igning  his  ftation  rather   than  take  the  oaths,  was  in- 

(e)  A  cotemporary  writer,  in  a   trail  addrefled  to  chair  of  the  Speaker  ;  but  when  the  Proteftanrs  faw 
Sir  Arthur  Chichefter  himfelf,  relates   this  conteft  in  that,  they  quietly  pulled  Sir  John  Everard  out  of  the 
the  following  manner.  "  There  were,"  fays  he,  "  two  chair,  and    held   Sir  John  Davis    therein  ;  and   thus, 
elections,  viz.  thofe  of   rhe    recufant  feel  had  chofen  with  great  contention,   the  fecond  and  third  days  (of 
Sir  John   Everard,    Knight,    for    the  Speaker;    and  the  parliament)  were  fpent ;  but  rhe  recufants  prevailed 
therefore  in  no  wife  would  accept  of  Sir  John  Davis  ;  not  therein,  for  Sir  John  Davis  was  maintained  in  the 
and    in   this  divifion,  grew    an    uncertainty,  who  had  place. — Then  did  the  recufants  of  both  houfes  of  par- 
moft  voices,     whereupon,  Sir  John   Davis  with    all  liament  withdraw  themfelves,  and  reforted  not  thither 
thofe  of  the  Proteltancy,  went  ouc   to    be  numbered,  any  more,  notwithftanding  that   they  were  often  fent 
and  before  they  came  in  again,  thofe  of  the  recu fancy  for   by  the  Lord  Deputy."     Dcfid.  Curiof.   Hibern. 
had  ihur.  the  door,  and  had  fet  Sir  John  Everard  in  the  Vol.  i.  p.  168. 


5o  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  II. 

NOT  content  with  this  proteftation,  thefe  feceding  members  (f)  fent  four 
of  the  moft  confiderable  of  their  own  body  into  England,  with  their  com- 
plaints to  the  King.  Thefe  were  accompanied  from  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  by 
David  Roche,  Vifcount  Fermoy;  James  Plunkett,  Baron  of  Killeen,  after- 
wards Earl  of  Fingall ;  and  by  the  Lord  Baron  of  Delvin,  afterwards  Earl  of 
Weftmeath  5  together  with  Sir  Patrick  Barnwell,  and  four  lawyers. 

BUT  thefe  noblemen  and  gentlemen,  inftead  of  obtaining  redrefs  of  the  in- 
jury complained  of,  were,  in  the  end,  fent  (g)  back  and  infulted,  with  this 
quaint  and  evafive  anfwer  (4),  "  That  as  Papifts,  they  were  but  half  fubjedls, 
and  therefore,  ihould  have  but  half  privileges $"  which,  by  the  way,  was  an 
indirect  confeffion  of  the  wrong  done  them.  Nay,  it  appears  by  a  public 
fpeech,  which  his  Majefty  made  on  this  occafion,  that  he  would  not  allow 
them  to  be  even  half  fubj eels ;  which  by  a  new  quirk  of  Royal  logic,  he  en- 
deavoured to  prove  thus:  "  As  men,  ye  confift  of  bodies  and  fouls;  now  your 
fouls,  which  are  the  nobler  parts,  ye  devote  to  the  Pope ;  to  me  ye  fubmit 
nothing  but  your  bodies,  nor  yet  your  bodies  entire ;  for  thofe  ye  divide  be- 
tween me  and  the  King  of  Spain ;  him  ye  ferve  with  your  bodies  armed,  leav- 
ing to  me  only  your  naked,  ufelefs,  and  unarmed  bodies (b)" 

WITH  this  curious  anfwer,  he  remanded  them  back  to  Ireland,  ordering 
them  at  their  peril,  to  attend  the  bufinefs  of  parliament,  which  was  chiefly 
that  of  railing  large  fupplies  for  his  Majefty.  And,  indeed,  in  that  refpecl, 
thefe  half-fubjecls  always  fhewed  themfelves  abundantly  more  ufeful,  than 
thofe  he  called  his  whole-fubjecls ;  as,  on  account  of  their  far  greater  number, 
and  opulence,  they  contributed  more  than  feven-eights,  in  all  the  loans,  and 
fubfidies,  that  were  required  by  him,  during  his  whole  reign.  And  for  their 
chearful  concurrence  in  granting  this  laft  fupply,  we  fhall  prefently  find  his 

Majefty 

(4)  Cox's  Hift.  Irel.  Vol.  ii.  p.  z j. 

(f)  After  having  obtained  leave  from  his  Majefty,      Killine,    Delvin,     Slane,     Trimblefton,     Donboyne, 
in  confequence   of  an   humble   addrefs  figned   by  the      Lowth,  Cahyr."     See  that  Addrefs,  Append. 
Lords  Buttevant,  Gormanfton,  Fermoy,  Mountgarret, 

(g)  "  Two  of  their  agents,  Talbot  and  Lutterel,  were  committed  piifoners,  one  to  the  Towcrr  and  the 
other  to  the  Fleet."     Lei.  Hift.  Irel.  Vol.  ii.  p.  451. 

(b)  The  manner  in  which  he  juftified  to  thefe  roughs?  My  Councrl  may  confider  the  fitneft,  if  I  re- 
agents, his  having  granted  a  commiflion  for  creating  quire  it;  but,  what  if  I  had  created  forty  noblemen, 
thefe  new  boroughs  is  ftill  more  extraordinary.  "  It  and  four  hundred  boroughs  ?  The  more  the  merrier, 
was  never  before  heard,"  faid  he,  "  that  any  good  the  fewer  the  better  cheer."  Defid.  Curbf.  Hibern. 
fubj  efts  did  difpute  the  King's  power  HI  this  point.  Vol.  i.  p.  220. 
What  is  it  to  you,  whether  I  make  many  or  few  bo- 


Ch.VII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  51 

Majefty  thanking  them,  with  the  reft  of  the  Irifh  Commons,  in  a  feemingly 
gracious  and  grateful  manner. 

THE  Catholics,  however,  on  their  return  to  parliament,  ftill  infifted  on 
queftioning  the  aforefaid  elections,  before  any  other  bufmefs  was  proceeded 
upon;  and  they  prevailed  fo  far,  that  an  order  was  then  parted,  and  repeated  in 
the  following  feffion  (5),  "  That  the  exceptions  taken  to  thefe  elections  fhould 
be  duly  examined,  at  a  more  convenient  opportunity."  But  we  don't  find, 
that  fuch  opportunity  was  ever  after  afforded  them  (i).  In  this  parliament,  fo 
compofed,  and  managed,  the  act  of  attainder,  and  outlawry,  againft  the  no- 
blemen and  gentlemen  of  the  fix  intire  counties  in  Ulfter,  for  the  before-men- 
tioned pretended  confpiracy,  was  fuffered  to  be  paffed. 

IT  is  well  worthy  of  notice,  that  this  act:  of  the  attainder  of  the  Earls  does 
not  fpecify  any  particulars  of  the  confpiracy  lately  imputed  to  them ;  not 
even  their  flight,  which  was  the  only  proof,  and  that  meerly  prefump- 
tive,  that  was  alleged  for  it.  It  barely  recites,  in  general,  as  the  grounds 
of  it  (6),  "  Thefe  noblemens  having  committed,  and  perpetrated,  acts 
of  treafbn  againft  his  Majefty  (which,  as  we  have  already  feen,  they  were 
only  fufpecled,  or  accufed,  of  having  intended  to  commit,)  and  their 
own  and  anceftors  former  rebellion  againft  Queen  Elizabeth,"  (for  which, 
as  we  have  alfo  already  feen,  they  had  all  received  his  Majefty's  free,  and 
abfolute  (k),  pardon,  at  his  acceffion.)  It  is  therefore,  no  wonder,  that 
while  this  act  was  under  debate,  a  committee  of  the  Commons  was  appointed 
to  wait  on  the  Lord  Deputy  (7),  "  to  acquaint  him  with  a  fcruple,  that  was 
moved,  whether  that  attainder  did  look  back  to  treafons  committed  before 
the  King's  time,  or  only  fmce."  But  no  other  anfwer  appears,  on  the  part 
of  the  Deputy,  but  the  paffing  of  the  bill. 

(5)  Commons  Journal.  Vol.  i.  (6)  See  Irifh  Statutes.  (7)  Com.  Jour.  Vol.  i.  fol.  45,  47. 

(i)  His  Mnjefty,  however,  foon  after  fent  inftnic-  houfe,  unlefs  they  fhould  be  again  duly  elected."—— 

tions  to  the  Deputy,  "  That  the  Burgefles  returned  And    alfo,    "  that   the  Burgcfles  returned  from   the 

upon  the   new  charters,  fromTallagh,  Lifmore,  Ca-  towns  of  Clogher,  Athlone,  and  Gouran,  fhould,  for- 

terlogh,   Cionkiltie,    Fetherd,   Augher,    Belfaft,    and  bear  to  fit  in  the  houfe  of  parliament."     Defid.  Curiof. 

Charlemount  ;  as  alfo  thofe  from  Kildare  and  Cavan,  Hib.  Vol.  i.  p.  324-5. 
being  falfely  returned,  fhould   forbear  to  tit  in   that 

(k)  In  one  of  his  Majefty's  letters  of  inflruflions  ferve   private  ends  ;  a   matter  fb  odious  to  our  na- 

to  Sir  Arthur  Chichefter,  when  firft  appointed  Depu-  ture,    to  whom    generally  that  people  have  carried 

Ty,  we  find  thefe  words.     "  We  think  it  not   amifs,  themfelves  as  becometh  natural  and  loving  fubjecls, 

as  well  for  making  known,  that  we  are  careful  of  that  that  we  would   have  it  one   of  the  firft  works  you 

fiate  (Ireland)  ;  as  alfo  to  root  out  jealoufies,  which  fliould  do,  to  lecure  them  from  ever  being  called  in 

have  been  formerly  conceived,  that   daily  advantage  queftion   for  any   offence   done,  either  before,   or  in 

fhould  be  fearched  for  by  the  Minifters  of  that  realm,  the  precedent  rebellion."     Defid.  Curiof.  Hiber.  Vol.  i. 

to  moleft,  and  opprefs  them  for  old  offences,  only  to  p.  448. 

H2  CHAP. 


52  HISTORICAL   REVIEW    OF    -THE  Bk.  II. 

CHAP.          VIII. 

Tht  King  thanks  the  Irijhfor  their  Supply,  but  orders  the  Penal  Laws  to  be  put 

in  Force  againft  them. 

AFTER  the  before-mentioned  fupplies  had  been  granted  by  parliament, 
his  Majefty  wrote  to  the  Deputy,  (and  ordered  his  letter  to  be  publick- 
ly  read  in  the  houfe)  that  (i),  "  underftanding,  that  the  bills  of  fubfidies  were, 
upon  the  firft  propounding,  received,  and  patted,  with  fuch  univerfal  confent 
and  chearfulnefs,  that  there  feemed  to  arife  an  affectionate  emulation  between 
them,  who  Ihould  exprefs  moft  love,  and  forwardnefs  therein  unto  him ;  he 
took  that  evident  demonstration  of  their  dutiful  zeal  and  affection,  in  fuch 
good  part,  that  he  commanded  him  to  give  them  thanks  in  his  name,  and  to 
let  them  know,  that  he  was  much  better  pleafed  with  the  free  manner  of  that 
prefent  of  their  affections  unto  him,  than  if  they  had  given  him  ten  times  the 
value  of  the  money,  with  unwilling  hearts."  Upon  this  occafion,  Sir  John 
Everard  obferved  to  the  houfe  (2),  "  that,  as  neither  in  Opeen  Elizabeth's 
time,  nor  in  his  then  Majefty's,  any  fubfidies  had  been  fo  regularly  granted, 
there  being  no  denial,  he  did,  on  the  knees  of  his  heart,  humbly  pray  in  be- 
half of  his  country,  that  the  flatute  of  the  2d  of  Queen  Elizabeth  might  be 
fomething  moderated  for  a  time;  which  being  granted,"  added  he,  "  if  the 
King  were  willing  to  demand  two,  three,  or  four  fubfidies,  he  doubted  not  of 
any  denial  hereafter."  And,  in  the  fame  leflion,  the  whole  houfe,  among 
other  grievances  which  they  had  laid  before  the  Deputy,  again  mentioned 
that  ftatute-,  and  humbly  prayed  (3),  "  That,  in  the  execution  thereof,  the 
clerks  of  the  crown  and  peace,  might  not  be  permitted  to  take  fuch  exceffive 
fees,  as  they  did ;  but  that  thefe  fees  might  be  altogether  forbidden  to  be 
taken,  or  elfe  that  the  fame  might  be  drawn  down,  and  moderated,  and  that, 
by  an  act  of  ftate  to  be  obferved  throughout  the  kingdom."  They  further 
prayed  (4),  "  That,  whereas  the  recufant  lawyers  were  debarred  from  (a)  their 

practice, 

(0  Ib.  (2)  ib.  (3)  ib.  (4)  ib. 

(a)  "  In  1614,  an   the  Councellors   of  law   that  to  church,  is  put  ftiiftly  in  execution  in  many  places: 

were  in   Ireland,  who  would   not   take   the  oath   of  but  the    faid  money,  being  a  great   matter  of  value 

•/upremacy,  were  put  from  pleading  of  caufes  in  any  over  the  whole  kingdom,  is  not  employed  upon  the 

of  the  four  courts,  or  elfewhere,  to  fpeak  for  clients,  poor  according  to   the  ftatute,  but  brought  into  the 

Likewife,  fuch  as  were  penfioners,  that  would   not  hands  of  the  clerks  of  thefe  courts,  but  how  they  dif- 

fake  the  faid  oath,  were  difcharged  of  their  penfions."  pofe  of  it,  the  pariftiioners,  or  church-wardens  know 

Defid.  Curiof.  Hiber.  Vol.  i.  p.  320.  not."     Petition  of  the  Lords  and  Commons  Agents, 

"  The  ftatute  made  the  2d  of  Eliz.  laying  a  penal-  1613.    Defid.  Curiof.  Vol.  i.  p.  249. 

ty  of  izd.  every  Suuday  and  Holyday,  for  not  going  **  Lord 


Ch.  VJIT.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  5.-; 

practice,  by  fpecjal  directions  from  his  Majefty :  and,  forafmuch  as  the 
Commons  did  find  by  experience,  that  the  fubjecls  of  the  realm  did  fufFer  no 
fmall  prejudice  in  their  caufes,  for  want  of  learned  Counfel,  efpecially  at  the 
affizes,  that  his  Lordlhip  would  be  a  means  to  his  Majefty,  that  fuch,  and  fo 
many  of  the  faid  lawyers  might  be  reftored  to  their  praclice,  as  his  Lordfhip 
in  his  judgment  fhould  think  fit,  for  the  difpatch  of  faid  caufes."  To  which 
his  Lordfhip  anfwered,  "  That  the  Lords  of  the  Council  in  England  had  fig- 
nified  his  Majefty's  pleafure  for  filencing  them,  until  they  had  taken  the  oath 
(of  fupremacy)  but  that  he  would  acquaint  their  Lordfhips  with  what  the 
Commons  had  fignified,  and  with  their  defire."  But  that  no  redrefs  follow^ 
ed,  appears  from,  hence,  that  in  the  enfuing  feffion  of  May  i  6th,  1615,  tne 
fame  Commons  humbly  addreffed  the  Lord  Deputy  to  know,  "  Whether  his 
Lordfhip  had  received  any  anfwer  touching  the  practice  of  the  Irifh  lawyers ; 
and  prayed,  that  they  might  be,  by  his  Lordfhip'.s  recomendation,  again  re- 
ftored  unto  praclice."  To. which  we  find  no  anfwer  returned. 

IMPRISONMENTS,  on  account  of  recufancy,  were  then  fo  frequent,  and 
grievous,  that  the  Commons  in  this  fame  feifion,  annexed  to  their  long  lift  of 
grievances  (5),  a  prayer,  "  That  his  Lordfhip  would  be  pleafed  to  releafe  all 
thofe,  that  lay  in,  upon  excommunications ;"  and  at  the  fame  time  acquainted 
him,  "  that  a  great  number  of  the  houfe  defired,  that  he  would  recommend  to 
his  Majefty,  that  fome  fufpenfion  might  be  had  of  the  ftatute  of  the  2d  of 
Elizabeth." 

THE  Catholics  of  Ireland,  on  account  of  their  number,  and  opulence,  had 
contributed  more  liberally  to  the  above-mentioned,  and  all  other  fupplies,  than 
all  the  reft  of  his  Majefty 's  fubjeds  of  that  kingdom;  and  yet  the  King,  inftead 
of  redreffing  their  prefent  grievances,  did,  in  a  few  months  after  the  date  of  his 
letter  of  thanks  before-mentioned,  not  only  continue,  but  increafe  them;  by 
giving  particular  inftruclions  to  Sir  Oliver  St.  John,  then  going  over  Lord  De- 
puty, to  put  this  ftatute  of  the  zd  of  Elizabeth,  and  all  other  penal  ftatutes,  in 
ftricl  execution;  inftru&ions,  which  (6)  Sir  Oliver  feemed  very  well  inclined 

to 

(5)  Commons  Jour.  Vol.  i.  (6)  Carte's  Orrn,  Vol.  i.  fol.  37, 

"  Lord  Deputy   Chichefter  confefles,  "  that   the          The    reafon   Chichefter  gives  for   not    diflrflxuc- 

Juftices  of  aflize  (1613)  for  the  fpace  of  two  or  three  ing     the   money   collected   from   Catholics,    lor  not 

years  paft,  had  bound  over  divers  juries  to  the  ftar-  going  to   church  on  Sundays  and   Holydays,  to   the 

chamber,  for  their  refufing  to  prefent  recufants  upon  poor,  as  the  ftatute  2d  of  Eliz.  directs,  is,  "  becaule 

the  teftimony  of  the  witneffes,  that  they  come  not  to  the  poor  of  the  parifhes  are  not  fit  to  receive  the  faqie, 

church,  according  to  the  law. — All  which  jurors  have  being  recufants,  (Catholics,)  and  therefore  ougfct  tu 

been  punifhed  in  the  ftar-charnber,  by  fine  and  im-  pay  the  like  penalty."     Ib.  p.  275, 
prifonmeot."    See  Cbicheft.  Anf,  Def.  Cur.  ib.  p.  262. 


54  HISTORICAL    REVIEW   OF    THE  Bk.  II. 

to(b)  pursue:  for,  at  his  entering  on  the  government,  he  did  indeed  proceed 
with  vigour,  in  the  execution  of  that  ftatute ;  and  caufed  prefentments  to 
be  made  of  fuch  as  neglected  coming  to  church,  in  different  parts  of  the 
kingdom.  The  effects  of  this  vigour  were  very  difmal,  and  extenfive ;  the 
treafures  of  the  rich  were  thereby  foon  exhaufted  ;  and  the  poor,  every  where, 
not  being  able  to  pay  this  tax  on  their  confciences,  fled  into  dens,  and  ca- 
verns, from  the  cruel  collectors  of  it,  whither  they  were  fometimes  purfued 
by  furious  blood-hounds,  fet  on,  and  followed  by  a  Sheriff,  and  his  poffe  of 
difbandvfd  foldiers,  equally  furious  and  unrelenting  (7).  Mr.  Rooth,  a  cotem- 
porary  writer,  informs  us,  that  in  the  poor  county  of  Cavan  alone,  not  lefs 
than  (c)  eight  thoufand  pounds  were  levied,  in  one  year,  by  means  of  this 
tax ;  ecclefiaftical  cenfures,  on  the  fame  account,  were  feverely  executed,  in 
every  part  of  the  kingdom.  Thole  who  lay  under  them,  when  found  abroad, 
were  conftantly  thrown  into  jails ;  and  great  numbers  of  merchants  and  arti- 
ficers, being  thus  confined  at  home,  and  hindered  to  tranfact  bufinefs  publick- 
ly,  and  in  the  way  of  open  commerce,  were  fuddenly  reduced  to  poverty  and 
diftrefs.  Even  their  dead  bodies  did  not  efcape  the  cruelty  of  thefe  cenfures ; 
for  if  they  happened  to  die,  while  they  yet  lay  under  them,  they  were  denied 
Chriftian  burial,  and  their  corpfes  thrown  into  holes,  dug  in  the  highways, 
with  every  mark  of  ignominy,  that  could  be  devifed,  and  inflicted,  by  their 
cruel  and  bigoted  judges. 


CHAP.          IX. 

Some  Account  of  the  Ecclefiaftical  Courts  at  that  juncture  in  Ireland. 

BISHOP  Burnet,  in  his  life   of  Dodor  Bedel,  Bifhop  of  Kilmore,  hath 
left  us  a  very  fhocking  defcription  of  thefe  ecclefiaftical  courts  in  Ireland. 
"  They  were,"  fays   his  Lordfhip,    "  often   managed  by  a  Chancellor,  that 
bought  his  place,  and  fo  thought  he  had  a  right  to  all  the  profits  he  could  make 
out  of  it.     And  their  whole  bufinefs  feemed  to  be  nothing  but  opprefllon,  and 

extortion  5 

(7)  Anale&a  Sacra. 

(1)  "  Sir  Oliver  St.  John  feemed  to  be  actuated  to  feize  the  liberties  and  revenues  of  Waterford,  be- 
with  peculiar  zeal  againft  Popery."  Lei.  Hift.  Irel.  caufe  the  magiftrates  refufed  the  oath  of  fupremacy." 
Vol.  i.  p.  561.  "  A  commiffion  was  ifliied  by  him  Id.  ib.  p.  462. 

(c)  This  will  not  fee  m  ft  range,  when  we  confider  with  no  induftry,  and  for  the  moft  part  wafted,  above 

what  Lord  Deputy  Mountjoy  fays  in  a  letter  to  Secre-  four  fcore  thoufand  pounds  by  the  year."     Morrif.  ubt 

tary  Cecil,  viz.  "  That  in  the  time  of  Tyrone's  war,  fupra.  fol.  234. 
that  Earl  did  raife  upon  I1  liter,  ill- inhabited  as  it  wa», 


Ch.  DC.  CIVIL    WARS    JN    IRELAND.  $$ 

extortion ;  the  folemneft,  and  facredeft,  of  all  church-cenfures,  which  was  ex- 
communication, went  about  in  fo  fordid,  and  bafe  a  manner,  that  all  regard 
to  it,  as  it  was  fpiritual  cenfure,  was  loft ;  and  the  effects  it  had  in  law,  made 
it  be  cried  out  upon,  as  a  moft  intolerable  piece  of  tyranny.  The  officers  of 
the  court  thought  they  had  a  fort  of  right  to  opprefs  the  natives ;  and  that  all 
was  well  got,  that  was  wrung  from  them.  Primate  Ufher  himfelf,  feemed  fo 
fenfible  of  thefe  abufes,  that  he  told  Archbifhop  Laud(i),  "  ftich  was  then 
the  venality  of  all  things  facred  in  Ireland,  that  he  was  afraid  to  mention  any 
thing  about  them;"  and  that,  upon  fome  of  the  adverfe  party's  having  afked 
him,  "  where  he  had.  heard,  or  read  before,  that  religion  and  mens  fouls  were 
fet  to  fale,  after  that  manner?"  His  Grace  was  obliged  to  have  recourfe  to  a 
pitiful  witticifm  for  an  anfwer,  viz.  "  That  there  was  another  place,  where 
both  Heavea  and  God  himfelf,  were  fet  to  fale,"  Which  whether  true  or 
falfe,  (and  falfe  it  moft  certainly  is)  was  a  tacit  confeffion  of  the  juftice 
of  the  charge  of  public  corruption  againft  thefe  courts.  But  we  fhall 
prefently  fee,  that  Primate  Ufher's  own  court  was  not  a  whit  lefs  cor-p- 
rupt,  in  the  opinion  of  the  good  Bifhop  Bedel, .  than  thofe  of  the  other  Irifh 
Biihops. 

THESE  corruptions  were  ib  flagrant,  and  long  continued,  that  even  ior 
1640,  the  diffenters  in  Ulfter,  on  whom  the  epifcopal  clergy  had,  as  we  have 
feen,  conferred  many  fignal  favours,  made  fevere  animadversions  upon  them. 
In  their  remonftrance  to  the  Englifh  parliament  of  that  year,  they  obferv- 
ed,  among  other  abu-fes  of  thefe  courts  (2),  "  That  the  commutation  of 
penance  (which  Burnet  calls  the  worft  of  fimony)  which  either  fhould  not. 
at  all  be  exacted,  or  if  exacted,  fhould  be  fet  apart  for  the  poor,  and 
other  pious  ufes,  came  either  to.  the  Prelate's  kitchen,  or  the  Commif- 
fary's  purfe,  or  to  bothj  and  that,  though  the  officers  of  thefe  courts 
pretended  themfelves  to  be  the  advancers  of  virtue,  and  punifhers  of 
vice,  yet  they  ufually,  without  further  fatisfaclion,  abfolved  the  moft 
fcandalous  perfons  for  a  fum  of  money,  and  often  queftioned  not  at. 
all  fuch,  from  whom  they  privately  beforehand; had  received  fuch  fum" 


Burnet  ubi  fupra.  (a)  Rrya's  Antipathy  to  JBifliops,  Part  ii.p  374. 


CHAP. 


$6  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  II 

CHAP.          X. 

The  Patience,  and  Submijfion,  of  the  Natives. 

WHILE  the  nobility  and  gentry  of  Ulfter  were,  by  the  late  ad  of  at- 
tainder, ftript  of  their  pofTeflions,  for  crimes  that  were  either  never 
committed,  or  were  formerly  pardoned,  another  defign  was  fet  on  foot,  to 
feize  on  the  eftates  of  the  natives  in  the  other  provinces,  under  the  pretence 
of  a  judicial  enquiry  into  defective  titles.  This  enquiry  caufed  SifaJ  general 
alarm  thro'  every  part  of  the  kingdom;  inafmuch  as(i),  "  no  title  of  lineal 
defcent,  or  long  pofTeilion,  though  for  feveral  hundred  years,  nor  even  letters 
patent,  could  fecure  the  proprietors  againft  the  predatory  efFe&s  of  it."  But 
as  this  bufinefs  was  profecuted  with  greateft  violence  in  the  enfuing  reign, 
under  Lord  Wentworth's  government,  I  fhall  defer  the  confideration  of  it  till 
I  some  to  fpeak  of  that  period. 

ONE  would  imagine,  that  fome  caufe  had  been  given  by  the  Irifh,  or  at 
leaft  pretended  by  their  enemies,  for  fuch  continued  feverity ;  but  nothing  of 
that  kind  appears  to  have  been  the  cafe  ;  for  all  hiftorians  agree,  that,  except 
O'Dogherty's  fhort-lived  tumult,  and  the  forged  plot  of  the  Earls,  there  was 
not  the  lead  commotion  in  Ireland,  during  that  whole  reign  j  although,  had 
the  Irifh  been  difpofed  to  rife,  it  is  certain,  that  no  people  could  have  a  more 
tempting  opportunity,  or  a  more  plaufible  (b)  pretence,  than  they  then  had  (2), 

"  for 

(j)  Remonftrance  from  Trim.  (2)  Carte's  Orra.  Vol.  i.  fol.  45. 

(a)  It   was  rigoroufly  profecuted   by   Sir  Arthur  rants  of  lands,  coming  within   any  title  of  conceal- 
Chichefter,  tho'  the  King  in  his  inftru&ions  to  him,  ment  j    becaufe   he  hoped    that,  thereby,    b.nh    his 
upon  his  firft  appointment  to  the  Lieutenancy  of  Ire-  people   would  receive  contentment,    and  his   coffers 
land,  told  him,  '*  That   he  had  directed  a  commif-  feme  augmentation,  by  the  compofition  with  the  te- 
fion  to  compound   with   hi's   fubjects  of  that  kingdom  nants  of  fuch  Lauds."     Defid.  Curiof.  Hib.   Vol.  i. 
for  defective  and   imperfect   titles;  and   dial  he  had  p.  455-6. 

refolved,  from  thenceforth,  to   grant  no  more  war- 

(b)  The  Commiflioners  fent  about   this  time  from  they  took  up.     That,  befides  meat  and  drink,  they 
England,  by  the  King,  to  enquire  into  the  numerous  extorted   money  from  the  poorer  people,  where  they 
grievances  complained  of  by  the  Irifli  agents,  fet  forth  were  cefTed  ;  three  ^Killings  for  every  night's  lodging 
in  their  report  to  his  Majefty,  "  That  out  of  the  par-  for  an  horfe-man,  and  two  for  a  foot-man,  fometimes 
ticular  inftances  (being  many)  of  opprefiion,    and  ex-  more.     As  alfo  certain  petty  fums  for  their  boys,  and 
tortions  of  the  foldiers,  provoft-marfhals,  and  others,  attendants,  befides   victuals;    and  thefe  foldiers  took 
they   had  fele&ed    three    fcore.      That   in  counties,  money,  nor  only  for  themfelves,  but  likewife  for  other 
where  the  compofition,  in  lieu  of  the  cefs  was  paid,  foldiers  abfent,  which  the  country  called   black  men, 
the  foldiers  did  extort  on  his  Majefty's   fubjeds,  by  becaufe  they  were  not  feen.     That,  in  all  thefe  cafes, 
neither  paying  money,  nor  giving  tickets,  for  what  when  the  people  had  not  money,  they  took  forcibly 

fome 


Ch.  X. 


CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND. 


57 


"  for  King  James  never  kept  up  a  greater  force  in  that  kingdom,  than  one 
thoufand  feven  hundred  and  thirty  five  foot,  and  two  hundred  and  twelve 
horfej  and  thefe  in  a  miferable  condition,  Ibmetimes  three  years  unpaid; 
and  not  a  penny  of  money  in  the  hands  of  either  of  the  Treafurers,  or  any  to 
be  borrowed  from  private  perfons.  Yet  he  was,  all  this  time,  fettling  the  plan- 
tations in  different  parts  of  the  kingdom ;  changing  the  (c)  properties  of  lands, 
tranfplanting  the  old  inhabitants,  and  fettling  colonies  of  ftrangers;  while  the 
old  Irifh  captains,  and  petty  Lords,  were  difcontented  at  the  lofs  of  their  an- 
tient  power ;  and  while  there  were,  in  remote  parts  of  the  kingdom,  numbers 
of  idle  young,  and  active  fellows,  who  being  unprovided  for  a  livelihood,  and 
not  caring  to  earn  it  by  the  fweat  of  their  brow,  were  full  of  complaints,  and 
eager  for  alterations.  In  Conaught  alone  there  were  feven  thoufand  of  thefe 
idle  fellows  booked  down  by  officers,  and  given  in  a  lift  to  the  Lord  Deputy, 
that  were  fit  for  nothing  but  arms ;  and  who  then  living  on  their  friends,  and 
relations,  muft  have  been  forced  to  feek,  and  pufh  their  fortunes." 


Come  of  their  cattle  or  houfehold-ftuff,  for  pawns,  in 
lieu  thereof;  that  the  officers  of  the  army  did  the 
lame  ;  that  Sheriffs  did  fuffer  their  men,  and  bailiffs, 
and  followers,  to  take  both  money,  and  victuals  from 
the  country.  And  that  the  reafon  the  people  did  not 

(c)  We  are  told  on  this  occafion,  "  That  there 
are  not  wanting  proofs  of  the  mod  iniquitous  practices, 
of  hardened  cruelty,  of  vile  perjury,  and  fcandalous 


complain  to  the  Deputy  of  all  thefe  oppreflions  and 
extortions,  was  for  fear  of  being  worfe  ufed  by  the 
foldiers  at  other  times ;  and  becaufe  the  charges  of 
the  complaint  would  far  exceed  the  damages."  See 
that  Report,  in  Defid.  Curiof.  Hiber.  Vol.  ii.  p-365-4-3. 

fubornation,  employed  to  defpoil  the  fair,  and  unof- 
fending proprietor  of  his  inheritance."  Lei.  hift.  of  Irel. 
Vol.  ii.  p.  470. 


AN 


A    N 


HISTORICAL    AND    CRITICAL 

R     E      V      I      E 


O    F      T    H    E 


CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND. 


BOOK          III. 

CHAP.        L 

The  State  of  the  Irifh  under  Charles  L 

DURING  the  firfl  two  years  of  King  Charles's  reign,  the  Catholics  of 
Ireland  enjoyed  fome  little  tranquillity,  for  which  they  were  indebted, 
not  to  the  lenity  of  the  Irifh  government,  but  to  his  Majefty's  goodnefs  alone  (i), 
"  Which  had  limited,  from  time  to  time,  the  Lord  Deputy,  and  Council  of 
that  kingdom,  by  feveral  inflructions,  diredions,  and  letters,  concerning 
them."  Their  gratitude,  for  this  forbearance,  was,  indeed,  extraordinary; 
and  the  generofity  of  their  offer  to  his  Majefty,  on  that  account,  could  fcarce 
be  exceeded  by  any  thing,  but  by  that  folly  and  fanaticifm,  which  induced  the 
government  to  reject  it. 

IN  the  year  1626  (2),  "  The  condition  of  the  King's  affairs  was  much  per- 
plexed in  England ;  he  was  at  war  with  the  two  moil  powerful  Kings  in  Eu- 
rope, and  his  fubjecls  in  the  Englifh  parliament  would  afford  him  little  or  no 
affiftance,  but  upon  hard,  and  difhonourable  terms,  though  they  had  en- 
gaged him  in  the  firft  war  ;  and  feemed  glad  of  the  laft,  it  being  in  defence  of 
religion." 

IN 

(i)  Scrinia  Sacra.  (2)  Sir  Edward  Walker's  Hiftoric.  Difcourfes,  fol.  337. 


Ch.L  HISTORICAL    REVIEW,   &c.  59 

IN  this  perplexity  of  his  Majefly's  affairs  (3),  "  The  Roman  Catholics  of 
Ireland  offered  conftantly  to  pay  an  army  of  five  thoufand  foot,  and  five  hun- 
dred horfe,  for  his  Majefty's  iervice,  provided  they  might  be  tolerated  in  the 
exercife  of  their  religion  (4).  The  toleration  they  defired  was  no  more,  than 
fome  refpite  from  the  oppreflions,  and  extortions,  of  the  ecclefiaftical  courts  ; 
and  to  have  all  proceedings  againft  them  in  thefe  courts,  for  religion,  fufpended ; 
to  be  releafed  from  thofe  exorbitant  fums,  which  they  were  obliged  to  pay  for 
their  chriftenings  and  marriages ;  and  particularly,  to  have  the  extravagant 
furplice-fees  of  the  clergy,  and  the  extraordinary  warrants  for  levying  them, 
abolifhed." 

BUT  the  clergy  were  too  much  interefted  in  thefe  matters,  not  to  oppofe, 
with  all  their  powers,  the  acceptance  of  fuch  an  offer.  Upon  the  firft  tender 
of  it  (5),  a  proteftation  was  drawn  up  againft  it,  by  Primate  Ufher,  and  fub- 
fcribed  by  twelve  Bilhops ;  which  Doctor  Downham,  Bifhop  of  Derry,  pro- 
nounced in  Ch rift-church,  Dublin,  before  the  ftate ;  upon  whom  it  had  fb 
powerful  an  effect,  that  the  Catholics  offer  was  fcornfully  rejected,  and  their 
religion  fcurriloufly  abufed  (a). 

THESE  Bifhops  fet  forth  in  their  proteftation  (6),  "  That  to  grant  a  tole- 
ration, in  refpect  of  money  to  be  given,  or  a  contribution  to  be  made,  by 
the  Catholics,  was  to  fet  religion  to  fale,  with  the  fouls  of  the  people."  And 
Doctor  Downham  had  no  fooner  pronounced  thefe  words,  but  all  the  people  in 
the  church  cried  out  aloud,  "  Amen,  Amen." 

BUT  how  fhamefully  thefe  Bifhops  themfelves  had  expo  fed  their  religion  to 
both  fale,  and  contempt,  in  their  ecclefiaftical  courts,  (from  whofe  tyranny  the 
Catholics  were  willing  to  purchafe  their  redemption  at  fb  dear  a  rate)  was  then 
notonoufly  manifeft.  v'  In  thefe  courts,"  fays  (7)  Bifhop  Burnet,  "  bribes 
went  about  almoft  barefaced ;  and  the  exchange  they  made  of  pennance  for 
money,  was  the  worft  fort  of  fimony."  The  good  Bifhop  Bedel  told  Primate 
Ufher  himfelf,  the  author  and  principal  promoter  of  this  proteftation,  that  (8), 

Whereas  he  was  wont  to  except  one  of  thefe  courts  (meaning  the  Primate's) 
from  the  general  corruption,  yet  he  heard  it  was  faid,  among  great  perfonages, 
that  his  Grace's  court  was  as  corrupt  as  others ;  fome  faid,  it  was  worfe ;  and 

I  2  that 

(3)  Id.  ib.  (4)  Carte's  Orm.  Vol.  i.  fol.  50.  (5)  Harris's  Fiftion  Unmafked.     User's  Life. 

(6)  Foxes  and  Fire-brands,  Part  ii.  p.  80.  (7)  Life  of  Bifhop  Bedel.  (8)  Burnet  ib. 

(a)  "  All  the  Proteftant  clergy,"  fays  Do€tor  Leland  on  this  occafron,  "  were  ferioufly  averfe  to  Popery  ; 
many  to  a  degree  of  rancour,  imbibed  among  the  Engliih,  and  Scottish  Puritans."  .  Hift.  Irel.  Vol.  ii.  p.  481. 


60  HISTORICAL   REVIEW   or    THE  Bk  III. 

that  of  his  Grace's  late  vifitation,  they  faw  no  profit,  but  the  taking  of  the 
money." 

NAY  it  appears,  by  the  journals  of  the  Info  Commons,  even  in  1640,  that 
the  judges  of  thefe  courts  were  guilty  of  (9)  "  barbarous,  and  unjuft  exacli- 
ons  5  and  that  too,  for  fuch  rites  and  cuftoms,  as  had  been  formerly  in  ufe 
with  the  Popifh  natives,  but  were  now  condemned,  and  renounced,  by  Pro- 
teftants,  viz.  money  for  Holy-water-clerk,  for  annointing,  Mortuary-muttons, 
Mary-gallons,  St.  Patrick's  ridges,  Soul-money,  and  the  like." 

THUS,  while  thefe  Bifhops  were  fimonaically  extorting  large  fums  of  money 
from  the  Catholics,  for  their  own  private  ufe  (for  to  that  alone  they  were  ap- 
plied) they  expected  to  be  confidered  as  taking  only  their  lawful  dues :  but 
for  the  King  to  accept  of  the  fame,  or  lefs,  from  thefe  people,  to  enable 
him  to  carry  on  the  mofl  neceffary  (b)  public  fervice  (on  condition  only  of 
freeing  them  from  fuch  barbarous,  and  unjufl  extortions)  was,  in  their  Lord- 
Ihips  opinion,  nothing  lefs  than  "  fetting  religion  to  fale,  with  the  fouls  of 
the  people." 

CHAP.         II. 

A  free  Gift  raifed  for  the  King,  chiefly  by  the  Natives,  for  which  they  were  re- 
warded by  a  new  Persecution  of  their  Religion. 

IN  this  preifing  exigency  of  his  Majefty's  affairs,  a  free  gift  or  contribution, 
of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thoufand  pounds,  was  fet  on  foot  in  Ireland, 
4i  of  which,  fays  (i)  Mr.  Carte,  the  Catholics  paid  near  (a)  two  thirds."     And 
indeed,  on  that  account,  they  feem  to  have  been  well  entitled  to  that  refpite 
from  legal  penalties,  which  they  are  faid  to  have  then  obtained.     But  this 

refpite, 

(9)  Commons  Journal,  Vol.  i.  (i)  Life  of  Orm.  Vol.  i. 

(b)  "  We  are  told  in  the  life  of  Primate  Ufher,      was  abfolutely  neceflary  to  the  King's  affairs."     Lei. 
that  this  proteftation  (of  the  Biftiops)  had  a  confider-      ubi  fupra,  Vol.  ii.  p.  482,  note, 
able  effect  in  retarding  a  project,  thefuccefs  of  which 

(a)  The  Catholic   nobility   and   gentry  afterwards  the  payment  thereof."  App.     The  truth  of  this  ap- 

falemnly  declared,  in  their  remonftrance  of  grievances,  pears   from   hence,    that   thefe   fubfidies,  loans,  &c. 

delivered  to  his  Majefty's  Conimiffioners  at  Trim,  in  were  rated  to  each  perfon,  in  proportion  to  the  value 

March  1642.     "  That  they   had  readily,  and   with-  of  his  real  property;    and   we   are   well   informed, 

out  reluctance  or  repining,  contributed  to  all  the  fub-  "  That  before  the  year  1641,  the  Iriih  were  the  pro- 

fidies,  loans,  and  other  extraordinary  grants  made  to  prietors  of  ten  acres  of  Land,  to  one  that  the  Englifh 

his  Majefty  fince   tlie   beginning  of  his   reign  j  and  had  in  Ireland."    Col.  Laurence  Int«r.  of  Ireland, 

were,  in  parliament,  and  otherwife,  moft  forward  in  part.  ii.  p.  47. 
granting  faid  fums  -,  and  did  bear  nine  parts  in  ten,  in 


Ch.U.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  6r 

refpite,  if  any  they  had,  muft  have  been  very  inconfiderable;  for  in  the  year 
1629,  a  fevere  perfecution  was  raifed  againft  them,  which  was  as  unlocked 
<for,  as  unmerited.  The  Council  of  Ireland,  in  their  letter  to  the  King, 
April  28th  of  that  year,  confefs  (2),  "  That,  except  what  they  call  the  info- 
lence  and  excrefence  of  the  Popifh  clergy ;  (which  fhall  be  juft  now  explained) 
the  kingdom,  as  to  the  civil  part  of  it,  was  in  far  better  order  at  that  juncture, 
than  ever  it  was  in  the  memory  of  man.  as  well  in  the  general  and  current 
execution  of  juftice,  according  to  the  laws,  in  the  freedom  of  mens  perfons 
and  eftates,  and  in  the  universal  outward  fubmiffion  of  all  forts  of  fettled  inha- 
bitants to  the  crown  and  laws  of  England ;  as  alfo  in  the  advancement  of  the 
crown-revenues,  and  in  the  competent  number  of  Bifhops,  and  other  able 
and  learned  Minifters  of  the  church  of  England."  But  thefe  Bifhops,  it  feems, 
and  other  able  and  learned  Minifters  of  the  church  of  England,  were  not  then- 
thought  fufficient,  without  the  help  of  a  military  force,  to  reclaim  the  Catho- 
lics from  the  heinous  fin  of  ferving  God  in  the  way  moft  agreeable  to  their 
own  confciences. 

THE  caufe,  and  manner  of  this  perfecution,  are  thus  related  by  Hammon- 
1'Eftrange,  who  was  then,  or  fhortly  after,  in  Ireland  (3).  "  In  this  year," 
lays  he,  "  the  Roman  clergy  began  to  rant  it,  and  to  exercife  their  fancies 
called  Religion,  fb  publickly  as  if  they  had  gained  a  toleration."  The  reader,  I 
imagine,  will  be  furprifed  to  nnd,  that  this  ranting  of  the  Roman  clergy  was 
nothing  more,  than  their  reading^,  prayers  quietly  to  their  people  in  one  of 
their  own  chapels :  u  For  (proceeds  1'Eftrange)  whiift  the  Lords  Juftices  were 
at  Chrift-church,  in  Dublin,  on  St.  Stephen's  Day,  they  were  celebrating  Mafs 
in  Cook-ftreet ;  which  their  Lordfhips  taking  notice  of,  they  fent  the  Arch- 
bifhop  of  Dublin,  the  Mayor,  Sheriffs,  and  Recorder  of  the  city,  with  a  file 
of  mufketeers,  to  apprehend  them ;  which  they  did,  taking  away  the  crucifixes 
and  paraments  of  the  altar;  the  foldiers  hewing  down  the  image  of  St.  Francis, 
the  Priefts  and  Friars  were  delivered  into  the  hands  of  thepurfuivants,at  whom 
the  people  threw  flones,  and  refcued  them ;  the  Lords  Juftices  being  informed 
of  this,  fent  a  guard  and  delivered  them,  and  clapped  eight  Popifh  Aldermen 
by  the  heels  for  not  affiftmg  their  Mayor.  On  this  account,  fifteen  houfes,  by 
direction  of  the  Lords  of  the  Council  in  England,  were  feized  to  the  King's 

ufe, 

(2)  Scrinia  Sacra.  (3)  See  Harris's  Fi&ion  Unmalked. 


feiiors  of  their    clergy  were  poor,   and  fometimes      Vol.  iii.  p.  4. 


63  HISTORICAL   REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.III. 

ufe,  and  the  Priefts  and  Friars  were  fo  (c)  perfected,  that  two  of  them  (adds 
my  author)  hanged  themfelves  in  their  own  defence." 

FEW  I  believe,  will  wonder,  that  the  populace  endeavoured  to  refcue  their 
Priefts,  in  fuch  an  exigency  ;  and  fewer  yet,  that  thePopifh  Aldermen  of  Dublin 
did  not  aflat  their  Mayor  in  this  Prieft-catching  bufmefs.  But  it  is  not  eafy  to 
conceive  what  elfe,  but  a  truly  puritanical  exeefs  of  zeal  could  have  excited 
an  Archbifhop  of  Dublin  to  quit  his  proper  province,  the  public  fervice  of  the 
church,  on  a  folemn  feftival,  to  head  a  file  of  mufketeers,  and  lead  them  on 
thus  furioufly  to  demolish  a  chapel,  apprehend  a  few  Priefts,  and  terrify  a 
number  of  harmlefs  people  in  the  midft  of  their  devotions  j  and  that  too,  "  in 
the  midft  of  far  better  order,  in  civil  matters,  and  more  univerfal  fubjeclion 
to  the  crown  and  laws  of  England,  than  was  ever  before  known  in  the  me- 
mory of  man."  One  can  hardly  help  thinking,  that  the  furious  puritan 
Venner  did,  fome  years  after,  copy  the  example  of  this  Archbifhop  of  Dublin, 
when  ifTuing  from  his  conventicle  in  Coleman-ftreet,  London,  with  about 
fifty  of  his  difciples  armed,  he  fancied  himfelf  commiflioned  from  Heaven, 
to  fall  upon  and  kill  all  thofe  whom  he  met  within  the  ftreets,  of  a  different 
perfuafion  from  his  own. 

AFTER  what  has  been  hitherto  related,  who  can  help  wondering  at 
the  partiality,  or  ignorance  of  thofe  hiftorians,  who  confidently  tell  us  (4), 
"  That,  during  all  this,  and  the  former  reign,  the  Catholics  of  Ireland 
enjoyed  an  undifturbed  exercife  of  their  religion ;  and  that  even  in  Dublin, 
where  the  feat  of  the  King's  Chief  Governor  was,  they  went  as  publickly,  and 
uninterruptedly  to  their  devotions,  as  he  went  to  his." 

(4)  Clarendon,  &c. 

(c)  This  peifecution  was  afterwards  extended  all  ciently  encouraged  to  go  on,  with  the  like  refolution 

over  the  kingdom.     The   Englirti  Council  acquainted  and  moderation,  till  the  work  wns  fully  done,  as  well 

the  Juftices  of  Ireland,  on  that  occafion,  "  That  his  in  the  city  as  in  other  places  of  the  kingdom,  leaving 

Majefty  in  perfon,  was  pleafed   openly,  and  in  moft  to  their  difcretion,  when,  and   where   to  carry  a  foft 

gracious  manner,  to  approve  and  commend  their  abi-  ox  harder  hand."    Scrinia  Sacra. 
litj  and  good  fervice ;  whereby  they  might  be  fiiffi- 


CLIII.  CIVIL   WARS   IN    IRELAND.  63 

CHAP.         III. 

The  free  Gift,  or  Contribution  continued  for  the  Service  of  the  Government. 

THE  free  gift  before-mentioned,  having  been  continued  longer,  and 
grown  more  burdenfome  than  was  expected,  the  people  (i)  "  began  to 
entertain  frightful  apprehenfions,  leaft  it  might,  in  fine,  turn  to  an  hereditary 
charge  on  their  eftates."  The  Proteftants  efpeci  ally,  complained  loudly  of  it  j 
thofe  of  Cavan  in  particular,  who  figned  a  petition  to  the  Lords  Juflices- 
againft  it,  fetting  forth  (2),  "  That  it  was  plotted,  and  colle&ed,  without  the 
confent  of  the  Proteftants  in  that  country,  and  partly  by  force,  praying  their 
Lorfhips  favourably  to  forbear  any  further  impofition  of  any  fuch  burden 
upon  them,  until  they  reprefented  their  humble  remonftrance  to  his  Ma- 
jefly." 

RICHARD  Earl  of  Cork,  then  one  of  the  Lords  Juftices  (3),.  "  privately  fet 
the  Proteftants  againft  this  contribution;  and  (everal  of  the  Bifhops  joined  him 
in  oppofing  it."  His  Grace  of  Canterbury  told  (a)  Bifhop  Bedel,  on  that 
occafion  (4),  "  That  his,  and  the  other  Bifhops  behaviour,  was  not  well  taken 
by  his  Majefty."  A  fcheme  was,  however,  formed  by  them,  for  levying  the 
whole  contribution  on  the  Catholics,  by  putting  the  ftatute  of  the  2d  of  Eliza- 
beth in  ftrid  execution.  Accordingly,  the  Lords  Juftices  and  Council,  inform- 
ed his  Majefty  (5),  "  That  it  was  irnpoffible  to  improve  that  part  of  the  reve- 
nue (b),  fave  only  by  impofing  the  twelve-pence  a  Sunday  on  the  reeufants." 
This  propofal  was  readily  agreed  to  by  the  King  (6) :  "  We  approve  well,"  -fays 
he,  in  his  anfwer,  "  that  this  bufinefs,  as  you  d^iire,  may  be  prefentfy  put 
into  fuch  a  ftate,  as- that  the  money,  which  fhall,  by  that  mean's,  gEKw> 
onto  us,  may  be  ready  to  be  levied  by  Kficfhaei mais  nexl.  And  as  the  be£ 
fureft  way  to  bring  it  to  effed,  We  do  hereby  authori-fe,  and  require 
forthwith  to  afTemble  our  Council  there,  and  with,  their  privity  to  oaufe  pre- 

fentme:-..- 

(i)  Lord  Straffbrd's  State  Letters,  Vol.  i;  foli  184.  (z)  Td.  ib.  fol.  1 50.  (?)  Id.  ib.  foS.  76. 

(4)  Id.  ib.  fol.  134.  (5)  Id.  ib.  Vol.  ii.  fol.  91.  (6)  Id.  ib. 

(a)  "  Bedel  had  united  with  the  inhabitants  of  his      tained,  and  oppiefilvely  lev-ied."     Lei.  Hift.  of  Ire!. 
diocefs,  in  a  petition  to  the  late  Lords  Juftices,  re-      Vol.  Hi.  p.  26. 

prefcnting  the  new  contribution,   as   irregularly  ob- 

(b)  "  The  prefent  Lords  Juftice&advifed,  that  the      \vorfli!p,  as  a  means  of  providing  for  the  a*^v."    Lei. 
*eeuTante  iheuld  be  ftriftly  prefented  ;  and  the  weekly,      ib.  Vol.  iii.  p.  8i 

fines  inipofed  for  their  abfence  from  the  eilabiiihed 


64.  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  BL  III. 

fentments  to  be  duly  made  through  the  whole  kingdom,  according  as  the  law 
you  mention  doth  appoint."  Thefe  prefentments  were  accordingly  made,  and 
fines  were  impofed  on  fuch  juries  as  refufed  to  find  them. 

LORD  Wentworth,  then  appointed  Deputy,  did  not,  it  feems,  like  this 
method  of  railing  a  fupply  for  the  maintenance  of  the  army  (7).  "  Not,"  fays 
he,  "  but  that  every  good  Englishman  ought,  as  well  in  reafon  of  ftate,  as  con- 
fcience,  to  defire  the  kingdom  were  well  reduced  to  a  conformity  in  religion  ; 
but  becaufe  it  is  a  great  bufmefs,  that  has  many  roots  lying  deep,  and  far  with- 
in the  ground,  which  fhould  be  firft  thoroughly  opened  before  we  judge  what 
height  it  may  (hoot  up  to,  when  it  fhall  feel  itfelf  once  flruck  at,  to  be  loofen- 
ed  and  pulled  up."  He  was,  therefore,  for  continuing  the  contribution,  as  it 
then  flood  (8),  "  becaufe  he  thought  it  more  fafe,  confidering  the  inequality 
'of  numbers,  and  the  ill  pro  vifion  of  the  army,  to  take  the  contribution  againft 
the  will  of  the  Proteftants,  than  to  raife  the  twelve-pence  a  Sunday,  againft 
the  liking  of  the  recufants."  But  his  principal  reafon  for  not  depending  on 
the  execution  of  this  ftatute,  for  raifing  the  fupply,  was  the  uncertainty  of  its 
fuccefs,  or  fufficiency;  for  as  he  pleafantly  obferved(9),  "  If  it  took  that  good 
effect,  for  which  it  was  intended,  which  was  to  bring  the  Irifh  to  a  conformity 
in  religion,  it  would  come  to  nothing;  and  fo  would  prove  a  covering  nar- 
rower than  a  man  could  wrap  himfelf  in." 

His  Lordfhip  foon  brought  the  King  over  to  his  opinion  in  this  particular, 
but  was  obliged  to  make  ufe  of  Laud's  affiftance,  to  convince  the  Irifh 
Bifhops  of  the  impropriety  of  executing  the  ftatute  of  the  2d  of  Elizabeth,  at 
that  juncture  (10),  "  As  for  the  laying  afide,"  fays  his  Grace,  in  his  letter  to 
Bifhop  Bedel,  "  the  twelve-pence  a  Sunday,  and  not  exacting  it  for  the  pre- 
fent,  his  Majefty  conceives  he  did  it  upon  all  the  confiderable  reafons,  that 
could  be,  and  thofe  very  well  weighed ;  and  therefore,  I  do  heartily  pray  both 
you,  and  your  brethren,  to  lay  afide  all  jealoufies,  and  to  advance  his  Ma- 
jefty's  fervice  by  all  the  good  means  you  can." 


(7)  Id.  ib.  fol.  75.  (8)  Ib.  fo!.  76.          (9)  Id.  ib.  fol.  47.          (10)  Id.  ib.  Vol.  ii.  fol.  91. 


CHAP. 


Ch.  IV.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  65 

% 

CHAP.          IV. 

Lord  Wentworth  continues  the  Contribution. 

TH  E  eftablifhed  clergy  of  Ireland,  who  made  religion  a  pretence  for 
preffing  the  execution  of  the  before-mentioned  ftatute(i),  "  were 
themfelves  generally  ignorant  and  unlearned;  and  loofe,  and  irregular,  in 
their  lives  (a)  and  converfations."  Of  this  particular  obftacle  to  the  reforma- 
tion of  the  Irifh,  Lord  Wentworth  was  fully  fenfible,  and  mentioned  it  in  fe- 
veral  of  his  letters  to  the  Mi niftry  in_  England  (2).  "  An  unlearned  clergy," 
fays  he  in  one  of  them,  "  who  have  not  fo  much  as  the  outward  form  of 
churchmen  to  cover  themfelves  withal ;  nor  their  perfons  any  way  reverenced, 
or  protected  j  the  churches  unbuilt,  the  Parfonage  and  Vicarage-houfes  utterly 
ruined;  the  people  untaught  through  the  non-refidence  of  the  clergy,  occa- 
iioned  by  unlimited  fhameful  numbers  of  fpiritual  promotions,  with  cure  of 
fouls,  which  they  hold  by  commendams ;  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the 
church  run  over,  without  decency  of  habit,  order,  or  gravity,  in  the  courfe 
of  their  fervice ;  the  Bifhops  alienating  their  very  principal  houfes  and  de- 
mefnes,  to  their  children,  to  ftrangers ;  and  farming  out  their  jurifdiclions  to 
mean  and  unworthy  perfons ;"  fo  that,  with  refpecl:  to  their  project  of  propa- 
gating religion  by  enforcing  this  ftatute,  his  Lordfhip  juftly  obferved(3), 
"  That  fuch  brainfick  zeal  would  work  a  goodly  reformation  furely,  to  force 
conformity  to  a  religion,  when  there  was  hardly  to  be  found  a  church  to  re- 
ceive, or  an  able  Minifter  to  teach  the  people." 

THE  method  Lord  Wentworth  propofed,  for  improving  this  part  of  the 
revenue,  in  preference  to  the  tax  on  the  confciences  of  the  native's,  was  firft, 
to  continue  the  contribution  for  another  year ;  and  fecondly,  to  fummon  a 
parliament,  in  order  to  fettle  a  conftant  and  regular  fupply  for  the  army.  But, 
in  order  to  make  trial  of  the  temper  of  the  Catholics,  (who  had  firft  propofed, 
and  actually  paid  more  than  two  thirds  of  the  former  contribution,)  with  regard 
to  the  continuance  of  it  for  a  longer  term  (4),  "  he  fent  a  private  meflenger 
of  his  own  to  Ireland,  who  was  himfelf  a  Catholic,  with  inftruclions  to  invite 

K  them 

(0  Carte's  Orm.  Vol.  i.  fol.  68.  (2)  State  Letters,  Vol.  i.  fol.  187.  (3)  Id.  fol.  172. 

(4)  Id.  ib.  fol.  74. 

(a)  "  Ignorance,  negligence,  and  corruption  of  manners  in  the  eftabli/hed  clergy  were  the  confequences  of 
their  poverty."    Lei.  Hift.  Irel.  ubi  fupra,  p.  26. 


66  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OP    THE  Bk.  HI. 

them  to  make  an  offer  to  his  Majefty  of  half  a  fubfidy,  to  be  paid  the  next 
year;  upon  condition,  that  all  further  profecution  upon  the  ftatute  of  the  2d 
of  Elizabeth  might  be  refpited,  till  his  coming  over.  "  The  inftrument  I 
employed,^  fays  he,  "  knows  no  other,  but  that  the  refolution  of  the  flate 
here  is  feFupon  that  courfe,  and  that  I  do  this  privately,  in  favour  and  well- 
wifhing  to  divert  the  prefent  ftorm,  which  elfe  would  fall  heavy  upon  them 
all ;  being  framed,  and  executed  by  the  Earl  of  Cork ;  which  makes  the  man 
labour  in  good  earneft,  taking  it  to  be  a  caufe  pro  aris,  et  focis." 

THE  anfwer,  which  this  artful  meffage  produced  was  (5),  "  That  the  Catho- 
lics were  all  very  willing  to  continue  the  contribution  to  ,his  Majefty,  as  it 
then  was,  until  his  Lordfhip's  coming  over;  and,  in  order  to  teftify  their  for- 
wardnefs  to  comply,  they  fent  his  Lordfhip  a  letter  to  that  effect,  from  the 
Earl  of  Antrim  and  others." 


CHAP.          V. 

Lord  Deputy  Wentworth  arrives  in  Ireland. 

IN  July  1633,  Lord  Wentworth  landed  in  Dublin (i);  "  his  Lordfhip  be- 
gan liis  adminiftration  in  a  manner,"  fays  Mr.  Carte,  "  that  was  ungra- 
cious, and  could  be  hardly  expected  from  a  man  of  his  wifdom,  and  experience, 
who  knew  the  confequence  of  the  firft  ileps  that  a  Governor  takes,  and  the 
impreflions  which  they  leave  in  the  minds  of  the  people.  For,  four  days 
after  his  arrival,  he  fummoned  the  Council  by  a  purfuivant,  according  to  the 
ufual  manner  in  that  point ;  but  fummoned  only  a  particular  number,  as  if  he 
intended  to  confult  with  a  committee,  rather  than  the  whole  body  of  it.  This 
difobliged  all  that  were  omitted  in  the  fummons;  and  even  the  few  he  had 
called  together  were  offended  by  a  neglect ,  which  they  thought  unbecoming 
his  Lordfhip  to  offer,  or  themfelves  to  bear ;  they  affembled  at  two  o'clock, 
according  to  their  fummons,  but  the  Lord  Deputy,  whether  out  of  an  affecta- 
tion of  Hate,  or  not  attending  to  the  hour  thro'  a  more  agreeable  caufe  (for  he 
had,  a  day  or  two  before,  declared  his.  marriage  to  Miftrefs  Elizabeth  Rhodes, 
a  young  lady  of  extraordinary  merit,  whom  after  a  long  abfence  he  had  met 
at  Dublin)  made  them  wait  two  hours  and  more,  before  he  came  to  them ; 
and  then  the  bufinefs,  under  pretence  of  which  they  were  fummoned,  was  not 
handled,  as  they  expected."  It  was,  perhaps,  for  this,  among  other  reafbns, 
that  at  their  next  meeting  in  Council,  his  Lordfhip's  propofal  for  continuing  the 

contribution 

(5)  Id  ib.  (i)  Carte's  Orm.  Vol.  i.  fol.  57. 


Ch.  V.  CIVIL   WARS    IN    IRELAND,  67 

contribution  for  another  year  was  far  from  being  agreeably  received ;  fb  far 
indeed,  that  he  faid  (2),  "  He  was  put  to  his  laft  refuge  on  that  occafion, 
which  was  to  tell  them  plainly,  that  there  was  no  neceflity,  which  induced 
him  to  take  them  to  Council  in  that  bufinefs  j  for  that,  rather  than  fail  in  fo 
necefTary  a  duty  (a)  to -his  mafter,  he  would  undertake,  upon  the  peril  of  his 
head,  to  make  the  King's  army  able  to  fubfift,  and  provide  for  themfelves 
amongft  them,  without  their  help  (3)."  The  army,  at  this  time,  took  up 
victuals  in  its  marches,  and  paid  nothing;  as  if  it  had  been  in  an  enemy's 
country;  and  therefore  was  held  in  abomination  by  the  inhabitants.  Having 
by  this  commination,  fomewhat  foftened  their  oppofition,  he  further  ad- 
vifed  (4),  "  That  the  propofition  of  the  next  year's  contribution  might  come 
from  the  Proteftants,  as  it  had  done  that  year,  from  the  Papifts ;  and  fo  thofe, 
no  more  in  (hew,  than  fubflance,  to  go  before  thefe,  in  their  chearfulnefs, 
and  readinefs  to  ferve  his  Majefty." 

His  Lordfhip's  fecond  propofal,  of  calling  a  parliament,  to  fettle  a  con- 
ftant  and  regular  fupply  for  the  maintenance  of  the  army,  was  fo  very  diffe- 
rently received,  that  upon  the  bare  mention  of  it,  they  readily  came  into  his 
firft  propofal  (5).  '  "  They  were  fo  horribly  afraid,"  fays  he,  "  that  the  con- 
tribution-money would  be  fet,  as  an  annual  charge,  upon  their  inheritances, 
as  they  would  redeem  it  at  any  rate ;  fo  as,  upon  the  name  of  a  parlia- 
ment, it  was  fomething  ftrange  to  fee,  how  inftantly  they  gave  confent 
to  this  propofition,  with  all  the  chearfulnefs  poffible,  and  agreed  to  have 
a  letter  drawn  up,  making  an  offer  of  the  next  year's  contribution,  under 
their  hands." 

(2)  Ib.fol.98.  (3)  Id.  ib.  (4)  Ib.  (5)  Id.ib. 

(a)  There  was  not  among  all  the  Englifii  Commons,  flew  not  fo  high  in  fo  fliort  a  revolution  of  time.     He 

a   more  violent  opofer  of  the  extention  of  the  King's  was  made  Vifcount  with  a  great  deal   of  high  cere- 

preroga'ive,  or  a  more  ftrenuous  aflertor  of  the  peo-  mony,  upon  a  Sunday  in  the  afternoon,  at  Whitehall, 

pies  liberties>  than  he  was  while  he  remained  plain  Lord  Powis,  who  affected  him  not  much,  being  told 

Sir  Thomas  Wentworth.     But   being  brought  over  to  that  the  heralds  had   fetched   his  pedegree  from  the 

the  court  in  1629,  he  was  fworn  a  Privy   Councellor,  blood  royal,  viz.  from  John  of  Gaunt,  fwore  that  if 

and  made  Baron  ;  and  foon  after,  a  Vifcounr.     "  The  ever  he  came  to  be  King  of  England,  he  would  turn 

Duke  of  Buckingham    himfelf,"   fays  Mr.  Howe!,  rebel."     Letters,  p.  an. 


K  a  CHAP. 


68  HISTORICAL    REVIEWoF    THE  Bk.  Ill 


CHAP.          VI. 

Lord  Wentworth' j  manner  of  modelling  the  Irijh  Parliament. 

ORD  Wentworth  was  not,  in  the  leaft  degree,  fcrupulous  as  to  the 
_jj  legal  qualifications  of  fuch  perfons,  as  he  intended  fhould  conftitute  this 
new  Houfe  of  Commons ;  nor  indeed,  did  he  willingly  fuffer  any  to  be  re- 
turned, whom  he  did  not  believe  to  be,  fome  way  or  other,  fubfervient  to 
his  predatory  defigns.  "  I  (i)  fhall  labour,"  fays  he,  "  to  make  as  many  captains^ 
and  officers  burgefTes,  in  this  parliament,  as  I  poffibly  can ;  who,  having 
immediate  dependence  on  the  crown,  may  almoft  fway  the  bufinefs,  between 
the  two  parties,  which  way  they  pleafe,"  One  particular  imtance  of  his 
Lordfhip's  management  in  thefe  elections,  I  fhall  relate  in  his  own  words,  be- 
caufe,  indeed,  it  is  in  itfelf  fo  extraordinary,  that  it  would  hardly  gain  belief, 
were  it  to  be  related  in  the  words  of  any  other  perfon. 

His  Lordfhip  had  refolved  to  make  Mr.  Cateline,  who  was  Recorder  of 
Dublin,  one  of  the  reprefentatives  of  that  city  ;  but  it  appears  that  Cateline's 
competitor  being  either  a  Roman  Catholic,  or  flrenuoufly  fupported  by  that 
intereft,  was  likely  to  carry  the  election  from  him.  For  the  Catholics  were 
generally  (a)  apprehenfive,  that  fome  fevere  laws  againft  the  exercife  of  their 
religion  were  intended  to  be  pafled  in  that  feffion,  and  therefore,  were  probably 
very  active  in  this  bufinefs  of  elections,  in  the  different  parts  of  the  king- 
dom This  activity  of  theirs,  was  foundation  enough  for  Lord  Wentworth  to 
pretend,  in  excufe  of  his  own  violent  interpofition  in  this  election  for 
Dublin  (2),  "  That  the  Sheriff  of  that  city  had  carried  himfelf  mutihQufly •" 
but  in  what  refpect,  he  does  not  mention,  otherwife,  than  by  a  bare  fufpicion 
of  his  own,  "  that  he  was  fet  on  by  Priefts  and  Friars  to  fuffer  no  Proteftant 
to  be  returned  to  parliament."  On  this  fufpicion,  however,  he  brought 
him  (3)  into  the  (b)  caftle-chamber,  upon  an  Ore  tenus ;  where,  upon  what 
he  had  fet  down  under  his  hand,  he  fined  him  in  two  hundred  pounds  j  and 

five 

(i)  Ib.  (2)  Ib.  Voli.  fol.  270.  (3)  Ib. 

(a)  This  appears  from  Wentworth's  fpeech  to  this  give   you   fatisfaclion,  both  privately  and   publicldy. 

parliament;    wherein,   in   order  to  remove  all    fuch  And  now  I  affure  you  again,  there  is   nothing  of  reli- 

apprehenfions,    he  tells   them,  "  That   meeting  was  gion  to  be  ftirred  in  this  parliament."     State  Letters, 

jneerly  civil,  religion  not  at  all  concerned  one  way  or  Vol.  i.  fol.  289.  , 

other.     In  this,"  adds  he,  "  I  have  endeavoured  to 

(I)  A  tirannical  court  then  held  by  the  Deputy  of  Ireland,  fimilar  to  that  of  the  ftar-chamber  in  England, 


Ch.  VI.  C  I  V  I  L    W  A  R  S    i  N    I  R  E  L  A  N  D.  69 

five  hundred  pounds  more,  for  his  contempt  in  refuting  to  fet  his  hand  to 
another  part  of  his  examination ;  difabling  him  from  ever  bearing  that  office 
in  the  city.  "  Which,"  adds  his  Lordfhip,  "  wrought  fo  good  an  effett,  as 
giving  order  prcfently  for  chofmg  a  new  fheriff,  and  going  on,  the  next  day, 
with  the  ele6tion  again,  the  voices  were  all  orderly  taken;  nnd  the  con- 
formable proving  the  greateft  number,  Cateline,  and  Alderman  Barry,  a  Pro- 
teftant,  were  cho fen." 

THE  Deputy  had  alfo  refolved,  to  make  this  Cateline  Speaker  of  the  Houfe 
of  Commons  (4).  '*  And,  as  I  underftood,"  fays  he,  "  there  was  a  muttering 
among  them  of  rejecting  him,  and  chofing  fome  other  for  themfclves,  I  called 
the  Lord  Chancellor  to  me,  and  directed  him  to  require  them  forthwith  to 
afTemble  themfelves  in  their  Houfe,  -and  to  chofe  their  Speaker,  who  was  to 
be  prefented  to  me  by  nine  o'clock  to-morrow  morning;  telling  them  it  was 
not  worth  their  contention;  and  that  it  would  be  taken  as  an  ill  prefage  of 
fome  waywardnefs,  or  forwardnefs  of  mind,  if  they  fhould  go  about  to  deny 
fuch  for  their  Speaker,  as  fhould  be  recommended  by  his  Majefty's  Privy- 
council  ;  or  to  ftruggle  in  a  bufmefs,  wherein  the  conclufion  muft  be  accord- 
ing to  his  Majefty's  good  will  and  pleafure,  whether  they  will  or  no.  So  they 
departed,  (adds  he)  and  before  dinner,  without  any  noife  or  oppofition  at  all, 
they  chofe  the  Recorder  for  their  Speaker," 

His  Lordfhip,  however^  underflanding,  what  (5.)  dangerous  broils  and  tu^- 
mults  had  happened  in  the  Houfe  of  Commons  in  1614,  under  Sir  Arthur 
Chichefter's  government,  upon  the  like  occafion  of  forcing  a  Speaker  upon 
them,  did,  after  Sir  Arthur's  .example,  iffue  a  proclamation,  "  That  neither 
the  Peers  nor  Commoners  fhould  come  into  parliament  with  fwords."  Con- 
cerning this  proclamation,  I  fnall  relate  a  paffage  of  a  young  nobleman,  of 
whom  I  fhall  hereafter  have  occafion  to  make  frequent  mention,  "  Purfuant 
to  orders,  the  Ufher  of  the  Black  Rod  was  planted  at  the  door  of  the  Houfe 
of  Lords,  to  take  the  fwords  of  the  Peers  $  and  as  the  Earl  of  Ormond  was 
coming  in,  he  demanded  his,  but  was  refufed.  That  officer,  hereupon,  fhew- 
ed  the  proclamation,  and  repeated  his  demand*  in  a  rough  manner.  The  Earl 
told  him,  that  if  he  muft  have  his  fword,  he  fhould  have  it  in  his  guts ;  and 
fo  marched  on  to  his  feat,  and  was  the.  only  Peer  who  fat  that  day  with  a 
fword  in  the  Houfe.  Upon  the  Earl's  being  fent  for  by  the  Deputy  that  very 
night,  to  appear  before  the  Council,  and  anfwer  for  his  difobedience  to  the 
proclamation,  he  owned  he  had  feen  it,  and  added,  "  That  he  difobeyed  both 
that  and  his  Lordfhip's  order,  out  of  deference  to  an  higher  authority }"  and 

then 

(4)  lb.  fol.  277,  (5)  Carte's  Orm.  Vol.  i.  fol.  64- 


70  HISTORICAL    REVIEW   OF   THE  Bk.  III. 

then  produced  the  Kings  writ,  which  fummoned  him  to  come  to  parlia- 
ment, cum  Gladio  Cinctus.  This  altercation  was  the  beginning  and  caufe  of 
that  great  friendfhip,  which  fubfifted  between  thefe  two  noblemen  during 
Lord  Wentworth's  life." 


C      H      A      P.          VII. 

Some  Tranfa&ions  of  this  Parliament. 

ON  the  i6th  of  July  1634,  this  parliament  met  in  the  caftle  of  Dublin  (i)% 
"  Undoubtedly,"    fays  Wentworth,    "  with   the   greateft  civility  and 
fplendor,  Ireland  ever  faw;  there  having  appeared  a  very  gallant  nobility  and 
gentry,  far  above  that  I  expected ;  and  all  this  accompanied  with  fingular  chear- 
fulnefs  towards  his  Majefty 's  affairs." 

His  Lordfhip  in  his  fpeech,  acquainted  them  (2),  "  That  his  Majefty  ex- 
pected an  hundred  thoufand  pounds  debt  to  be  difcharged;  and  twenty  thou- 
fand  pounds  a  year,  conftant  and  ftanding  revenue,  to  be  fet  apart  for  pay- 
ment of  the  army."  He  likewife  told  them,  "  That  his  Majefty  intended 
to  have  two  feffions  of  that  parliament,  the  one  for  himfelf,  the  other  for 
them ;  fo  as  if  they,  without  conditions,  fupplied  the  King  in  this,  they  might 
be  fure  his  Majefty  would  go  along  with  them  in  the  next  meeting,  thro'  all 
the  expreffions  of  a  gracious  and  good  King." 

LORD  Wentworth  knew,  that  in  the  year  1628,  the  King  had  given  the 
Irifh  his  folemn  promife,  for  a  (a)  valuable  confideration,  that  he  would,  in 
their  next  parliament,  (which  was  that  now  afTembled)  remove  feveral  griev- 
ances, that  had  been  humbly  remonftrated  to  him ;  particularly,  the  enquiry 
into  defective  titles ;  but  he  was  fenfible,  at  the  fame  time,  that  this  folemn 
promife  would  not  be  kept  j  nay,  he  had  himfelf  actually  perfuaded  the 
King  not  to  keep  it.  It  was,  therefore,  with  reafon  apprehended,  by  both 
his  Majefty,  and  his  Lordfhip,  that  the  Commons  would  infift  on  the  perfor- 
mance of  that  promife,  before  they  granted  the  fupplies  in  queftion ;  on  which 
account,  it  was  thought  moft  advifeable  to  make  two  feffions  of  that  parlia- 
ment, and  to  give  them  the  King's  promife  for  both.  At  all  events,  it  feems 

to 

(i)  Stratford's  State  Letters,  Vol.  i.  fol.  274.  (2)  Ib. 

(a)  "  A  free  gift  of    one    hundred   and    twenty  This  money  had   been  given  to  his  Majefty,  on  ac- 

thoufand  pounds  ;  of  which  they  had  paid,  in  1631,  count  of  the  above-mentioned   promife."     See  Straff, 

one  hundred  and  fix  thoufnnd,  two  hundred  and  four  State  Let.  Vol.  i.  fol.  68. 
(core  pounds,  fiKtecn  Shillings  and  two-pence  farthing. 


Ch.  VII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  71 

to  have  been  refolved  upon,  in  cafe  the  commons  infifted  on  the  previous  per- 
formance of  the  King's  promife,  to  difTolve  the  parliament,  and  raife  the  lup- 
plies  in  an  arbitrary  way.  Under  this  apprehenfion,  his  Majefty  told  the 
Deputy  (3),  "  That  it  would  not  be  worfe  for  him,  though  that  parliament's 
obftinacy  fhould  make  him  break  with  them  ;  "  for  I  fear,"  adds  he,"  they  have 
fome  ground  to  demand  more  than  it  is  fit  for  me  to  give.'* 

THE  Deputy,  however,  took  uncommon  pains  to  perfuade  them,  that  in^ 
eafe  of  their  free  and  unconditional  grant  of  the  fupplies,  the  King  would 
certainly  confirm  the  promifed  graces ;  and  in  order  to  banifh  from  their  minds 
all  diffidence  in  that  refpecl  (4),  "  furely,"  faid  he,  "  fo  great  a  meanefs 
cannot  enter  your  hearts,  as  once  to  fufpe£t  his  Majefly's  gracious  regards  of 
you,  and  performance  with  you,  where  you  affie  you rfelves  upon  his  grace." 
And  yet  his  Lordfhiphad  not  only  advifed  his  Majefty,  as  I  have  already  ob- 
ferved,  to  break  his  folemn  promife  to  thefe  people;  but  alfo,  in  order  more 
effectually  to  perfuade  him  to  do  fo,  had  even  engaged  to  take  upon  himfelf 
all  the  danger  and  infamy  that  was  likely  to  arife  from  it.  For  which  won- 
derful piece  of  fervice,  his  Majefty,  foon  after,  thanked  him,  in  a  letter  writ- 
ten with  his  own  hand  (b). 

BUT  left  thefe  artful  infinuations  fhould  fhould  not  prevail  wkh  the  Com~ 
mons,  he  thought  proper  to  enforce  his  demands  by  fome  high  expreffio.ns, 
tending  to  frighten  them  into  a  fpeedy  compliance  (5).  "  Let  me  not,"  faid 
he,  "  prove  a  CafTandra  amongft  you,  to  fpeak  truth,  and  not  to  be  believed. 
However,  fpeak  truth  I  will,  were  I  to  become  your  enemy  for  it;  remember 
therefore,  that  I  tell  you,  you  may  either  mar,  or  make  this  parliament.  If 
you  proceed  with  refpeft,  without  laying  clogs,  or  conditions  on  the  King,  as 
wife  men  and  good  fubjecls  ought  to  do,  you  fhall  infallibly  fet  up  this  par- 
liament eminent  to  pofterity,  as  the  very  bafis,  and  foundation  of  the  greateft 
happinefs  and  profperity  that  ever  befel  this  nation.  But,  if  you  meet  a  great 
King  with  narrow  circumfcri bed  hearts,  if  you  will  needs  be  wife  and  cautious, 
above  the  moon,  remember  again,  that  I  tell  you,  you  fhall  never  be  able 
to  caft  your  mifts  before  the  eyes  of  fo  diferning  a  King;  you  fhall  be  found 
out,  your  fons  fhall  wifh  they  had  been  the  children  of  more  believing  pa- 
rents; and  in  a  time  when  you  look  not  for  it,  when  it.  will  be  too  late  for 

you 

(3)  Id.  ib.  (4)  Id.  ib.  (5)  Ib. 

(I)  WENTWORTH,  for  the  keeping  off  the  envy  of  a   neceffary  negative 

Before  I  anfwer  any  of  your  particular  letters  to  me, .  from  me  of  thofe  unreafonable  graces  that  people  ei- 

1  muft  tell  you,  that  your  laft   public  difpatch  has  peeked  from  me."   Straff,  State  Let.  Vol.  i.  fo!.  331. 
given  me  a  great  deal  of  contentment ;  and  efpecially 


72  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.III. 

you  to  help,  the  fad  repentance  of  an  unadvifed  breach  fhall  be  yours  j  lafting 
honour  fhall  be  my  Matter's." 


CHAP.          VIII. 

Legality  of  fever  al  Elections  queftioned,  but  the  Motion  over-ruled. 

>  |  ^HE  very  next  day  after  Lord  Wentworth  had  delivered  his  fpeech  to 
parliament  (which,  it  feems,  he  did  with  fo  much  haughty  (a)  vehe- 
mence (i  ),  "  That  he  was  faint  at  the  prefent,  and  the  worfe  for  it,  two  or 
three  days  after,")  the  recufants  began  to  call  for  (2)  "  The  purging  of  the 
Houfe  ;"  an  operation,  which  we  may  well  prefume,  it  then  flood  in  great 
need  of.  But  that  motion  was,  with  fome  difficulty,  over-ruled.  This  in- 
terruption his  Lordfhip  had  not  forefeen;  and  therefore  ordered,  that  on 
the  following  day,  the  fupplies  fhould  be  inftantly  moved  for  (3),  "  Not  to 
be  diverted,"  fays  he,  "  by  any  other  proportion  ;  not  even  by  moving,  that 
it  fhould  reft  till  the  Houfe  had  taken  this  purging  phyfic,  which  they  fo  hotly 
called  for." 

The  fupplies  were  accordingly  moved  for,  on  the  following  day,  and  fix 
entire  fubfidies  were  unanimoufly  voted  to  his  Majefty,  payable  in  four 
years. 

THESE  fupplies  were  very  (b)  confiderable  ;  and  far  exceeded  his  Lordfhip's 
expe&ation  (4).  "  The  proportion  he  was  guided  by,  was  to  rate  every 
thoufand  pounds  per  annum,  with  forty  pounds  payment  to  the  King, 
eachfubfidy;  fo  that,"  fays  he.  "  the  fubfidies  raifed  this  firft,  were  more 
than  I  propofed  to  be  had  in  both  feflions,  and  were  given  freely  and  without 
any  contradiction." 

His  Lordfhip's  obfervation  on  the  Catholics  calling  fo  hotly  for  "  the  purg- 
ing of  the  Houfe,"  is  worthy  of  fome  notice  (5).  "  This  warm  motion  for 

purging 

(i)  Id.  ib.  fol.  273.  (z)  ib.  (3)  Id.  ib.  Vol.  i.  fol.  278.  (4)  Id.  ib.          (5)  Ib. 

(a)  "  For   this  way,"  fays  he,  "  I    was  afTured,  It  was  pretty  well  ;  whereas,  this  way,  filling  one  of  , 
they  fhould  have  founds  at  leaft  ;  and  the  fuccefs  was  their  fenfes  with  noife,  and  amufing  the  reft  with  ear- 
anfwerable.     For  had  it  been  low,  and  modeftly  de-  neftnefs  and  vehemence  :  It  was  the  bed  fpoken,  they 
livered,  I  might,  perchance,  have  gotten  from  them  :  ever  heard  in  their  lives."     State  Lee.  Vol  i.  ib. 

(b)  Each  of  thefe  fubfidies  amounted  to  fifty  thoufand  pounds  j  "  And  he  never  propounded  more  to  the 
King  than  thirty  thoufand."    Straff.  State  Let.  Vol.  i.  fol.  273. 


Ch.IX.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  73 

purging  the  Houfe,"  fays  he,  "  doubtlefs  with  an  aim  of  putting  out  a  great 
company  of  Proteltants,  upon  the  point  of  non-refidency,  came  not,  as  I  was 
well  affured,  from  any  backwardnefs  to  fupply  the  King;  but  out  of  an  hope, 
by  this  means  putting  out  many  of  the  other  party,  to  become  the  greater 
number,  and  fo  endear  themfelves  the  more  with  his  Majefty,  to  make  that 
work  (granting  the  fubfidies)  wholly  their  own,  and  themfelves  more  confi- 
derable;  which  would  turn  a  greater  obligation  on  the  King,  than  I  conceive 
his  Majefty  would  be  willing  they  fhould  put  upon  him,  or  indeed  was  fit, 
the  prefent  condition  of  affairs  confidered."  By  this  condition  of  affairs,  is 
plainly  to  be  underftood,  his  Majefty's  and  the  Viceroy's,  preconcerted  de- 
fign,  to  carry  on  the  enquiry  into  defective  titles,  notwithftanding  the  Royal 
promife  to  the  contrary;  for  which  iniquitous  purpofe,  thefe  unqualified  mem- 
bers were  ftill  retained  and  protected,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  the  real  repre- 
fentatives  of  the  people,  and  at  the  expence  of  his  Majefty's  juftice,  and 
honour. 

CHAP.          IX. 

Remonfirance  vfihelrijh  Commons  to  the  Deputy,  concerning  the  promifed 

Graces. 

THE  Commons  relying  on  the  merit  of  thefe  unconditional  fupplies, 
chearfully  and  unanimously  granted,  appointed  a  committee  to  draw 
up  a  remonftrance  to  the  Lord  Deputy,  concerning  his  Majefty's  promife ; 
particularly,  in  relation  to  the  enquiry  into  defective  titles.  In  that  remon- 
ftrance (a),  they  fet  forth  (i),  "  That  fenfibly  apprehending  the  manifold  in- 
conveniences that  had  befallen  the  kingdom,  through  the  uncertainty  of 
eftates>  occafioaed  by  the  embezzling,  burning,  and  defacing  of  records,  in 
times  loofe,  and  uncertain,  troubled  with  continual  war,  until  the  beginning 
of  his  late  Majefty's  happy  reign;  and  increafed  by  the  negligence,  or  igno- 
rance of  fundry  perfbns,  heretofore  employed  in  palling  of  patents  and  eftates 
from  the  crown ;  whereby  many  errors  in  law  crept  into  thefe  grants,  whereof 
divers  indigent  perfons,  with  eagle-eyes  piercing  thereinto,  commonly  took 
advantage,  to  the  utter  overthrow  of  many  noble  and  deferving  perfons,  who? 
for  valuable  confiderations  of  fervice  to  the  crown,  or  for  money,  or  for  both, 
honourably  and  fairly  acquired  their  eftates.  That,  therefore,  finding  in 

L»  themfelves 

(i.)  Strafford's  State  Letters,  Vol.  i. 

(a)  "  The  Peers  alfo  complained  loudly  of  pub-  lands  to  a  retrofpe<3  of  fixty  years;  and  frequent!/ 

lie  grievances;    prefTed  for  the  confirmation  of  the  mentioned  the  Royal  promife,  in  a  manner  highly  of- 

Royal  graces;  were  particularly  urgent  for  eftablifhing  fenfive  to  an  adminiftration  refolded  that  it  ihould  not 

the  article,  which  confined  the  King's  claim  oa  their  be  fulfilled."    Lei.  Hift,  Ire).  Vol.  iii.  p.  20. 


,74  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  HI. 

themfelves  a  fenfible  feeling  of  thefe  and  other  grievances,  they  had  received 
unfpeakable  pleafure  from  his  Majefty's  princely  care,  and  tender  affection 
towards  them,  expreffed  in  the  graces  tranfmitted  over  by  their  laft  agents, 
and  on  his  Royal  word,  the  belt  of  affurances,  and  his  princely  fignature, 
which  he  had  been  gracioufly  pleafed  to  pafs  unto  them,  to  caufe  the  faid 
graces  to  be  enacted  in  the  next  enfuing  parliament;  that  they  could  not  fbf- 
ficiently  difcharge  their  duty  to  his  Majefty,  or  the  truft  repofed  in  them  by 
their  country,  unlefs  they  were  careful  in  thefe  great  affairs,  to  conferve  the 
honour  of  his  Majefty's  word,  in  that  refpect,  pafled  unto  them  his  people, 
who  had  heretofore,  by  their  faid  agents,  prefenfed  a  free  gift  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thoufand  pounds  to  his  Majefty,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  thoufand 
pounds  loan-money,  or  contribution,  by  them  forgiven ;  and  forty  thoufand 
pounds  in  thefe  two  laft  years,  contributed  by  the  country,  amounting  in  the 
total,  to  three  hundred  and  ten  thoufand  pounds,  exceeding  in  proportion, 
their  abilities,  and  the  precedents  of  paft  ages,  &c.  Wherefore,  they  moft  humbly 
prayed,  that  his  Lordfhip  would  place  the  ftatute  21  ft  Jacobi,  entitled  an  act 
for  the  general  quiet  of  the  fubjedt  againft  concealments,  in  the  firft  tranfmif- 
fion  of  laws  into  England  j  the  faid  grace  being  particularly  promifed  by  his 
Majefty,  approved  by  both  the  Councils  of  eftate  in  England  and  Ireland,  and 
publifhed  in  all  the  counties  of  Ireland,  at  the  general  affizes ;  and  moft  ex- 
pected of  all  the  other  graces.  And  that  he  would  pleafe  to  certify  their  uni- 
verfal  confent,  and  much  longing  defire,  to  have  the  faid  ftatute  of  2ift  Jacobi, 
and  the  reft  of  the  faid  graces,  perpetuated  by  acts  to  be  paffed  in  that 
parliament."  This  remonftrance  was  prefented  to  his  Lordfhip  by  Sir  George 
RatclifFe,  Knight,  Mafter  of  the  Rolls,  Sir  James  Ware,  Knight,  Mr.  Serjeant 
Barry,  and  eight  other  refpectable  members. 

"  THE  (2)  improvement  of  the  King's  revenue,  was  the  colour  made  ufe 
of  by  certain  projectors,  to  obtain  commirlions  of  enquiry  into  defective  titles ; 
the  great  benefit  of  which,  was  generally  to  accrue  to  thefe  projectors,  or  di£- 
coverers,  whilft  the  King  was  content  with  an  (b)  inconfiderable  proportion 
of  land,  or  a  fmall  advance  of  the  referved  rent  (c)"  One  cafe  of  this  kind  (3), 

Mr. 

(z)  Carte's  Orm.  Vol.  i.  fol.  27.  (3)  Ib. 

(b)  "  The  yearly  rent  referved  to  the  King,  (ia      fix  /hillings    and    eight-pence,    for    every   thoufand 
the  plantation  of  Wexford)  was  five  pounds  for  every      acres  granted  to  the  natives."     Dcfid.  Curiof.  Hibern. 
thoufand  acres  granted  the   Englilh  j  and  fix  pounds      Vol.  ii.  p.  390-1. 

(c)  "  The  commiflioners   appointed  to  diftribure      feffions,  which  the  King  had  refeived  for  them."  Lei. 
thefe  lands,  fcandaloufly  abufed  their   trulls; -and  by      Hift.  of  Irel.  Vol.  ii.  p.  467. 

fraud,  or  violence,  deprived  the  natives  of  thofe  pof- 


Ch.  X.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  75 

Mr.  Carte  has  felecled  out  of  many  others,  which  contains  in  it  fuch  a  fcene 
of  iniquity  and  cruelty,  that  considering  it  in  all  its  circumftances,  it  isfcarce 
to  be  paralleled  in  the  hiftory  of  any  age,  or  country.  The  cafe  I  mean,  is 
that  of  the  Byrne's,  in  the  county  of  Wicklow,  who  were  robbed  of  large 
eftates,  by  Sir  William  Parfons  and  his  fellow-commifiioners,  on  pretence  of 
this  enquiry  into  defective  titles.  Thefe  State-harpies  made  ufe  of  every  means 
of  force  and  fraud,  to  accomplifh  their  defigns;  having  even  tortured  fome 
witneffes,  to  make  them  fwear  for  their  purpofes ;  and  by  promifes  of  pardon, 
and  other  corrupt  methods,  procured  thieves,  traytors,  and  other  convict  cri- 
minals, to  give  falfe  teftimony  for  the  fame  end ;  all  which,  thefe  wretches, 
afterwards,  publickly  confefTed  at  their  deaths  (4). 


C      H      A      P.          X. 


The  Commons  require  an  Anfwer  to  their  Remonftrance. 

IN  the  4th  of  November,  1634,  commenced  the  feeond  feflion  of  this 
parliament  (i);  and  on  the  I2th  an  order  was  pafTed,  "that  Mr. Speaker 
and  the  whole  houfe  fhould  attend  the  Lord  Deputy,  numbly  to  defire  his  Lord- 
ihip's  anfwer  to  the  petition  of  remonftrance,  formerly  prefented  to  his  Lord- 
fhip,  either  in  writing,  or  otherwife,  as  his  Lordfhip  ihould  think  fit." 

THE  return  made  by  the  Deputy,  on  that  occafion,  was  by  no  means  fu it- 
able  to1  fo  refpeclful  an  application.  He  had  already  refolved  (2)  to  "  give 
them  an  anfwer,  round  and  clear,  as  fuch  as  would  ftifle  all  replications."  He, 
therefore,  called  fome  of  them  before  him,  and  told  them  plainly  (3),  "That 
he  would  not  tranfmit  to  England  the  ftatute  21  ft  Jacobi ;  that  fuch  refufal 
was  his  own,  their  requeft  never  having  been  fo  much  as  fent  over- by  himj. 
that  pafling  this  act:  was  not  good,  and  expedient  for-  the  kingdom  at  that  time ; 
and  fo  they  were  to  reft  fatisfied,  without  ftirring  any  more.  As-  to  that. par- 
ticular, as  a  thing  which  could  not,  nor  would  not  be  departed  from."  For 
the  clearing  of  the  King's  honour,  fb  effentially  concerned  in  this  conteft,  his 
Lordfhip  had,  with  fome  difficulty,  brought  over  the  Council  to  reprefent  to 
his  Majefty  (4),  "  That  he  was  not  bound,  either  in  confcience,  juftice,  or 

L  2.  honour, 

(4)  See  Carte's  Orm.  Vol.  i. 
(i)  Straffbrd's  State  Letters,  ib.  (2)  Ib.  fol.  338.  (3)  Ib.  (4)  Ib.  (5)  Ib. 


76  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk  III. 

honour,  to  perform  the  folemn  promife  he  had  made  to  thefe  people,  for  the 
valuable  confideration  before-mentioned." 

WHEN,  on  the  27th  of  November,  his  Lord/hip's  anfwer  to  their  remon- 
ftrance  was  reported  to  the  Commons,  the  Catholic  members,  who  were  prin- 
cipally, if  not  iblely,  aggrieved  by  the  enquiry  into  defective  titles,  "  were 
ib  illto  pleafe  (5),"  fays  Wentworth  himfelf,  "  that  they  loft  all  temper,  and 
broke  forth  into  fuch  forward  fullennefs,  as  was  ftrange ;  rejeding,  hand 
over  head,  every  other  bill  that  was  offered  them,  from  his  Majefty  and 
the  ftate." 

THE  bills  here  alluded,  were  the  two  ftatutes  of  Ufes  and  Wills  (6),  "  By 
which,  fays  Mr.  Carte,  "  the  Roman  Catholics  imagined,  and  not  (a)  with- 
out reafon,  that  their  religion  would  in  time  be  affected,  and  by  the  due  exe- 
cution thereof,  be  at  laft  utterly  extinguifhed,  by  their  putting  it  in  his  Ma- 
jefty's  power,  to  have  the  minors  of  the  chief  families  of  the  kingdom,  edu- 
cated in  the  communion  of  the  church  of  England.  Thefe  bills  were, 
however,  at  length  patted  in  that  feffion(7);  and  the  Catholics  ever  af- 
terwards confidered  them  as  heavy  grievances,  and  had  an  eye  to  them, 
in  all  the  complaints  which  they  exhibited,  upon  occafion,  againft  the  court 
of  wards." 


HAP.          XL 


A  Convocation  of  the  Clergy  of  Ireland. 

BU  T  the  Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland  were  not  the  only  objects  of  the 
Deputy's  defpotifm  and  controul.     The  Proteftant  Archbifhops,  Bifhops, 
and  other  clergy,  then  affembled  in  convocation,  with  the  famous  Primate 
Ufher  at  their  head,  crouched  and  groaned  under  his  more  than  Papal  do- 
minion.    Lord  Wentworth  had  difcovered,  that  the  generality  of  that  clergy 

were 

(5)  Ib.  (6)  Carte's  Orm.  Vol.  i.  (7)  Ib. 

(a)  "  Thefe  laws  could  not  be  agreeable  to  the  Vol.  iii.  p.  24.     And  becaufe  Straffbrd  had  promifed, 

recufants,  becaufe  they  empowered  the  King  to  have  in  his  fpeech  to  that  parliament,  "  that  religion  fhould 

minors  educated  from  their  early  years  in  the  com-  not  be  touched  upon,"    State  Let.  Vol.  i.  p.  305. 
amnion  of  the  eftablimed  church."    Lei.  Hift.  Irel. 


Ch.XI.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  77 

were  ftrongly  (a)  inclined  to(i)  puritanifm;  and  therefore  he  refblved,  in 
concert  with  Archbifhop  Laud  (2),  to  compel  them  "  to  receive,  implicitly, 
without  examination,  or  debate,"  the  canons,  as  well  as  the  articles,  of  the 
church  of  England  j  a  kind  of  condefcenfion,  which  for  the  manner,  as  well 
as  matter,  they  were  exceedingly  loath  to  yield  to.  It  may  not,  perhaps,  be 
unentertaining  to  the  reader,  to  find  fome  account  here  of  this  extraordinary 
tranfadtion,  from  his  Lordfhip's  own  letter  to  the  Archbifhop,  on  that 
occaiion. 

"  I  FOUND  (3),"  fays  he,  "  the  Lower  Houfe  of  convocation  had  appoint- 
ed a  feieft  committee,  to  confider  the  canons  of  the  church  of  England ;  and 
that  they  did  proceed  in  the  examination,  without  conferring  at  all  with 
the  Bifhops ;  that  they  had  gone  through  the  book  of  canons,  and  noted  in 
the  margin,  fuch  as  they  allowed  with  an  A;  and  on  the  others,  they  had 
put  a  D,  which  flood  for  Deliberandum ,  that  into  the  fifth  article  they 
had  brought  the  articles  of  Ireland,  to  be  allowed  and  received,  under 
pain  of  excommunication  5  and  that  they  had  drawn  up  their  canons  into 
a  body. 

"  I  INSTANTLY  fent  for  Dean  (b)  Andrews,  that  reverend  Clerk,  who  fate, 
forfooth,  in  the  chair  of  this  committee ;  requiring  him  to  bring  along  with 
him  the  afore faid  book  of  canons,  fo  noted  in  the  margin,  together  with  the 
draught  he  was  to  prefent,  that  afternoon,  to  the  Houfe. 

"  BUT 

(i)  Stratford's  State  Letters.  (2)  Id.  ib.  Vol.  iii.  fol.  381.  (3)  Id.  ib.  Vol.  i.  fol.  342. 

(a)  "  They  not  only  fung-the  pfaJms  after  the  Geneva-tune,  but  expounded  the  text  to  the  Geneva-fenfe." 
Stafford's  State  Let.  Vol.  i. 

(1)'  Dean  of  Limerick.  Lord  Wentworth  was  ve-  with  great  thankfulnefs.  "  His  Lordfnfp  cleft,"  fays 
ry  angry  with  this  clergyman  ;  and  the  punifhment  he  the  Deputy  of  him  fometime  after,  "  gave  us  a  fare- 
intended  for  him,  was  fomewhat  lingular.  "  If,"  fays  well  fermon  this  Lent,  that  had  failed  furely,  for  a  lean 
he,  in  a  letter  to  Laud  on  this  occafion,  "  your  one  it  was ;  only  he  commended  the  times,  and  laid, 
Lordfliip  thinks  Doctor  Andrews  is  to  blame,  and  that  How  long !  How  long  !  have  we  heretofore  expecV 
you  would  chaftife  him  for  it,  make  him  Bifliop  of  ed  preferment,  and  milled  of  it.  But  now,  God  be 
Ferns  and  Laughlin,  to  have  it  without  any  other  praifed,  we  have  it.  By  my  troth,"  adds  Wentworth, 
commendam,  than  as  the  laft  Bifliop  had  it  ;  and  "  they  were  his  very  words  j  and  I  had  much  ado 
then  I  allure  you,  he  fhall  leave  better  behind  him."  to  forbear  laughing  outright,  that  underftood,  how 
For  that  Biflioprick,  it  feerns,  was  then  "  fo  faddled  he  miftook  even  thefe  times  in  this  point,  which  did 
and  fpur-gauled,  (they  are  Wentworth's  own  words)  not  intend  this  Biflioprick  to  him  for  a  preferment, 
that,  if  the  devil  himfelf  were  the  rider,  he  could  not  but  rather  as  a  difcipline.  Yet  he  is  a  good  child, 
make  well  worfe  of  it,  than  it  was  already."  State  and  kifleth  the  rod  ;  fo  you  fee  it  was  not  a  correction 
Let.  The  Dean,  however,  accepted  this  preferment,  ill  beftowed  upon  him."  State  Let.  Vol.  i. 


78  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OP    THE  Bk.III. 

"  BUT  (4)  when  I  had  opened  the  book,  and-  ran  over  the  deliberandums- 
in  the  margin,  I  confefs,  I  was  not  fo  much  moved  fince  I  came  into  Ireland. 
1  told  him,  certainly,  not  a  Dean  of  Limerick,  but  an  Ananias,  had  been 
there  in  fpirit,  if  not  in  body,  with  all  the  fraternities,  and  conventicles  of 
Amfterdam ;  and  that  I  was  aihamed,  and  fcandalized,  at  it  beyond 
meafure.  I  therefore  faid,  he  fhould.  leave  the  book  and  draught  with  me ; 
and  then  I  did  command  him,  upon  his  allegiance,  to  report  nothing  to 
the  Houfe  from  that  committee,  till  he  heard  from  me  again  ;  being  thus 
nettled,  I  gave  prefent  directions  for  a  meeting,  and  warned  the  Primate, 
the  Bifhops  of  Meath,  Kilmore,  Raphoe,  and  Derry,  together  with  Dean  Let- 
ly,  the  Prolocutor,  and  all  thofe,  who  had  been  of  the  committee,  to  be  with 
me  the  next  morning. 

"  THEN  I  publickly  told  them,  how  unlike  clergymen,  that  owed  ca- 
nonical obedience  to  their  fuperiors,  they  had  proceeded  in  their  com- 
mittee; how  unheard  of  a  part  it  was,  for  a  few  petty  Clerks  to  make 
articles  of  faith,  without  the  privity,  or  confent  of  the  ftate,  or  the 
Bifhops ;  and  what  a  fpirit  of  Brownifm,  and  contradiction,  I  obferved  in  their 
deliberandums  ;  but  thefe  heady  arid  arrogant  courfes,  they  muft  know,  I  was 
not  to  endure,  nor,  if  they  were  difpofed  to  be  frantic,  in  this  dead  and  cold 
feafon  of  the  year,  would  fuffer  them  either  to  be  mad  in  their  convocations, 
or  pulpits." 

-  AFTER  this,  his  Lordfhip  declared  to  them  all,  "  That  no  other  que£- 
tion  fhould  be  propofed  at  their  meeting,  but  that,  for  allowing,  and  receiv- 
ing, the  articles  of  England,  without  admitting  any  other  difcourfe  at  all ; 
for  that  he  would  not  endure  that  the  articles  of  the  church  of  England 
fhould  be  difputed.  And  finally,"  proceeds  his  Lordfhip,  "  becaufe  there 
fhould  be  no  queftion  in  the  canon  that  fhould  be  voted,  I  defired  the  Lord 
Primate  would  be  pleafed  to  frame  it,  and  fend  it  to  me,  for  my  perufal ;  after 
which,  I  would  fend  the  Prolocutor  a  draught  of  the  canon,  to  be  propounded 
in  a  letter  of  his  own. 

"  THIS  meeting  thus  broke,  there  were  fbme  hot  fpirits,  fbns  of  thunder, 
amongft  them,  who  moved,  they  fhould  petition  for  a  free  fynod,  but  in  fine, 
they  could  not  agree  among  themfelves,  who  fhould  put  the  bell  about  the 
Cat's  neck  5  fo  this  likewife  vanifhed." 

As 

(4)  Id.  ib.  fo).  342. 


Ch.XI.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  79 

As  for  Primate  Ufher's  part  in  this  tran  faction  (5),  "  It  is  very  true," 
fays  his  Lorfhip^,  "  for  all  his  filence,  it  was  not  pofllble,  but  he  knew 
how  near  they  were  to  have  brought  in  thbfe  articles  of  Ireland,  to 
the  infinite  difturbance  and  fcandal  of  the  church,  as  I  conceive.  And 
certainly,  he  could  be  content,  I  had  been  furprifed;  but  he  is  fo  learned 
a  Prelate,  and  fo  good  a  man,  as,  I  befeech  your  Grace,  it  may  never  be  im- 
puted to  him." 

BUT  to  proceed  with  his  Lordfhip's  narrative.  "  The  Primate  accord- 
ingly framed  the  canon,  which  I,"  fays  he,  "  not  Ib  well  approving,  drew 
up  one  myfelf,  more  after  the  words  of  the  canon  in  England,  and  then 
fent  it  to  him.  His  Grace  came  inftantly  to  me,  and  told  me,  he  feared 
the  canon  would  not  pafs  in  that  form,  as  I  had  made  it,  but  he  was  hope- 
ful, as  he  had  drawn  it  up,  it  might.  He  befbught  me  therefore,  to  think 
a  little  better  of  it ;  but  I  confefs,  having  taken  a  little  jealoufy,  that  his 
proceedings  were  not  open  and  free  to  thofe  ends  I  had  my  eye  upon,  it 
was  too  late,  either  to  perfuade,  or  affright  me ;  I  told  his  Lordfhip  I  was 
refolved  to  put  it  to  them,  in  thefe  very  words :  Only,  for  order's  fake,  I 
deflred  his  Lordfhip  would  vote  this  canon  firfl,  in  the  Upper  Houfe  of  con- 
vocation, without  any  delay  :  then  I  wrote  a  letter  to  Dean  Leflie,  with 
the  canon  inclofed;  which  accordingly,  that  afternoon  was  unanimoufly 
voted ;  firft  with  the  Bifhops,  and  then  with  the  reft  of  the  clergy,  except- 
ing one  man,  who  fingly  did  deliberate  upon  receiving  the  articles  of  Eng- 
land." 

THIS  was,  perhaps,  the  higheft  exertion  of  lay-ecclefiaftical  (6)  autho- 
rity, that  was  ever  known  in  thefe  kingdoms.  For,  as  by  this  canon,  ex- 
communication is  exprefsly  denounced  againft  all  thofe,  who  fhould  affirm, 
that,  "  The  articles  of  the  church  of  England  were  fuch,  as  they  might  not, 

.with 

(5)  Id.  ib.  (6)  Canons   agreed  upon  in   the   fynod    begun,    and  holden   in   St.  Patrick's  church, 

Dublin.     Anno  1634,  p.  i. 

(c)  "  The    Primate  is   hugely    againft    it.      The  he  was  made   Protestor.     Ludlow  tells  us,  "  That 

truth  is,  I  conceive,  there  are  fome   puritan   corref-  he  was  defired  by  the  fanatics,  to  deal  faithfully  with 

pondants   of  his,  that    infufe   thefe  notions  into  his  the  King    in    the  controverfy   that  was   between  his 

head."     Strafford   to   Laud,  ib.     "   Uflier  was  head  Majefty  and  the  parliament  about  epifcopacy,  accord- 

of  the  puritanic   party  of  the  clergy,  and  fupported  ing  to  his  own  judgment,  which,"  fays  he,  "  they 

by  the  judgments  and  affections  of  almoft  all  the   Iriih  knew  to   be  againft   it;  but    he  anfwered,  that  if  he 

clergy."     Lei.  Hift.  of  Irel.  Vol.  iii.  p.  28.     He  was  rtiould  do  as  they  propofed,  he  fhould   ruin  himfelf, 

afterwards  one  of  the   witneiTes  againft  Straffbrd  at  and  family,  having  a  child,  and  many  debts."     Me- 

his  trial ;  and  had   a  penfion  from  Cromwell,  when  moirs,  Vol.  i. 


So  HISTORICAL   REVIEW,  &e.  Bk.III. 

with  a  good  conference,  fubfcribe  unto  j"  and  as  the  members  of  this  con- 
vocation feem,  upon  the  whole,  to  have  thought  them  to  be  really  iuch, 
(for  otherwife,  they  would  have  more  readily  acquiefced  in  them).  It  ap- 
pears, that  thefe  Bifhops  and  clergy,  were  then  obliged  to  fubfcribe  to 
a  canon,  denouncing  excommunication  againft  themfelves,  in  cafe  they 
Should  ever  after  venture  to  publilh  their  real  opinion  of  thefe  articles. 


AN 


A    N 

HISTORICAL    AND    CRITICAL 

REVIEW 


O    F      T    H    E 


CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND. 


BOOK          IV, 

CHAP.        I. 

Lord  WentworthV  Proceedings  upon  the  Enquiry  into  Defective  Titles. 

WENTWORTH  was  well  informed,  what  ample  rewards  two  of  his 
predeceffors  in  the  government  of  Ireland  had  obtained,  by  their  ac- 
tivity and  fuccefs,  in  carrying  on  the  enquiry  into  defective  titles  (i)j  "  One 
of  them  having  had  Lands  beftowed  upon  him,  which  in  the  year  1633,  were 
of  no  lefs  than  ten  thoufand  pounds  yearly  value  ;  and  the  other  (2),  ten 
thoufand  pounds  in  one  gift."  Hoping  therefore,  for  the  like,  or  greater, 
retribution,  his  Lordlhip  exerted  himfelf  in  that  bufinefs,  with  uncommon 
refblution  and  vigour ;  "  having  procured  inquifitions,  upon  feigned  titles 
to  eftates,  againft  many  hundred  years  pofTeffion,  whilft  jurors  refufing  to  find 
fuch  offices,  as  being  againft  their  confciences,  and  the  evidence,  were  cenfur- 
ed  to  public  infamy  (a)^  and  the  ruin  of  their  eftates." 

M  THE 

(i)  Sir  Arthur  Chichefter.    Straff.  State  Let.  (2)  Lord  Faulkland.  ib.  Vol.  ii.  294, 

(a)  "  Needy  proje&ors,  and  rapacious  courtiers,     their  lands,  or  forcing  them  to  grievous  compofitioris." 
ftill  continued  the  fcandalous  traffic  of  pleading  the      Lcl.  Hift.  Irel.  Vol.  iii.  p.  13. 
King's  title  againft  the  pofcflbrs  of  eftates,  of  fcizing 


S2  HISTORICAL   REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  IV. 

THE  Deputy  had  chofen  Conaught,  and  Ormond,  to  make  his  firft  effay 
upon,  in  this  enquiry.  His  Lord(hip.owns(3),  "  That  he  had  often  laboured 
to  find  a  title  in  the  crown  to  thefe  countries,  but  was  always  foiled  in  the 
attempt "  And,  in  feveral  of  his  letters  into  England,  he  laments,  that  he 
could  gather  no  light  from  tnenee  into  thefe  matters.  An  accident,  however, 
removed,  foon  after,  his  perplexity  with  regard  to  Ormond;  but  the  nobility, 
and  gentry,  in  fbme  parts  of  Conaught,  gave  him  great  oppofition.  Where- 
fore^), "  Old  records  of  ftate^and  the  memorials  of  antient  monafteries, 
were  ran facked,  to  afcertain  the-King's  original- title  to  that  province  ;  and  the 
ingenuity  of  Court-lawyers  was  employed,  to  invalidate  all  patents  granted  to 
the  poffeflbrs  of  lands  there,  from  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth."  The  De- 
puty even  feemed  to  entertain  thoughts  of  calling  to  his  affiftance  the  autho- 
rity of  his  packed  parliament,  on  that  occafion(5).  "  This  houfe,"  fays  he, 
in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary,  "  is  very  well  compofed,  fo  as  the  Proteftants  are 
the  majority;  and  this  may  be  of  great  ufe  to  confirm,  and  fettle  his  Majefty's 
title  to  the  plantations  of  Conaught  and  Ormond ;  for  this  you  may  be  fure  of, 
all  the  Proteftants  are  for  plantations,  all  the  other  againft  them ;  fo  as, 
thefe  being  the  greater  number,  you  can  want  no  help  they  can  give  you 
therein.  Nay,  in  cafe  there  be  no  title  to  be  made  good  to  thefe  countries 
in  the  crown,  yet  fhould  not  I  defpair,  forth  of  reafons  of  ftate,  and  for 
the  ftrength  and  fecurity  of  the  kingdom,  to  have  them  patted  to  the  King, 
by  an  immediate  a£t  of  parliament." 


CHAP.          II. 

The  Earl  of  Ormond  furrenders  his  Country  to  the  King. 

WE  have  already  feen  that,  by  the  Earl  of  Ormond's  fpirited  behaviour, 
in  the  beginning  of  this  parliament,  Wentworth  conceived  a  particu- 
lar friendfhip  for  him ;  which  was  fb  far  mutual  on  the  Earl's  part,  that  he 
made  a  voluntary  furrender  of  his  country  to  the  King,  in  whom  othcrwife(aj 
no  title  could  be  found  to  it.  For  this  condefcenfion,  his  Lordfhip  was,  by 
the  Deputy's  mediation,  made  a  Privy-counfellor,  in  the  room  of  Sir  Pierce 
Crosby,  lately  fequeftered  from  that  board  for  no  other  caufe,  but  his  having 
voted  in  parliament  againft  a  bill,  which  Lord  Wentworth  had  approved,  and 

figned 

(3)  Id.  ib.  Vol.  i.  fol.  339.  (4)  Lei.  ubi  fiipra,  p.  31.  ($)  Straff.  State  Let. 

(a)  •'  Seeiag,"  fays  Wentworth  on  this  occafion,  and,  indeed,  could  not  have  flood  alone  upon  the 
"  we  have  fped  fo  well,  where  our  title  was  borrow-  King's  evidence,  I  tm  moft  confident,  we  fliall  have 
«d,  or  at  Jeaft  fupported  by  07  Lord  of  Ormond,  like  fuccefs  for  Clare."  Staee  Let.  Vol.  ii.  fol.  93. 


Ch.  II.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  83 

figned  in  the  Privy-council  (i).  "  There  were  twenty-eight  Counfellors  pre- 
fent,  when  he  was  fequefter.ecl,  and  not  one  difTenting  voice,  but  all  for  the 
fequeftration."  . 

THE  furrender  of  Ormond  was  foon  followed  by  that  of  Limerick,  and 
Clare ;  but  the  people  of  Conaught  were  not  all  fo  complaifant ;  altho'  they 
too  hadfome  leading  examples  of  that  kind  in  their  own  province. 

ABOUT  this  time  Lord  Wentworth  acquainted  his  Majefty  (2),  "  That  he 
fhould  be  able  to  find  for  him,  a  juft  and  honourable  title  to  Conaught, 
againil:  ail  oppoiition  j  and  that  the  acquifition  to  his  Majefty,  in  that  pro- 
vince alone,  would  amount  to  no  lefs  than  an  hundred  and  twenty  thoufand 
acres  (b)"  It  is  but  natural  to  enquire,  by  what  means  a  jufl  and  honour- 
able title  could  be  fo  fuddenly  found,  which,  but  a  few  months  before,  feem- 
ed  to  be  altogether  defpaired  of.  Lord  Wentworth  himfelf  fhall  fatisfy  the 
reader's  curiofity,  in  that  refpect. 

- 

BE  FORE  his  Lordlhip  left  Dublin,  to  hold  this  court  of  inquifition  in  Co- 
naught,  he  had  given  orders  to  his  managers  there,  that  gentlemen  of  the  beft 
eftates  and  underftandings,  in  the  different  counties,  fhould  be  returned  on 
the  juries,  which  were  to  be  held  in  the  firft  trials  of  defective  titles.  This 
he  did,  not  as  one  might  imagine,  on  a  fuppofition  of  their  greater  knowledge, 
integrity,  or  honour;  but  becaufe,  as  he  fays  himfelf  (3),  "  This  being  a  lead- 
ing cafe  for  the  whole  province,  it  would  fet  a  great  value,  in  their  eftimation, 
upon  the  goodnefs  of  the  King's  title,  if  found  by  thofe  perfons  of  quality." 
And  on  the  other  hand,  if  the  King's  title  fhould  not  be  found,  or,  as  he  ex- 
preffes  it  (4),  "  If  the  jury  fhould  prevaricate,"  he  would  be  fure  then  to  have 
•"  perfons  of  fuch  means,  as  might  anfwer  to  the  King  in  a  round  fine  in  the 
caflle-chamber  j  and  becaiufe  the  fear  of  that  fine  would  be  apter  to  produce 
the  defired  effect  in  fuch  perfons,  than  in  others,  who  had  little  or  nothing 
to  lofe." 

(i)  Id.  Ib.  Vol.  1.  fol.  350..  (2)  Id.  ib.  -  (3)  ib.  Vol.  i.  fol.  442.  (4)  ib. 

(I)    "  Wentworth's    Projeft   was   nothing   lefs,"  je£l,  which  when  firft  propofed  in  the  late  reign,  was 

fays  Leland,  "  than   to   fubvert  the  title  to  every  received  with  horror,  and  amazement."     Hift.  oflrel. 

eftate,  in  every  part  of  Conaught  j  and   to  eftablifh  a  Vol.  Hi.  p.  30. 
new  plantation  through  that  whole  province.     A'ptb- 


M  2  CHAP. 


84  HISTORICAL   REVIEW   OF   THE  Bk,  IV, 

CHAP.         III. 

The  Deputy  holds  his  Court  of  Inquifoion. 

HIS  Lordfhip  having  thus  prepared  matters,  went  himfelf  to  the  Abbey 
of  Boyle,  in  the  County  of  Rofcommon(i);  "  Where,"  fays  he,  "  find- 
ing that  divers  affrights  had  been  put  into  the  people's  minds,  concerning  his 
Majefly's  intention  in  this  work,  I  fent  for  half  a  dozen  of  the  principal  gen- 
tlemen amongfl  them ;  and  in  the  prefence  of  the  commiflioners,  defired  that 
they  would  acquaint  the  reft  of  the  country,  that  the  end  of  my  coming  was, 
the  next  day,  to  execute  his  Majefty's  commillion  for  finding  a  clear  and  un- 
doubted title  in  the  crown,  to  the  province  of  Conaught,  propofing  to  begin 
firfl  with  the  county  of  Rofcommon ;  wherein,  nevertheless,  to  manifefl  his 
Majefly's  juftice  and  honour,  I  thought  fit  to  let  them  know,  that  it  was  his 
Majefly's  gracious  pleafure,  that  any  man's  counfel  fhould  be  fully  and  willing- 
ly heard,  in  defence  of  their  re fpedive  rights ;  being  a  favour  never  before 
afforded  to  any,  upon  taking  thefe  kind  of  inquifitions  ;  as  alfo,  if  there  was 
any  thing  elfe  they  defired,  that  I  was  ready  to  hear  them,  and  would  return 
them  a  fair  and  equal  anfwer  thereunto ;  as  by  his  Majefly  I  had  been  flriclly 
enjoined  ;  and  to  afford  his  good  people  all  refpedl  and  freedom,  in  the  fetting 
forth,  and  defence  of  their  feveral  rights  and  claims  (2).  With  this,"  continues 
he,  "  I  left  them  marveloufly  well  fatisfied,  for  a  few  good  words  pleafe  them 
more  than  can  be  imagined. 

"  THE  next  morning,  however,"  adds  his  Lordfhip,  "  the  gentlemen  of 
the  country  petitioned,  that  the  inquifition  might  be  deferred  to  a  longer 
time,  they  being  unprovided ;  which  I  refufed,  as  I  had  caufed  notice  of  it, 
by  a  Scire  Facias,  to  be  ifTued  from  the  Chancery,  twenty  days  before; 
which  was  more  alfo  than  had  formerly  been  accuflomed,  in  cafes  of 
that  nature.  So  prefently,"  proceeds  he,  "  we  went  to  the  place  ap- 
pointed, read  the  commifTion,  called  and  fwore  the  jury,  and  fo  on  with 
our  work." 

SIR  Lucas  Dillon  was  foreman  of  this  jury,  and  feems  to  have  behaved,  on 
that  occafion,  entirely  to  the  Deputy's  (a)  liking.  Neverthelefs,  after  the 

lawyers 

(i)  ib.  (2)  ib.  fol.  442. 

(a)  «'  In  truth,"  fays  he  of  this  gentleman,  "  he  deferves  to  be  extraordinarily  well  dealt  withal ;  and  fo  he 
Jhall  be,  if  it  pleafes  his  Majeft/  to  leave  him  to  me."  State  Let.  Vol.  ii.  fol.  444. 


Ch.IV.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  85 

lawyers  on  both  fides,  had  done  fpeaking,  Lord  Wenthworth  made  a  fpeech 
to  the  jury,  which  did  not  at  all  encourage  them  to  ufe  that  freedom  which 
he  had  promifed  to  allow  them,  in  returning  an  impartial  verdict ;  but  on 
the  contrary,  rather  convinced  them,  that  his  Lordfhip  had  already  pre-judged 
the  caufe  againft  their  countrymen.  For,  among  other  things,  he  told  them, 
M  That  his  Majefty  was  indifferent,  whether  they  found  for  him,  or  no ;  that 
he  had  directed  him  to  prefs  nothing  upon  them,  where  the  path  to  his  right 
lay  fo  open,  and  plain  before  him ;  but  yet,  that  of  himfelf,  and  as  one  that 
muft  ever  wifh  prolperity  to  their  nation,  he  deflred  them  firft  to  defcend  into 
their  own  confciences,  to  take  them  to  counfel.  and  there  they  Ihould  find  the 
evidence  for  the  crown  clear,  and  conclufive.  Next  to  beware,  how  they  ap- 
peared refolved,  or  obftinate  againft  fo  manifeft  a  truth ;  or  how  they  let  flip 
out  of  their  hands,  the  means  to  weave  themfelves  into  the  Royal  thoughts, 
and  care  of  his  Majefty,  thro'  a  chearful,  and  ready  acknowledgment  of  his 
right,  and  a  due  and  full  fubmiffion  thereunto.  That  if  they  would  be  in- 
clined to  truth,  and  do  beft  for  themfelves,  they  were  undoubtedly  to  find 
the  title  for  the  King.  But,  if  they  were  paffionately  refolved,  to  go  over  all 
bounds  to  their  own  will  y  and,  without  refpecT  at  all  to  their  own  good,,  to 
do  that  which  were  fimply  beft  for  his  Majefty,  then  he  fhould  advife  them 
roughly  and  pertinaciously,  to  deny  to  find  any  title  at  all;  and  there,"  fays 
he,  "  I  left  them  to  chant  together,  as  they  called  it,  over  their  evidence  -y 
and  the  next.day,  they  found  the  King's  title,  without  fcruple  or  hefitation." 

C      H      A      P.          IV. 

Fbe  Deputy  s  Severity  .towards  the  Jury  vf  the  County  of  Galway;. 

?~  ¥""*  HE  juries  of  the  counties  of 'SI  i  go,  and  Mayo,  followed  the  example 
JL     fet  them  by  that  of  Rofcommon ;  but  the  jury  of  the  county  of  Gal- 
way  was^.by  no  means,  fo  comply  ing  j-_  and  they  fuffered  grievoufly  on   that 
account. 

FOR,  upon  thek  refufing  to  find  a  title  in  the  crown  to  the  eftates  of  their 
countrymen,  Lord  Wentworth  made  ufei>of  fome  of  hisjuft,  .and  honourable 
means  to  convince  them  of  their  miftake(i).  "  We  bethought  ourfelves," 
fays  he,  on  this  occafion,  "  of  a  courfe  to  vindicate  his  Majefty 's  honour 
and  juftice,  not  only  againft  the  perfons  of  the  jurors,  but  alfb  againft  the 
fheriff  for  returning  fo  infufficient,  indeed,  we  conceive,  fb  packed  a  jury; 

and 

(i)  State  Letters. 


£6  HISTORICAL    REVIEW   or   THE  Bk.  IV. 

and  therefore,  we  fined  the  fheriffin  a  thoufand  pounds  to  his  Majefty."  The 
muldVon  the  jurors  was  much  greater  (2).  "  They  were  fined  (a)  four  thou- 
fand pounds  each;  their  eftates  were  feized,  and  themfelves  imprifbned,  till 
the  fines  were  paid."  Such  was  the  fentence  pronounced  againft  them  in  the 
caftle-chamber,  to  which  his  Lordfhip  had  bound  them  over;  and  where  (3), 
"  he  conceived  it  was  fit,  that  their  pertinacious  carriage  fhould  be  followed 
with  all  juft  fe verity." 

WHAT  was  then  underftood  by  "  juft  feverity,"  may  be  collected  from  an 
extract  of  the  grievances  which,  towards  the  end  of  his  adminiftration,  the 
Commons  voted  "  real ;"  and  which,  in  one  article,  feems  to  allude  to  this 
very  cafe,  viz  (4).  "  Jurors,  who  gave  their  verdict  according  to  their  con- 
fciences,  were  cenfured  in  the  caftle-chamber  in  great  fines :  fometimes 
•pillored  with  lofs  of  ears,  and  bored  thro'  the  tongue,  and  fometimes 
'marked  in  the  forehead  with  an  hot  iron,  with  other  infamous  punifh- 
•ments." 

AND  although  he  liad  publickly  promifed,  "  That  their  counfel  on  this 
occasion  fhould  be  freely,  and  willingly  heard,  in  defence  of  their  refpe&ive 
eights:"  Yet  he  fcrupled  not  to  take  ievere  vengeance  on  two  eminent  law- 
yers, who  ventured  to  plead  in  their  behalf;  and  all  his  Lordfhip's  proceed- 
ings againft  them,  and  againft  the  fheriff,  and  jurors  before-mentioned,  were 
afterwards  (5)  approved  of  by  his  Majefty. 

ANOTHER  of  his  juft,  and  honourable  means  to  attain  this  end  (as  he  him- 
felf  informs  us)  (6),  "  Was  to  enquire  out  fit  men  to  ferve  upon  juries ;  and 
to  treat  with  fuch  as  would  give  furtherance  to  the  King's  title."  He,  belides, 
propofed  the  raifing  of  four  thoufand  horfe(7),  as  good  lookers-on,  while  the 
plantations  were  fettling.  And  laftly,  he  prevailed  upon  the  King  to  beftow 
four  {hillings  in  the  pound,  upon  the  Lord  Chief  Juftice  and  Chief  Baron,  forth 
of  the  firft  yearly  rent,  raifed  upon  the  commirfion  of  defective  titles; 
"  which,"  as  he  afterwards  fays,  "  he  had  found,  upon  obfervation,  to  be  the 
beft  given  that  ever  was ;  for  that  by  thefe  means,  they  did  intend  that 
bufinefs,  with  as  much  care  and  diligence,  as  if  it  were  their  own  private ; 
and  that  every  four  Shillings,  once  paid,  would  better  his  Majefty's  revenue 
four  pounds." 

AGAINST 

(2)  ib.  (3)  ib.  (4)  Common.  Jour.  Vol.  i.  (5)  Straff.  State  Let.  Vol.  ii.  fol.  46$. 

(6)  Id.  ib.  Vol.  i.  fol.  339.  (7)  Id.  ib.  Vol.  i.fol.  442.  (8)  Id.  ib.  Vol.  ii.  fol.  41. 

(a)  "  The  jurors  of  Galway  were  to  remain  in  prifon,  till   each  of  them  paid  his  fine  of  four  thoufand 
pounds,  and  acknowledged  his  offence  in  court,  upon  his  knees,"    Lei.  Hift.  Irel.  Vol.  iii.  p.  32. 


Ch.V.  CIVIL   WARS   IN    IRELAND.  87 

AGAINST  the  Deputy's  predatory  defigns,  thus  planned  and  executed,  the 
natives  were  deftitute  of  all  manner  of  defence  (9).  "  No  title  in  the  fubjeft 
could  ftand  againft  his  claim.  At  firft  none  was  held  good,  but  that  which 
was  founded  on  letters  patent  j  yet  when  even  letters  patent  were  produced, 
as  in  raoft  cafes  they  were,  none  were  allowed  (b)  valid,  nor  yet  fought  to  be 
legally  avoided ;  fo  that  one  hundred  and  fifty  Letters  patent  were  fet  afide  in 
one  morning;  which  courfe  was  continued,  until  all  the  letters  patent  in  the 
kingdom,  except  a  few,  were  declared  void. 


C      HAP.          V. 

Further  Diftreffes  of  the  People  of  Conaught, 

*  *  I  ^  H E  gentlemen  of  Conaught,"  fays  (i)  Mr.  Carte,  "  laboured  under- 
J[  a  particular  hardfhip -on  this  occauon';  for  their  not  having  enrolled 
their  patents,  and  furrenders  of  the  1 3th  Jacobi,  (which  was  what  alone  rendered 
their  titles  defective)  was  not  their  fault,  but  the  neglecl  of  a  clerk  entrusted 
by  them.  For  they  had  paid  near  three  thoufand  pounds  to  the  offices  at 
Dublin,  for  the  enrollment  of  thefe  furrenders  and  patents,  which  was  never 
made.  There  was  an  act  of  ftate  made  in  Lord  Grandifon's  time,  and  dated 
May  1 4th,  1618,  full  in  their  favour,  and  confirming  their  pofTelTions ;  and 
they  had  paid  great  fums  of  money  for  it  into  the  Exchequer  j  they  were 
quietly  fettled  in  their  lands,  and  paid  the  King  his  competition  better  than 
any  other  part  of  the  kingdom.  It  was  hard,  in  thofe  circumftances  to  turn 
them  out  of  their  eftates,  upon  a  meer  nicety  of  law,  which  ought  to  be 
tenderly  made  ufe  of  in.  derogation  of  the  honour,  and  faith  of  the  King's 
broad  leal." 

So  general,  and  lafting,  were  the  terrors  arifing  from  thefe  fevere  proceed- 
ings of  the  Deputy,  that- in  1637,  the  whole  body  of  the  gentry  of  the  county 

of 

(9)  Remonfl..  from  Trim,  (i)  Life  of  Onn,  Vol  i. 

ft)  The  Deputy,  and  commiflioners  of  plantation,  indeed,"  add   the/,    M  m  thofe  (former)  plantations, 

in  their  public  difpatch   to  Secretary  Cook,  on  this  that  favour  might  better  be  yielded,  where  the  lands 

fubjeft,  confefied,  "  That   in  former  plantations  ia  claimed  by  letters  patent,  were  not  in  any  great,  or 

Ireland,  all  men  claiming  by  letters   patent  had  the  considerable  proportion,  than  here,  where  ahnoft  all 

full  benefit  of  them,  either  in  enjoying  the  lands  grant-  the  lands  falling  under  plantation  are  granted,  or  men- 

ed  them,  or  other  lands  equivalent   thereunto,  whe-  tioned  to  be  granted,  by  letters  patent."    Straff.  State 

tber  their  letters  patent  wuc  valid,  01  invalid.    And  Let.  Vol.  ii.  fo).  139. 


S8  HISTORICAL   REVIEW    or    THE  BklV. 

of  Galway  offered  to  make  a  furrender  of  their  eftates  to  the  crown,  and,  for 
that  purpofe,  fent  a  letter  of  attorney  to  the  Earl  (a)  of  Clanrickard,  then  at 
London  (2),  ligned  by  an  hundred  and  feventy^five  perfons  of  the  beft  quality 
in  the  county.  "  At  the  fame  time,  the  ftill  imprifbned  fheriff,  and  jurors, 
inftead  of  feeking  redrefs,  petitioned,  but  in  vain,  for  pardon  (3);  offering  to 
acknowledge  the  Deputy's  juftice,  and  their  own  errors  of  judgment,  upon 
condition  only,  that  they  and  the  reft,  might  be  put  upon  the  fame  footing 
with  the  other  planted  countries ;"  for  (4),  in  thefe  cafes,  the  general  rule  was, 
that  a  fourth  part  of  their  land  fhould  be  taken  from  the  natives,  with 
an  increafe  of  rent  upon  the  remainder;  "  but  the  county  of  Galway, 
on  account  of  its  former  refradlorinefs,  was  planted  at  a  double  rate,  fb 
that  they  loft  half." 

FOR  Lord  Wentworth  was  fo  far  from  being  fatisfied  with  this  fubmiifive 
petition,  and  offer,  that  he  infifted  upon  a  public  acknowledgment  from  thefe 
jurors  of  their  having  committed,  not  only  an  error  in  judgment,  but  even 
adlual  perjury,  in  the  verdict  they  had  given;  which  being  (5)  refufed  by 
them,  he,  befides  planting  their  country  at  the  rate  before-mentioned,  procur- 
ed an  order  from  the  King,  that  their  agents  at  London,  fhould  be  fent  prifb- 
ners  to  Dublin,  to  be  4ried  before  himfelf  in  the  caftle-chamber,  for  having 
dared  to  patronife  their  caufe.  Thefe  feverities  however,  raifed  no  fmall  ap- 
prehenfions  in  fome  that  were  about  the  King,  and  even  in  the  King  him- 
ielf(6),  "  left  they  might  difaffedt  the  people  of  Ireland,  and  difpofe  them  to 
call  over  the  Irifh  regiments,  from  Flanders,  to  their  afliftance." 

ABOUT  this  -time,  "  the  Bifhops,  and  their  Chancellors,  began  (7)  again 
to  queftion  the  Catholics,  and  to  lay  heavy  fines  upon  them,  for  their  chriften- 
ings  and  marriages."  But  the  Deputy  wifely  confidered  (8),  "  that  it  would 
be  too  much,  at  once,  to  diftemper  them  by  bringing  plantations  upon  them, 
and  difturb  them  in  the  exercife  of  their  religion  ;  and  very  inconfiderate  to 
move  in  the  latter,  till  the  former  was  fully  fettled,  and  by  that  means,  the 
Proteftant  party  become  much  the  ftronger,  which  he  did  not  then  conceive 
it  to  be."  Finding,  therefore,  that  thefe  proceedings  of  the  Bifhops  had  very 
much  difquieted  the  Catholics,  and  given  them  terrible  apprehenfions  of  an 

inftant 

(a)  Stratford's  State  Letters,  Vol.  ii.  fol.  25.  (3)  Id.  ib.  (4)  Id.  ib.  Vol.  ii.  fol.  35.  (5)  ib.fol.  36. 
(6)  ib.  fol.  39.  (7)  Id.  ib.  (6)  ib.  vol.  ii.  fol.  39. 

•(a)    It    was   in    Lord   Clanrickard's   lioufe,    that  at  the  attempts  againft  his   property  by   an  infoler.t 

Wemworth  held  this  court  of  inquifnion  ;  "  And  the  governor,  who  poflefled    himfelf  of   the  Earl's  houf? 

death  of  that  Lord,  (which  happened    foon  after)  en-  at  Portumna  ;  and,  in  his  hall,  held  that  court,  which1 

named  the  popular  odium  againft  the 'Deputy.     It  was  impeached  ;his  title  to  his  Lands."     Lei.  Hift.  IreJ.  • 
imputed  to  the  vexation  conceived   by  this  nobleman 


Ch.VI.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  89 

inftant  perfecution,  he  wrote  to  England  for  orders,  to  put  a  flop  to  them  (9), 
"  As,"  fays  he,  "  'tis  a  courfe  which  alone  will  never  bring  them  to  church ; 
but  is  rather  an  engine  to  draw  money  out  of  their  pockets,  than  to  raife  a 
right  belief  in  their  hearts." 


CHAP.          VI. 

The  Courts  of  Wards^  and  high  Commijjlon  in  Ireland. 

ALL  this  while,  complaints  were  every  where  heard  of  grievances, 
anting  from  the  court  of  Wards,-  and  that  of  the  high  commiffion.  The 
former  was  a  new  court,  never  known  in  Ireland  till  the  1 4th  of  James  I. 
'Mt(i)  had  no  warrant  from  any  law  or  ftatute,  as  that  in  England  had." 
Sir  William  Parfons,  by  whom  it  was  firft  projected,  was  appointed  mafter  of 
it,  a  man  juftly,  and  univerfally  hated  by  the  Irifh.  And  fuch  were  the  ille- 
gal and  arbitrary  proceedings  of  that  court,  that  (2),  "  The  heirs  of  Catholic 
noblemen,  and  other  Catholics,  were  deftroyed  in  their  eftates,  bred  in  diflb- 
lution  and  ignorance ;  their  parents  debts  unfatisfied,  their  fitters,  and  younger 
brothers,  left  wholly  unprovided  for;  the  antient  appearing  tenures  of  mefne 
Lords  unregarded;  eftates  valid  in  law,  and  made  for  valuable  confide- 
rations,  avoided  againft  law;  and  the  whole  land  filled  with  frequent 
fwarms  of  efcheators,  feudatories,  perfuivants,  and  others,  by  authority  of 
that  court." 

THE  unlimited  power,  and  great  oppreflion  of  the  high  commiflion-court, 
which  was  flill  more  recent  in  Ireland,  than  the  court  of  wards,  was  not  lefs 
grievouily  (a)  complained  of  by  the  Catholics,  on  account  of  (3),  "  the  inca- 
pacity thereby  contracted,  for  all  offices  and  employments ;  their  difability 
to  fue  out  livery  of  their  eftates,  without  taking  the  oath  of  fupremacy;  the 
fevere  penalties  of  various  kinds,  inflicted  by  that  court  on  all  thofe  of  their 
religion  (4),  they  being  an  hundred  to  one  more  than  .  thofe  of  any  other 
religion;  in  which  refpect,  the  cafe  of  Ireland  was  very  different  from  that 
of  England,  or  Scotland,  where  there  was  fcarce  one  Roman  Catholic  to  a 
thoufand  Proteftants." 

N  YET, 

(9)  ib.         (i)  Carte's  Orrn.  Vol.  t.        (2)  Remonft.  from  Trim.         (3)  ib.          (4)  Carte's  Orm.  Vol.  \. 

(a)  "  Thefe  regulations  in  the  ecclefiaftical  fyftem  court,  which  was  erefted  in  Dublin,  after  the  Eng- 

were  fpllowed   by  an   eftablifhment  too  odious,  and  lifli  model,  with   the  fame  formality,  and  the   fame 

therefore   too  dangerous  to  be  attempted  during  the  tremendous  powers."     Lei.  Hift.  Irel.  Vol.  ii.  p  38. 
feflions  of  parliament,    that  of  an  high-commiifion 


9fc  HISTORICAL   REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.IV. 

YET,  in  the  midft  of  fo  many  depredations,  and  preflures,  the  Catholics  of 
Ireland  gave  fuch  unqueftionable  proofs  of  their  loyalty,  and  dutiful  affedion 
to  the  crown  of  England  (and  that  at  a  very  critical  juncture,)  as  cannot, 
perhaps,  be  paralleled  in  the  hiftory  of  any  other  people,  under  the  like 
circumftances. 

THESE  proofs  were  exhibited  in  that  parliament,  which  met  at  Dublin,  in 
1640,  in  order  to  raife  large  fupplies  towards  fuppreffing  the  rebellion  in  Scot- 
land, which  had  then  rifen  to  a  formidable  height.  Their  zeal  on  this  occa- 
lion,  was  honourably  attefted  by  feveral  Privy-councellors,  members  of  that 
parliament  (5),  "  Perfons,"  fays  Wentworth  himfelf,  "  beft  able  to  fatisfy, 
and  in  themfelves  mofl  to  be  trufted."  Among  thefe,  I  find  Sir  William  Par- 
fons,  Sir  John  Borlace,  Sir  Charles  Coote,  and  others,  whole  malevolence, 
and  enmity  to  the  Irifh  in  general,  were  well  known,  and  confefTed ;  and 
whofe  teftimony,  therefore,  in  their  favour,  as  to  this  particular  facl,  cannot 
roafonably  be  fufpecled. 

"  AFTER  (6)  the  propofal  of  fuch  ads  of  grace,  and  advantage  to  the  fub- 
jecl,"  fay  thefe  Privy-counfellors  in  their  letter  to  Secretary  Windebank,  on 
this  occafion,  "  as  we  conceived  moft  fit  to  lead,  in  order  to  the  propounding 
of  the  fix  fubfidies ;  thefe  fix  fubfidies  were  demanded  for  his  Majefty ;  where- 
upon, fome  of  the  natives  declared  that  fix,  or  more,  were  fit  to  be  given ; 
it  being  apparent,  that  the  peace  and  fafety  of  the  kingdom,  were  become  fo 
nearly  concerned.  Some  alfo  of  them  faid,  that  his  Majefty  fhould  have  a  fee 
fimple  of  fubfidies  in  their  eftates  on  fiich  occafions,  for  the  honour  of  his 
perfon,  and  fafety  of  his  kingdoms;  that  it  was  fit  to  be  done,  though  with 
leaving  themfelves  nothing  but  hofe  and  doublet.  Some  of  them,  with  much 
earneftnefs,  after  forward  expreffions  of  readinefs  towards  advancing  the  bufi- 
nefs,  concluded  that,  as  his  Majefty  was  the  beft  of  Kings,  fo  this  people 
fhould  ftrive  to  be  ranked  among  the  beft  of  fubjecls. 

"  THUS,"  continues  the  Privy-connfellors  letter,  "  every  of  them  feeming 
in  a  manner  to  contend,  who  fhould  fhew  moft  affection  and  forwardnefs,  to 
comply  with  his  Majefty's  occafions ;  and  all  of  them  exprefling,  even  with 
pafirion,  how  much  they  abhorred  and  detefted,  the  Scotch  covenanters ;  and 
how  readily  every  man's  hand  ought  to  be  laid  on  his  fword,  to  aflift  the  King 
in  reducing  them,  by  force  to  obedience,  they  defired  that  themfelves,  and 
others  of  this  nation,  might  have  the  honour  to  be  employed  in  this  expedi- 
tion; 

(5)  Straff,  State  Letters,  Vol,  ii.  fol.  398.  (6)  ib. 


Ch.VIL  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  91 

tion;  and  declared,  with  very  great  demonflration  of  chearful  affection,  that 
their  hearts  contained  mines  of  fubfidies  for  his  Majefty  j  that  twenty  fubfi- 
dies,  if  their  abilities  were  equal  to  their  defires,  were  too  little  to  be  given  to 
fo  facred  a  Majeily. 

"  IN  the  end,  confldering  how  unable  they  were,  without  too  much  pref- 
fure  to  them,  to  advance  more,  at  this  time,  they  humbly  befought,  that  by 
the  Lord  Lieutenant's  interpofition,  four  fubfidies  might  be  accepted  from 
them ;  yet  with  this  declaration,  made  by  them  with  as  much  demonftration 
of  loyalty,  as  ever  nation,  or  people  expreffed  towards  a  King,  that  if  more 
than  four  fubfidies  fhould  be  requifite,  and  the  occafions  of  the  war  continued, 
they  would  be  ready  to  grant  more ;  or  to  lay  down  their  lives,  and  eftates, 
at  his  Majefty' s  feet,  to  further  his  royal  defign,  for  correction  of  the  difor- 
dered  factions  in  Scotland.  And  this  they  did  declare  with  general  acclama- 
tions, and  figns  of  joy  and  contentment,  even  to  the  throwing  up  of  their 
hats,  lifting  of  their  hands." 


C      H        A      P.          VII. 

Some  invidious  Reflections  on  the  foregoing  Paffage  confidered. 

BUT  we  are  told  by  fome  reputable  hiftorians,  that,  in  the  very  next  feffion, 
the  untoward  behaviour  of  thefe  Commons  difcovered  the  (a)  infince- 
rity  of  their  late  profeffions ;  that  they  (i),  "  who  had  but  juft  before  devoted 
their  lives,  and  poffeffions,  to  the  fervice  of  the  befl  of  Kings,  grew  cold, 
querulous,  and  fufpicious;  objected  to  the  rates  of  affefTment  though  the 
fame  which  had  been  ufed  in  the  late  parliament ;  and  in  fhort,  that  a  general 
combination  was  formed,  throughout  the  kingdom,  to  prevent  the  levying  any 
money,  until  a  new  manner  of  taxation  fhould  be  fettled  by  the  parliament; 
or  in  other  words,  until  they  fhould  annul  and  refcind  the  late  money-bill,  en- 
acted with  fuch  remarkable  zeal  and  unanimity." 

THE  late  parliament  here  alluded  to,  was  that  which  had  met  in  Dublin, 
in  1634,  under  Lord  Wentworth  j  who,  as  we  have  already  feen,  had  formed, 

N  2  and 


(i)  Lcl.  Hid  of  Ireland.  Vol.il. 

:ertainly  a  more  this  people   to 

ian  any  hiftorian  Scots)  certainly 

that  has  fince  appeared,  fays  on  this  occafion,  "  It  is  farthing,  before  they  deny  any  thing,  which  can  be 

hardly  to  be  believed,  what  a  forwardnefs  there  is  in  afked  of  them,  in  order  to  that."     State  Let,  Vol.  ii. 


(a)  Lord  Wentworth,  who  was  certainly  a  more      this  people   to   ferve   in  this   expedition  (againft  the 
competent  judge   of  that  matter,  than  any  hiftorian      Scots)  certainly,  they  will  fell  themfelves  to  the  laft 


92  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  BklV. 

and  managed  it  entirely  for  his  own  and  his  matter's  private  purpofes(2).  u  His 
Lordfhip  regarded  Ireland  as  a  conquered  kingdom,  and  from  that  conception 
deduced  a  confequence,  at  once  rediculous,  and  deteftable,  that  the  fubjecls 
of  this  country,  without  diftinclion,  had  forfeited  the  rights  of  men  and  citi- 
zens, and  for  whatever  they  were  permitted  to  enjoy,  depended  folely  on  the 
Royal  grace."  Agreeably  to  thefe  fentiments,  he  exercifed  a  defpotic,  and  in- 
deed, tyrannous  power  over  that  parliament  (3).  "  With  one  voice  the  com- 
mons voted  a  grant  of  fix  fubfidies,  four  for  paying  the  debts  of  the  eftablifh- 
ment,  two  for  buying  rents  and  penfions  j  not  that  the  ufes  were  determined 
by  a  formal  appropriation :  they  entrufted  the  management  of  their  fupply 
folely  to  the  Deputy,  requefting  only  by  petition,  that  it  might  be  appropriat- 
ed to  thefe  purpofes." 

SUCH  were  the  proceedings  alluded  to,  as  a  proper  precedent  for  the  Com- 
mons, in  1640,  to  have  followed,  in  the  manner  of  rating  their  fupplies. 
But  thefe  Commons  thought  very  differently  of  that  precedent;  for  Lord 
Wentworth,  now  Earl  of  Strafford,  having  been  recalled  into  England,  and 
having  left  directions  with  his  Deputy,  Wandesford  (4),  "  His  Lordihip's 
friend  and  ally,"  to  iffue  the  fame  inftrudions,  for  fettling  the  rates  of  taxa- 
tion, with  regard  to  the  prefent  fubfidies,  as  had  been  formerly  hTued  con- 
cerning thofe  granted  by  parliament,  in  1634,  (which  was  accordingly  done), 
the  Commons  thought  fit  to  make  ufe  of  the  liberty,  which  they  now  were 
poffeffed  of  by  his  abfence;  and  knowing  that  the  former  grants  were  (5) 
"  exorbitant  and  oppreffive,"  ventured  to  alter  the  mode  of  afiefling  three  of 
thefe  fubfidies ;  declaring,  at  the  fame  time  (6),  "  that  in  confideration  of  his 
Majefty's  many,  and  prefent  occafions,  the  firft  of  the  four  fubfidies  fhould  be 
levied  according  to  the  inftruclions  hTued  by  the  Deputy,  and  Council ;  not 
in  deference  to  thefe  inftructions,  but  mserly  by  their  own  authority,  and  di- 
rection ;  and  that  neither  thefe  inftructions,  nor  what  was  done  in  the  late 
parliament,  (1634)  with  refpedlto  the  fubfidies  then  raifed,  fhould  be  a  guide, 
or  precedent,  in  levying  the  three  other  fubfidies,  which  they  ordered  to  be 
raifed  in  a  moderate,  equal,  and  parliamentary  way.  They  likewife  order- 
ed (7),  "  as  the  fecond  fubfidy  was  not  payable  till  December,  and  as  it 
might  conduce  to  his  Majefty's  fervice,  to  haften  the  payment  of  the  third 
alfo,  that  both  fhould  be  paid  together,  on  the  firft  of  December  1640;  fix 
months  earlier,  than  the  third  fubfidy  had  been  made  payable  by  the  origi- 
nal grant." 

THIS 

(2)  Id.  ib.  (3)Id.ib.  (4)  Id.  ib.  (5)  Id.  ib.  (6)  Com.  Journ,vol.  i.        (7)  ib. 


Ch.VH.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  93 

THIS  particular  care,  to  haften  the  payment  of  the  firfl  and  third  fubfi- 
dies  indicated,  one  iwould  imagine,  in  thefe  Commons,  fome  attention  to  his 
Majefty's  fervice.  But  his  Majefty,  it  feems,  was  persuaded  to  think  other- 
wife  5  for  we  are  told,  that  he  looked  upon  this  proceeding  to  be  fo  ridiculous 
and  infolent,  that  he  ordered  (8),  "  with  a  peevifh  impatience,"  the 
leaf,  in  which  this  refolution  was  inferted,  to  be  torn  from  their  journals ; 
"  which  order  was  accordingly  executed  by  the  Deputy,  on  the  i  gth  of  No- 
vember 1 640." 

BUT  the  King  was  foon  brought  to  a  right  way  of  thinking,  concerning 
this  particular.  For  on  the  4th  of  January  following,  he  wrote  to  the  Irifh 
Council,  (and  ordered  his  letter  to  be  publickly  read  in  the  Houfe)  (9),  "  that 
having,  by  a  committee  of  the  Commons  of  Ireland,  received  fatisfaclion, 
-both  in  their  loyalty  and  affection  unto  him;  and  alfo  in  thofe  matters,  which 
induced  him  to  require  his  Deputy  to  vacate  an  order  made,  concerning 
the  levying  of  the  fubfidies,  granted  in  the  fame  parliament ;  he  was  then 
gracioufly  pleafed,  and  did  thereby  authorize,  and  require  them,  to  caufe 
the  inclofed  (the  vacated  order)  to  be  again  inferted,  and  regiftered  in  the 
fame  place,  to  continue^  and  be  of  equal  force,  as  if  the  original  had  remain- 
ed there." 

FROM  hence  it  appears,  that  thefe  Commons  were  actuated  by  two  very 
juft,  and  patriotic  motives,  viz.  Opposition  to  a  meafure,  confefTedly  "  exoiv 
bitant  and  oppreffive,"  and  a  laudable  defire,,  to  recover  their  antient  con*- 
ftitutional  right  of  rating  their  own  grants,  which  had  been  violently  taken 
from  them,  in  the  preceding  parliament.  But  how  it  could  poflibly  be  in- 
ferred from  fuch  conduct,  that  they  intended  to  annul,  and  refcind  their  late 
money-bill,  or  that  they  were  united  in  a  regular  and  determined  fcheme  of 
oppofition,  for  any  difloya],  or  unconftitutional  purpofe,  is,  I  think>  very- 
hard  to  be  conceived. 

(8)  Lei.  Hid  Irel.  (9)  Com.  Journ.  voi  ,, 


CHAR 


94  HISTORICAL    REVIEW   OF    THE  Bk.IV. 

c    H    A    P.       vm. 

The  Irijh  Commons'   Encomium,  on  the.    Earl    of  Strafford'x    Admnijiration 

confidered. 

FO  R  the  expedition  againfl  the  Scottish  rebels,  Lord  Strafford 
had  raifed  an  army  in  Ireland,  coniifting  of  about  nine  thoufand  men, 
eight  thoufand  of  which,  were  Iriih  Catholics.  For  his  Lordfhip  knew,  and 
did  atteft,  that  in  the  fupport,  or  defence,  of  his  Majefty's  crown  and  dignity  (i), 
"  the  Irilh  were  as  ready  to  venture  their  perfons,  as  they  were  to  open  their 
purfes." 

"  SIR  (2)  William  St.  Leger,  Serjeant  Major  General  of  the  army,  having 
reviewed  thefe  troops  at  Carricfergus,  faw  fuch  willingnefs  and  aptnefs  in 
them,  to  learn  their  exercifes;  and  that  mettle  and  gallant  appearance, 
which  would  recommend  them  to  be  chofen  for  a  fervice  where  a  crown 
lay  at  ftake,  made  no  fcruple  to  pronounce,  that  confldering  how  newly  they 
had  been  raifed,  no  Prince  in  the  Chriftian  world  had,  for  their  number,  a 
better,  and  more  orderly  body  of  men  in  his  fervice  (a)" 

LORD  Strafford  was  extremely  defirous  to  have  the  chief  command  of  this 
army ;  but  he  was  confcious,  at  the  fame  time,  that  he  was  reprefented  at 
court  as  a  perfbn  odious  to  the  people,  of  whom  it  was  chiefly  compofed;  in 
fhort  (3),  '<  as  a  Vizier,  Bafhaw,  or  any  thing  elle,  that  might  be  worfe;  and 
as  one  hateful  both  to  God  and  man."  In  order  to  remove  that  obflacle,  he 
laboured,  privately,  to  perfuade  the  King  (4),  "  that  the  Irifh  did  not  diftafte 
him  fo  much,  as  willingly  to  change  him  ;  or  to  defire  any  new  Deputy  in  his 
ftead ;  and,  that  if  it  were  left  to  their  choice,  they  would  not  have  any  other 
General  but  himfelf." 

BUT  his  Lordfhip  found  means  to  procure  a  much  more  perfualive  teftimony, 
than  his  own,  for  this  purpofe ;  even  a  public  and  folemn  atteftation  in  his 
favour,  from  that  Houfe  of  Commons,  which  he  had  fo  often  infulted  and 
abufed.  For,  in  the  preamble  to  the  a&  of  fubfidies  lately  paiTed,  we  find 

the 

(i)  StraC State  Let.  Vol.  ii.        (2)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  99.        (3)  Straff.  State  Let.  vol.  ii.        (4)  Id.  ib. 

(a}.  "  The  raifing,  cloathing,  paying,  and  providing  this  army,  by  the  latter  end  of  September,  1640, 
when  it  was  difperfed,  coft  204057 1."    Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  ic$. 


Cfc.VIII.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.'  95 

the  Commons  [5],  "  returning  thanks  to  his  Majefty,  for  having  placed  over 
them,  fo  wife,  juft,  and  vigilant  a  Governor;  extolling  his  Lordfhip's fincere, 
and  upright  administration  of  juftice,  without  partiality;  his  having  increafed 
his  Majefty's  revenue,  without  the  leaft  hurt,  or  grievance  to  any  of  his  Ma- 
jefty's loving  fubjeds;  and  his  care  to  relieve,  and  redrefs  the  poor  and 
oppreffed." 

"  THERE  could  not  be,"  fays  Mr.  [6]  Carte,  "  an  higher,  and  there  has  fel- 
dom  been  a  jufter,  elogium  given  of  a  Governor,  and  of  his  upright  and  im- 
partial adminiftration,  by  any  body  of  men,  than  was  given  of  this  Lord 
Lieutenant,  and  his  adminiftration,  by  this  Houfe  of  Commons  ;  it  was  given 
nemine  contradicente,  and  paiTed  with  loud,  and  general  acclamations  of 
applaufe." 

THUS  we  fee,  that  although  this  honourable  teftimony  had  not,  then,vthe 
wifhed  for  fuccefs,  in  faving  his  Lordfhip's  perfon  from  the  rage  of  his  ene- 
mies, yet  it  has  been  ilnce  more  effectually  made  ufe  of  by  hiftorians,  to  ref- 
cue  his  memory  from  that  infamy,  which  his  adminiftration  of  Ireland  parti- 
cularly, has  brought  upon  it.  But  Mr.  Carte  has  very  imperfectly  related 
another  paiTage,  recorded  in  the  fame  journals  of  the  Commons,  from  whence 
he  took  this  elogium,  viz.  The  folemn  proteftation  of  thefe  Commons  againft- 
it,  (in  which  they  were  joined  by  the  Lords)  to  this  efFed;  thatthej/;}  "  aibre- 
faid  preamble  to  the  act  of  fubfidies,  was  contrived,  penned,  and  inferted- 
fraudently,  (without  the  privity  of  the  Houfe,)  either  by  the  Earl  of  Sfiraf- 
ford  himfelf,  or  by  fome  other  perfon,  or  perfons,  advifers,  procurers,  or  ac- 
tors, of,  and  in,  the  manifold  and  general  grievances,  and  oppreflions  of  his 
Majefty's  kingdom  of  Ireland,  by  the  direction  and  privity  of  the  faid  Earl, 
on  purpofe  to  prevent  and  anticipate  the  juft,  and  univerfal  complaints  of  his1 
Majefty's  faithful,  dutiful,  and  loving  fubjeds,  againft  himj"  And  they  -F&^ 
quired  their  committee,  then  attending  his  Majefty,  "  to  prefent  nnto  him 
that  their  proteftation,  and  proofs  thereof;  and  likewife,  to  ptfefent  u-nto  his 
Majefty,  their  humble  requeft,  that  an  ad  might  be  paffed  in  that  parlia- 
ment, for  revoking,  vacating,  and  taking  from  the  records  of  parliament, 
the  before-recited  part  of  the  preamble,  concerning  the  Earl  of  Strafford." 

THE  reafon  they  affigned  in  that  proteftation,  for  having  fufFered  this  part 

of  the  preamble  to  pafs,  when  it  was  firft  communicated  to  them,  was  [8], 

'  that,  before  fuch  time  as  that  ad,  (having  been  formerly  tranfmitted  to 

England,  and  returned  from  thence,)  was  read,  or  known  in  the  Hovife,  the 

faid  Earl  of  Strafibrd  did  declare,  and  fignify  to  both  Houfes  of  parliament, 

his 

[5]  Com.  Journ.  vol.  5.     [6]  Orm.  vol.  i.     [7]  Com.  Journ.     [8]  ib, 


g6  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THfe  Bk.  IV. 

his  Majefty's  urgent  and  great  occafions  ;  and  the  near  and  approaching  dan- 
ger, that  Ireland  was  fuddenly  to  be  invaded  by  the  Scots;  and  thereupon, 
and  not  before,  the  faid  act  was  read,  and  made  known  in  the  Houfe  of 
Commons ;  and  that  their  natural,  arid  fervent  zeal  and  devotion  to  his  Ma- 
jefty's fervice,  and  the  fears  of  the  faid  declared  imminent  danger,  and  the 
inconveniencies  which  they  fufpected  might  enfue,  if  they  then  had  excepted 
againfl  the  faid  part  of  the  preamble,  concerning  the  Earl  of  StrafFord,  and 
had  expected  a  new  tranfmiflion,  as  a  ftatute  offeree  in  this  realm,  doth  re- 
quire, did  occafion,  and  enforce,  their  not  then  fpeaking,  or  protefting, 
againfl  the  faid  part  of  the  preamble." 


C      H      A      P.          IX. 

Complaints  of  Grievances. 

^  j^HE  before-mentioned  committee  of  parliament,  attending  the  King. 
X  in  England,  had  prefented  a  remonftrance  of  grievances  which  the 
Commons  had  voted  ( i ),  "  of  their  own  knowledge  to  be  fo  clear,  and  mani- 
feft,  that  no  place  was  left  for  denial  of  proof."  Thefe  grievances  were  great, 
and  numerous.  Part  of  thofe  recited  in  their  journals,  are  "  the  fcandalous 
extortions  of  the  eccleliaftical  courts,  for  old  Popifh  rites  and  cuftoms,  con- 
demned and  renounced  by  thofe  very  perfbns,  who  then  fo  greedily  exacted 
the  profits  formerly  annexed  to  them,  which,  it  feems,  they  ftill  deemed  or- 
thodox; great  fums  of  money  received  by  feveral  Bifhops,  for  commutation 
of  penance,  which  they  converted  to  their  own  ufe ;  the  Lord  Deputy's  punifh- 
ing  the  natives  by  fine,  imprifonment,  mutilation  of  members,  pillory,  or 
otherwife,  arbitrarily,  and  without  law;  and  making  them  forfeit  their  liberty, 
pofTeifions,  and  inheritance,  meerly  for  infringing  an  act  of  ftate,  or  procla- 
mation; the  fentencing  the  fubjects  to  death,  by  martial  law,  in  times  of 
profound  peace ;  the  iffuing  quo  warrantos  out  of  the  King's-bench,  or  Exche- 
quer, againft  boroughs  that  antiently,  and  recently  fent  BnrgefTes  to  parlia- 
ment ;  the  cenfuring  of  jurors  in  the  caftle-chamber,  that  gave  verdict  accord- 
ing to  their  confciences,  with  mutilation  of  members,  and  other  infamous 
punifhments ;  the  taking  of  the  teflimony  of  rebels,  traitors,  protected  thieves, 
and  other  infamous  perfons,  upon  trials  of  men  for  their  lives.  And  they  particu- 
larly complained  of  the  infecurity  of  their  eftates,  by  means  of  the  enquiry  into 
defective  titles,  which  was  ftill  carried  on  with  great  rigour;  humbly  praying  his 
Majefty,  that  hejwould  be  gracioufly  pleafed,  to  direct  that  bills  might  be  drawn 
in  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  and  transmitted  from  the  Chief  Governor,  or  Go- 
vernors, 
(i)  ib. 


Ch.  X.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  97 

vernors,  and  privy-council  of  Ireland,  to  be  paffed  as  a£ts  of  that  parlia- 
ment, for  the  redrefs  of  thefe  grievances,  and  for  the  fecurity  of  their 
eftates,  as  their  refpedive  cafes,  for  their  better  affurance,  Ihould  re- 
quire." 

AFTER  what  has  been  now  related,  of  the  wretched  condition  of  the  Irifh 
Catholicks,  in  this  and  the  former  reign,  who  can  help  wondering  at  Claren- 
don's ftrange  partiality,  or  ignorance,  (which  yet  has  been  fervily  copied  by 
all  fucceeding  hiftorians)  when  he  confidently  afferts  (2),  "  That,  at  this  very 
juncture  of  time,  and  for  forty  years  before  it,  the  ftate  of  thefe  Catholics  af- 
fairs was  as  quiet  and  happy,  as  they  themfelves  could  reafonably  wifh  it ;  and 
that  whatever  their  land,  labour,  and  induftry  produced,  was  their  own ;  be- 
ing free  from  fear  of  having  it  taken  from  them  by  the  King,  on  any  pretence 
whatfoever,  without  their  own  confent." 

IN  compliance  with  the  aforefaid  remonftrance  and  petition  of  the  Com- 
mons, his  Ma jefty  ordered  the  Lords  Juftices,  Parfons,  and  Borlace(3),  "  to 
allure  his  good  fubje&s  of  Ireland,  that  his  Princely  promife,  formerly  paffed 
unto  them,  (to  redrefs  thefe,  and  feveral  other  grievances)  fhould  be  fpeedily 
performed;  and  to  that  end,  he  required,  that  bills  might  be  tranfmitted  from 
their  Lordihips,  and  the  Council,  for  fecuring  their  eftates,  touching  the  li^ 
mitation  of  his  title,  not  to  extend  above  three  fcore  years." 


CHAP.          X. 

The  Remanftrance  of  Grievances  Vindicated. 

IT  has  been  of  late  objected,  that  this  remonftrance  of  grievances,  was  not 
fairly  and  deliberately  voted  in  the  Irifh  parliament  j  but  that,  on  the 
contrary,  it  was(i)  "  abruptly  prefented  to  the  Houfe,  not  fuffered  to  be 
fpoken  to,  and  paffed  in  the  midft  of  tumult  and  diforder."  But  this  objec- 
tion fhall  be  now  proved  to  be  nothing  more  than  a  partial  and  groundlefs 
furmife:  for  (2)  "  fome  of  the  grievances  mentioned  in  it,  had  been  prefent- 
ed by  parliament  to  the  Deputy,  in  June  preceding,  as  found  real,  and  enor- 
mous, after  many  debates."  And,  as  for  thofe  now  added,  viz.  the  t:  tre- 
mendous powers"  of  the  high  comrnilfion-court,  the  denial  of  the  promifed 
graces,  &c.  It  is  notorious,  that  they  had  been  long  before  complained  of, 
as  intolerable,  both  in  and  out  of  parliament.  It  appears  by  the  journals  (3), 

O  "That 

(2)  Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Rebel.  (3)  Cora.  Jourri.  Vol.  i. 

(i)  Lei.  Hift.  of  Ire!.  (2)  Com.  Journ.  Vol.  i.  (3)  ib.  vol.  i. 


98  HISTORICAL   REVIEW    or    THE  Bk.IV, 

M  That  a  grand  committee,  was  appointed  to  fit  upon  the  grievances  of  the 
country,  on  the  1 2th  of  October,  1640  ;  and  that,  on  the  7th  of  the  follow- 
ing month,  an  order  was  paffed,  that  the  particular  matters  expreffed  in  the 
remonftrance  in  queftion,  being  thrice  read,  required  prefent  redrefs,  and 
fhould  be  forthwith  represented  to  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lord  Deputy, 
by  Mr.  Speaker,  and  the  whole  Houfe."  Another  order  was  paffed  on  the 
9th,  "  that  Mr.  Speaker,  for  the  greater  folemnity,  fhould  read  the  remon- 
ftrance twice,  and  that  it  fhould  be  afterwards  prefented  to  the  Lord  Deputy." 
On  the  nth,  "  a  committee  was  appointed,  confifting,  among  others,  of  the 
Vice-Treafurer,  the  Mafter  of  the  Rolls,  and  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer, 
to  wait  upon  the  Deputy,  to  know  when  he  would  give  his  anfwer  to  the 
remonftrance."  And  on  the  1 2th,  "  a  committee  was  again  appointed,  to 
attend  his  Lorfhip  for  his  anfwer ;"  which  appears  then  to  have  been,  "  that 
the  Commons  fhould  confer  with  fome  of  the  Lords  of  the  Privy-council, 
(not,  as  has  been  (4)  fuppofed,  with  the  Houfe  of  Lords)  concerning  the  na- 
ture of  the  grievances  complained  of."  But  to  this  conference,  as  being  con- 
trary to  their  privileges,  the  Commons  refu fed  to  confent(5);  "  in  regard  that 
the  contents  of  their  remonftrance,  had  been  already  voted  in  their  Houfe, 
for  grievances ;"  for  which  refufal,  the  Deputy  prorogued  them,  on  the  fame 
1 2th  of  November.  And  thus  it  evidently  appears,  that  this  remonftrance, 
inftead  of  being  abruptly  prefented  to  the  Houfe,  not  fuffered  to  be  fpoken 
to,  and  paffed  in  the  midft  of  tumult  and  diforder,  was  agitated,  for  feveral 
days,  with  due  deliberation  and  regularity,  and  at  length  agreed  to,  after 
many  readings  and  debates. 


CHAP.          XL 

The  immediate  Caufe  of  the  Infurreftion,  in  1641. 

HAD  his  Majefty's  commands  before-mentioned,  to  the  Lords  Juftices, 
Parfons,  and  Borlace,  to  tranfmit  bills  for  fecuring  the  eftates  of  the 
natives,  and  for  confirming  the  other  promifed  graces,  been  duly  executed,  or 
rather  not  pofitively  difobeyed,  by  their  Lordlhips,  the  dreadful  infurreclion 
of  the  following  year,  either  would  not  at  all  have  happened,  or  would  have 
been  quickly  fuppreffed.  Such,  at  leaft,  was  his  Majefty's  opinion;  as 
we  find  by  his  anfwer  to  a  declaration  of  the  Englifh  Commons,  on  that 
occafion;  for  there  he  tells  them  (i),  "  that,  if  he  had  been  obeyed  in  the 
Irifh  affairs,  before  he  went  to  Scotland,  there  had  been  no  Irifh  rebellion ; 
or  after  it  had  begun,  it  would  have  been  in  a  few  months  fuppreffed,  if  his 

directions 

(4)  Lei.  Hift.  Irel.  (5)  ib.  (i)  Reliq.  Sac.  Carolina,  p.  273. 


Ch.XI.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  99 

directions  had  been  obferved :  for  if  the  King  had  been  fufFered  to  perform 
his  engagements  to  the  Irifti  agents,  and  had  difpofed  of  the  difcontented 
Irifh  army  beyond  fea,  there  is  nothing  more  clear,  than  that  there  could 
have  been  no  rebellion  in  Ireland,  becaufe  they  had  wanted  both  pretence, 
and  means  to  have  made  one." 

AT  this  time,  it  was  confidently  reported  in  Ireland,  that  the  Scottifli  army 
had  threatened  never  to  lay  down  their  arms,  till  an  uniformity  of  religion 
was  eftablifhed  in  the  three  kingdoms,  and  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  fup- 
preffed  (2).  "  A  letter  was  intercepted,  coming  from  Scotland,  to  one  Free- 
man of  Antrim,  giving  an  account,  that  a  covenanting  army  was  ready  to 
come  for  Ireland,  under  the  command  of  General  Lefley,  to  extirpate  the 
Roman  Catholics  ofUlfter,  and  leave  the  Scots  fole  poffeffors  of  that  pro- 
vince ;  and  that,  to  this  end,  a  refolution  had  been  taken  in  their  private 
meetings,  and  councils,  to  lay  heavy  fines  upon  fuch  as  would  not  ap- 
pear at  their  kirk,  for  the  firfl  or  fecond  Sunday ;  and  on  failure  the 
third,  to  hang,  without  mercy,  all  fuch  as  were  obftinate,  at  their  own 
doors." 

THE  whole  body  of  the  Irifh  nobility  and  gentry,  declared  in  their  remon- 
ftrance  at  Trim,  which  was  delivered,  in  due  form,  to  his  Majefty's  commit 
lioners,  in  March  1642,  that  previous  to  the  infurredion(3),  "  certain  dange- 
rous and  pernicious  petitions,  contrived  by  the  advice  and  council  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam Parfons,  Sir  Adam  Loftus,  Sir  John  Clothworthy,  and  fundry  others,  of 
the  malignant  party  in  the  city  of  Dublin,  in  the  province  of  Ulfter,  and 
feveral  other  parts  of  the  kingdom,  directed  to  the  Commons  Houfe  in 
England,  were  at  public  aflizes,  and  other  public  places,  made  known 
and  read  to  many  perfons  of  quality  j  which  petitions  contained  matters  de- 
ftrudtive  to  the  faid  Catholics  religion,  lives,  and  eftates  (a)? 

THIS  dread  of  an  extirpation,  as  appears  from  a  multitude  of  depofitions, 
taken  before  Doclor  Henry  Jones,  and  other  commiflioners,  appointed  by  the 
Lords  Juftices,  prevailed  univerfally  among  the  Catholics  of  Ireland,  and  was 
infified  upon,  as  one  of  the  principal  reafons  of  their  taking  arms  (4).  The 
Earl  of  Ormond,  in  his  letters  of  January  27th,  and  February  26th,  1641,  to 

O  2  Sir 

(a)  Cait.  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  160.  (3)  See  Append.  (4)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  263. 

(a)  "  It  is  evident,"  fays  Doftor  Warner,  "  from  not  of  the  meer  Irifh  only,  but  of  all  the  old  Englifli 
the  Lords  Juftices  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Leicefter,  then  families  alfo,  that  were  Roman  Catholics."  Hill,  of 
Lord  Lieutenant,  that  they  hoped  for  an  extirpation,  the  Irifli  Rebel. 


ioo  HISTORICAL    REVIEW  "OF    THE  Bk.  IV. 

Sir  William  St.  Leger,  imputes  the  general  revolt  of  the  nation,  then  far  ad- 
vanced, to  the  publifhing  of  fuch  a  defign." 


CHAP.          XII. 

The  Romt/b  Clergy  of  Ireland  unjuftly  accufed  of  ftirring  up  tie  Irijh  to  this  In- 

Jurre&ion. 


H  E  Romifh  clergy  of  Ireland  at  this  period,  are  commonly  charged 
with  filling  the  minds  of  their  votaries  with  fuch  pernicious  maxims, 
civil  and  religious,  as  could  not  fail  to  incite  them  to  the  moft  traitorous  and 
bloody  attempts.  tt  They  had,"  fays(i)  a  modern  hiftorian,  "  that  influence 
even  over  the  gentry  of  their  communion,  with  which  they  were  inverted  by 
the  tenets  of  their  religion  ;  the  ignorant  herd  of  Papifts  they  governed  at 
their  pleafure.  They  had  received  their  education,  and  imbibed  their  prin- 
ciples, in  foreign  feminaries  of  France  and  Spain  ;  hence  they  returned  to 
Ireland,  bound  folemnly  to  the  Pope  in  unlimited  fubmiffion;  without  pro- 
feffion,  or  bond  of  allegiance  to  the  King.  Full  fraught  with  thofe  abfurd, 
and  peftilent  doclrines,  which  the  moderate  of  their  own  communion  pro- 
fe/s  to  abominate,  of  the  univerfal  monarchy  of  the  Pope,  as  well  civil  as  fpi- 
ritual,  of  his  authority  to  excommunicate  and  depofe  Princes,  to  abfolve  fub- 
jetfs  from  their  oaths  of  allegiance,  and  to  difpenfe  with  every  law  of  God 
and  man,  to  fanclify  rebellion  and  murder,  and  even  to  change  the  very 
nature  and  efTential  difference  of  vice  and  virtue.  And,  with  this,  and  other 
impious  trumpery  of  fchools  and  councils,  thefe  ecclefiaftics  filled  their  fuper- 
ftitious  votaries." 

HORRIBLE,  indeed,  is  this  accufation;  but,  fortunately  for  the  kingdom, 
wherein  fuch  a  clergy  is  ftill  fufFered  to  exift,  it  is  as  erroneoufly  ftated,  as  it  is 
groundlefs  in  itfelf.  Nor  is  the  injuftice  done  to  this  clergy,  by  fuch  fhocking 
imputations,  greater  than  that  done  to  Walfh  himfelf,  the  Irifh  Francifcan, 
whofe  fole  authority  is  quoted  in  fupport  of  them.  For  there  is  no  mention 
made  in  the  place  referred  to,  of  thefe  impious  tenets  having  been  taught,  or 
maintained  by  any  of  the  Romifh  ^clergy  of  Ireland,  at,  or  about,  the  year 
1641.  All  that  appears  there,  relative  to  thefe  tenets,  is  an  indirect  and  angry 
charge  and  inference,  againft  fuch  of  Wallh's  brethren,  as  had  oppofed  his 
remonftrance  of  loyalty,  which  was  (2)  not  prefented,  nor  even  thought  of, 

till 

(i)  Lei.  Hift.  Irel.  vol.  Hi.  p,  89.     (2)  Seethe  dedication  to  the  Hiftory  of  the  Irifli  remonftrance,  by 
Peter  V\alih.  (3)  ib. 


Ch.  XII. 


CIVIL    WAR  SIN    IRELAND. 


101 


till  more  than  twenty  years  after  that  period.  Nay  there  too,  Walih  confeffes, 
that  thefe  tenets  (3)  "  were  quite  different  from  wh^t  the  Roman  Catholics  of 
England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  did  believe ;"  and  even  aiTerts,  "  that  many 
thoufands  of  the  moft  learned,  moft  zealous,  and  moft  godly,  Roman  Catho- 
lic Prelates,  Dodtors,  and  Priefts,  beiides  laymen,  cried  down  thefe  tenets, 
as  not  only  falfe,  impious,  and  heretical,  but  alfo,  as  abfolutely  tirannicaL 
and  deftructive  of  all  government." 

IN  order  to  explain  this  matter  a  little  more  fully,  I  muft  inform  the  reader,  that 
in  the  year  1674,  when  Walfh's  hiftory  of  the  remonftrance  was  firft  published,  he 
had  been  provoked,  by  an  excommunication  newly  denounced  againft  him,  to 
draw  out  this  chain  of  blafphemous  propofitions,  as  the  fuppofed  confequences  / 
of  the  doctrine  of  the  Pope's  depofmg  power;  and  in  the  bitternefs  of  refent*-| 
ment,  to  charge  them  on  fome  of  his  adverfe  Roman  Catholic  brethren, 
(maintainers,  perhaps,  of  that  doctrine)  whom  he  either  knew,  or  fufpected, 
to  have  been  active  in  bringing  that  difgrace  upon  him.  But  that  he  was  far 
from  intending  to  charge  fuch  wicked  principles  upon  the  body  of  the  Romiih 
clergy  of  Ireland,  inconteftably  appears,  from  his  declaring,  in  the  very  fame 
place,  (with  regard  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Pope's  depofing  power-,  and  its 
fuppofed  pernicious  confequences)  (4),  "  that  he  did  not  at  all  doubt,  but 
rather  was  certain,  that  there  were  more  than  five  hundred  Priefts,  then  in 
Ireland,  who,  if  they  were  only  permitted  to  live  quietly  there,  would,  by 
a  public  inftrument,  figned  under  all  their  hands,  declare  amply,  clearly,  and 
heartily,  againft  the  aforefaid  doctrine,  notwithstanding  any  declaration,  pre- 
cept, or  cenfure  of  the  Pope  to  the  contrary." 


/ 


fc 


As  for  thofe  feminaries  of  France  and  Spain,  where  this  Romifli  clergy  is 
faid  to  have  imbibed  thefe  peftilent  doctrines,  I  could  not  difcover  any  of  them 
in  the  place  cited  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  I  there  found  the  author  reckoning 
up  eight  feminaries  in  France  alone,  viz.  "  Thofe  of  Paris,  Rheims,  Caen. 
Tholoufe,  Potiers,  Valance,  nBourdeaux,  and  Bourges,  together,"  adds  he, 
"  with  the  feven  remaining  univerfities  of  that  kingdom  j  which  had,  on  dif- 
ferent  occafions,  publickly  condemned  the  Pope's  depoiing  power,  as  falfe, 
contrary  to  the  word  of  God,  feditious,  and  deteftable," 


(3) 


(4) 


CHAR 


102  HISTORICAL    REVIEW   OF   THE  Bk.  IV. 


XIII. 

The  fame  Sub/eft  continued. 

MR.  Carte,  who  was  no  friend  to  the  Romifti  clergy,  and  had  better 
means  of  information,  than  any  other  writer  on  this  fubjecl,  either 
before  or  fmce  his  time,  has  candidly  owned  ( I ),  "  that  although  this  con- 
fpiracy  was  imputed  to  Roman  Catholic  Prieils,  yet  not  above  two  or  three 
of  them  appeared  to  know  any  thing  of  it."  Nay  he  even  feemed  to  think, 
that  had  they  all,  to  a  man,  afterwards  concurred  in  it,  they  could  not  have 
been  juftly  blamed  on  that  account.  For,  not  to  mention  the  Lords  Juftices 
cruel  injunctions  to  the  officers  of  the  army,  to  fhew  no  mercy  to  that  order 
of  men  (whom  therefore,  thefe  officers  promifcuoufly  murdered,  wherever 
they  met  them)  (2),  "  The  English  Houfe  of  Commons  gave  them  reafon  to 
apprehend  every  thing  that  is  dreadful  to  human  nature.  They  had  caufed 
the  laws  againft  recufants  to  be  put  in  execution  all  over  England ;  eight  Ro- 
man Catholic  Priefts  had  been  taken  up  in  London,  for  faying  Mafs ;  and  the 
proof  failing  as  to  one,  the  other  feyen  were  condemned.  The  King,  averfe 
to  the  putting  any  man  to  death  meerly  for  religion,  had  reprieved  them  ;  the 
Commons  were  offended  at  it,  and  made  loud  complaints  on  this  fubje£l 
againft  his  Majefty.  Nothing  would  fatisfy  them,  till  the  King  had  left  them 
to  their  mercy,  to  order  the  execution  when  ever  they  faw  fit.  When  men," 
proceeds  Mr.  Carte,  "  have  every  thing  to  dread  in  peace,  and  much  to  hope 
from  a  war,  'tis  natural  for  them  to  chofe  the  latter,  and  ufe  their  utmoft  en- 
deavours to  make  it  fuccefsful.  Nor  is  it  any  wonder,  that  thofe  Priefts,  in 
fuch  a  Situation  of  affairs,  fhould  have  recourfe  to  arms,  for  the  fafety  of  their 
lives;  and  defpairing  of  indulgence  in  quiet  times,  fhould  feek  in  troublefbme 
ones  for  an  eftablilhment,  never  to  be  obtained  but  by  the  prevailing  force  of 
an  infurre<Stion." 

Mr.  Goodman,  one  of  the  above-mentioned  condemned  Priefts,  and  who 
feems  to  have  been  particularly  obnoxious  to  the  parliament,  made  a  volun- 
tary offer  of  his  life,  as  a  facrifice  to  the  quiet  of  the  King  and  kingdom,  on 
that  occafion;  an  inftance  of  heroic  loyalty,  which  can  hardly,  I  fear,  be  pa- 
ralleled by  any  of  his  oppofites  of  the  fame  order;  who,  neverthelefs,  are  but 
too  apt  to  reprefent  Romifh  Priefts  as  difloyal,  through  principle,  to  every 
Proteftant  government  That  extraordinary  perfbn  petitioned  the  King-,  to 
•order  his  execution,  in  the  following  words. 

"  YOUR 

(i)  LifeofOrm.  vol.  i.  (2)  ib. 


CH.XIV.  CIVIL    WARS   it*    IRELAND.  103 

'*  YOUR  Majefty's  petitioner  hath  underftood  of  a  great  difcontent,  in  many 
of  your  Majefty's  fubjects,  at  the  gracious  mercy  your  Majefty  was  freely 
pleafed  to  fhew  unto  your  petitioner,  by  fufpending  the  execution  of  the  fen- 
tence  of  death,  pronounced  againft  him.  Thefe  are,  therefore,  humbly  to 
befeech  your  Majefty,  rather  to  remit  your  petitioner  to  their  mercies  that  are 
difcooterited,  than  to  let  him  live  the  fubject  of  fo  great  a  difcontent  in  your 
people  againft  your  Majefty;  for  it  has  pleafed  God,  to  give  me  grace  to  de~ 
(ire  with  the  prophet,  "  that  if  this  ftorm  be  raifcd  for  me,  I  may  be  caft  into 
the  fea,  that  others  may  avoid  the  tempeft."  This  is,  moft  facred  fovereign, 
the  petition  of  him  who  fhould  efteem  his  blood  well  fhed,  to  cement  the 
breach  between  your  Majefty,  and  your  fubjects  (a)*' 


CHAP.          XIV. 

Some  MffrepreferitatzonSy  concerning  the  Beginning  of  the  Infurre&ion  conftdered, 

ON  the  23d  of  October,  1641,  the  Lords  Juftices  declared  by  proclaim^ 
tion  (i),  "  that  a  difcovery  had  been  made  of  a  moft  difloyal,  and  de- 
teftable  confpiracy,  intended  by  fome  evil  affected  Irifh  Papifts,  univerfally 
throughout  the  kingdom."  This  unfair  reprefentation  has  been  either  igno- 
rantly,  or  malicioufly  adopted,  by  all  the  adverfe  writers  on  this  fubject.  Sir 
John  Temple,  out  of  his  abundant  malice  to  thefe  people,  has  fo  notably  im- 
proved upon  it,  as  to  affirm  (2),  "  that  on  the  234  of  Oftober  aforefaid,  an 
univerfal  defection,  and  general  revolt,  broke  out;  wherein,  not  only- 
all  the  meer  Irilh,  but  almoft  all  the  old  EngHfh,  that  adhered  to  the 
church  of  Rome,  were  totally  involved."  And  Mr.  Hume,  in  a  warm  fit  of  de- 
clamation, confidently  afTertsQ),  "  that  from  Ulfter,  the  flames  of  this 
rebellion  diffufed  themfelves,  in  an  inftant,  over  the  three  other  pro- 
vinces." 

THE  above-mentioned  proclamation  gave  a  juft  alarm  to  the  Catholic  no- 
bility, and  gentry,  of  the  kingdom;  who  knew  themfelves  to  be  per- 
fectly innocent,  and  entirely  unconfcious,  of  any  fuch  confpiracy.  The  Earl 

of 

(i)  Temple's  Hiftory  of  the  Iriili  Rebellion.  (a)  ib.  (3)  Hift.  of  England,  Dub,  ed.  vol.  iv.  p.  1.5. 

(a)  "  But  he  efcaped,"  fays  Mr.  Hume,  4|  with      lenting  feverity  would  be  fofiened   by  any  confidera- 
his  life,  rather  becaufe   he  was  over-looked  amidft     tion  of  hh  courage,  or  gen«rofity."    Hiftory  of  Eng- 
of  greater  confequence,  than  that  fuch  unre-     land. 


ie>4  HISTORICAL   REVIEW   OF    THE  Bk.  IV, 

of  Clanrickard,  who  had  arrived  in  Ireland  fome  fhort  time  before,  tells 
tis,  that  he  (4)  "  was,  at  firft,  on  a  fudden  farprifed,  with  the  fatal  news 
of  a  defperate  rebellion  in  the  North,  and  a  rumour  of  a  general  combina* 
tion,  and  confpiracy,  all  over  the  kingdom.  Rut  we  begin,"  adds  his 
Lordfhip,  "  to  recover  our  wits,  feared  away  by  the  firft  reports ;  and  do 
difcern,  that  none  appears  in  this  deteftable  confpiracy,  or  enters  into  a6lion, 
but  the  remains  of  the  antient  Irifh  rebels  in  the  North,  and  fome  of  the 
planted  county  of  Leitrim." 

IN  two  or  three  days  after  the  iffuing  of  this  proclamation,  the  Lords, 
and  gentlemen' of  the  pale  (5),  u  doubting,"  fays  Temple,  "  that  by  thofe 
general  words  of  Irifh  Papifts,  they  might  feem  to  be  involved,"  preferred 
a  petition  to  the  Lords  Juftices  and  Council,  in  behalf  of  themfelves,  and 
other  old  Englifh  of  the  kingdom;  whereupon  the  Juftices,  on  the  29th 
of  the  fame  month,  fent  forth  another  proclamation,  in  which  (6)  u  they 
declared,  and  publifhed,  to  all  his  Majefty's  good  fubjeds,  that  by  the 
words  "  Irifh  Papifts,"  they  intended  only  fuch  of  the  old  meer  Irifb,  in  the 
province  of  Ulfter,  as  had  plotted,  contrived,  and  been  a&ors  in  that  treafon, 
and  others,  that  adhered  to  them ;  and  none  of  the  old  Englifh  of  the  pale,  or 
other  parts  of  the  kingdom." 

AND  although  their  Lordfhips,  in  this  proclamation  of  the  2oth  of  Odober, 
did  "  enjoin  all  his  Majefty's  fubjects,  whether  Proteftants,  or  Papifts,  to  for- 
bear upbraiding  matter  of  religion  on  this  occafion  "  yet  certain  it  is,  that 
all  our  adverfe  hiftorians,  preachers,  and  libellers,  from  that  time  to 
the  prefent,  feem  to  have  thought  themfelves  indifpenfably  obliged, 
not  only  to  upbraid  matter  of  religion  as  the  chief  incentive  to  this  infur- 
reclion,  but  alfo  to  reprefent  the  infurredion  itfelf,  as  univerfal  all  over  the 
kingdom,  on  the  firft  day,  or  two,  after  its  eruption. 

THESE,  and  other  mifreprefentations,  were  no  fooner  devifed,  than  tranf- 
mitted  to  the  Earl  of  Leicefter,  Lord  Lieutenant  in  England ;  where  they 
acquired  ftill  greater,  and  more  extenfive  credit.  Never,  indeed,  were 
fidlion  and  calumny  introduced  to  public  notice  with  more  pomp,  and 
dignity,  than  they  feem  to  have  been  upon  that  occafion. 

"  FOR  (7)  the  Earl  of  Leicefter,  having  received  intelligence  of  this  infur- 
*e£lion  by  the  Lords  Juftices  letter  Of  the  25th  of  Odober,  1641,  repaired, 

on 

(4)  Memoirs  Engl.  ed.  fol.  63.  (5)  Iriih  Rebel.  (6)  Id.  ib. 

(7)  Warner's  Iri/hRebeJ.  from  Rufh worth's  collections. 


Ch.  XIV.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  105 

on  the  firft  of  the  following  month,  to  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  then  fitting; 
whither  he  was  accompanied  by  the  Lord  Keeper  of  the  great  Seal  of  England, 
the  Lord  Privy  Seal,  the  Lord  High  Chamberlain,  the  Lord  Admiral,  Earl 
March,  Lord  Chamberlain,  Earl  of  Bath,  Earl  of  Dorfet,  Earl  of  Holland, 
Earl  of  Berkfhire,  Lord  Vifcount  Say  and  Seal,  Lord  Goring,  and  Lord 
Wilmot,  in  grand  proceffion;  when  his  Excellency  communicated  the 
papers  and  letters,  fent  by  the  Lords  Juftices  ;  and  told  them,  that  he  had 
information  of  fhedding  much  blood  of  the  Proteftants  of  Ireland;,  and  that 
fome  of  the  rebels  confeffed,  that  all  the  proteftants  were  to  be  cut  off;  and  that 
they  were  not  to  leave  any  Britifh  men,  women,  or  children  alive:  that 
the  time  for  putting  this  bloody  defign  in  execution,  was  upon  Saturday, 
the  23d  of  October,  a  day  (a)  dedicated  to  St.  Ignatius,  the  founder  of 
the  Jefuits ;  and  in  fhort,  that  their  defign  was  to  kill  the  Lords  Juftices,  and 
all  the  King's  Privy-council.  The  like  information  was  given,  by  the  Lord 
Keeper,  and  other  Lords,  and  in  the  fame  folemn  manner,  to  the  Houfe 
of  Lords. 

THE  falfehood  of  this  reprefentation,  with  refpect  to  the  defign  of  thefe 
infurgents,  is  fo  very  notorious,  that  even  a  writer,  otherwife  highly  preju- 
diced againft  them,  could  not  pafs  it  over  uncenfured.  "  Both  the  Lord 
Keeper  in  the  Houfe  of  Lords,  and  the  Lord  Lieutenant  in  the  Houfe  of 
Commons,"  fays  Doctor  (8)  Warner,  "  did  exceed  the  informations  that  had 
been  given,  either  in  the  letters,  or  in  the  examinations  tranfmitted  over. 
No  hiftorian,"  adds  he,  "  hath  taken  notice  of  this  falfification ;  and  yet 
one  cannot  believe  that  it  was  owing  in  both  to  accident,  or  miftake.  The 
Lord  Keeper  hath  faid,  that  the  rebels  had  committed  divers  murders; 
and  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  befides  affirming  that  they  had  information  of 
fhedding  much  blood  of  the  Proteftants  there,  added  moreover,  that  the 
defign  of  the  rebels  was  to  kill  the  Lords  Juftices,  and  all  the  King's  Privy- 
council  ;  whereas  neither  in  the  letters,  .  nor  the  examinations,  is  there  a 
fingle  word  of  any  murder  being  committed;  nor  was  there  the  leaft 
thought  among  the  confpirators,  for  any  thing  that  appears,  of  killing, 
particularly,  the  Lords  Juftices  and  the  King's  Privy-council.  And  the  Coun- 
cil in  their  letters,  after  having  given  an  account  of  feveral  robberies, 
burning  houfes  and  villages,  and  feizing  fome  forts  and  caftles,  exprefT- 

P  ly 

(8)  Hift.  of  the  Irifli  Rebel. 
(a)  This,  like  many  other  circumftances  pf  this  pompous  tale,  is  a  well-known  falfehood. 


106  HISTORICAL   R  E  V  I  E  W,   &c.  Bk.IV. 

Iy  fay,   and  this    tho'   too   much,    is   all  that   we  yet    hear   is   done  by 
them  (b)? 

THERE  is  but  little  wonder,  that  fo  fhocking  a  calumny,  thus  folemnly 
delivered,  by  pcrfons  of  honour,  to  an  auguft  afTembly,  fhould  make  a 
general  and  lafting  impreffion,  on  a  credulous,  and  prejudiced  people ;  but 
the  reader  will  pleafe  to  reflect,  that  if  ib  many  perfons  of  the  firft  quality, 
living  at  a  diftance  from  the  danger  and  mifchiefs  of  this  infurreclion  5  and 
therefore,  uninfluenced  by  fear  or  revenge,  could,  for  their  own  (c)  evil 
purpofes,  circulate  fuch  horrid  falfehoods  concerning  it,  how  little  ftrefs 
ought  to  be  laid  on  the  evidence,  or  teftimonies  of  fome  of  the  meaneft  of 
the  adverfe  party  at  home,  who  were  either  exafperated  by  the  injuries  they 
themfelves  had  fuffered,  or  feared  out  of  their  wits  by  the  fhocking  ftories  they 
had  heard  of  thofe  committed  on  others,  when  they  were  called  upon  to  give 
inch  evidence.  And  yet,  the  teftimony  of  perfons  fo  prejudiced,  and  other- 
wife  unduly  influenced,  is  the  principal,  if  not  only  foundation,  on  which 
the  belief  of  the  Irifh  maffacre  has  hitherto  reiled,  and  has  fo  generally,  not 
to  fay  uneontrovertedly,  prevailed. 


(b)  It  is  worthy  of  notice,  that  about  this  time, 
viz.  before  the  end  of  October,  1641,  Temple  him- 
felf  confefles,  "  that  the  rebels  had  got  pofleflion  of 
«H-  the  towns,  forts,  caftles,  and  gentlemens  hoafes 
within  the  counties  of  Tyrone,  Donegal,  Farmanagh, 
Armagh,  Cavan,  Londonderry,  Monaghan,  and  half 
the  county  of  Down  ;  except  the  cities  of  London- 
derry and  Colecain,  the  town  and  caftle  of  Ennilkillen, 


and  fome  other  places  and  caftles.  And  that  befides 
the  above-mentioned,  thefe  rebels  had  taken  a  mul- 
titude of  other  caftles,  houfes  of  ftrength,  towns  and 
villages,  all  abundantly  peopled  with  Britifh  inhabi- 
tants." Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Rebel,  p.  34.  Yet  in  none 
of  thofe  places  docs  it  appear,  from  this  account, 
that  any  maflacre,  or  murder,  was  committed  by  the 
infurgents,  within  that  fpace  of  time. 


(c)  "  The  Irifli  rebellion,"  fays  Sir  Edward  Walker, 
'•  did  fortify  the  defigns  in  England,  which  then  want- 
ed matter  to  work  upon.  The  parliament  raifed 
money  for  this  war,  and  employed  it  in  their  own ; 

and  fcandalifed  his  Majefty,   as  not  zealous   in  the     defigns."     Hiftor.  Difcourf.  fol. 
of  it.    Though  to  ftew  his  odium  of  this 


rebellion,  he  propofed  the  going  thither  himfelf  to 
fupprefs  it  j  but  his  propofal  was  ill  taken  by  the 
Commons,  as  fearing  the  rebels  D)ight  I'ubmit  to  his 
Majefty,  and  fo  become  his,  in  oppofition  to  tbeif 


AN 


A    N 


E      V      I      E     W 


OF-     THE 

CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND. 

BOOK          V. 

CHAP.        I. 

The  main  Dejtgn  of  the  Infurgents,  not  general,  or  premeditated. 

' 

IN  order  to  fet  this  tragical  part  of  the  hiftory  of  Ireland  in  a  true  light,  it 
is  necefTary  to  diftinguifh  two  infurreclions,  differing  not  fo  much  in 
their  caufes,  as  their  times.  The  firft  is  that  mentioned  in  the  Lord  Juflices 
proclamation  of  the  29th  October,  1641,  of  fome  of  the  meer  old  Irifh  only, 
in  the  province  of  Ulfter.  The  other  is  that  general  defection,  which  hap- 
pened fome  months  after,  in  the  other  provinces ;  and  was  occasioned  by  a 
continuation,  and  increafe  of  thofe  grievances,  and  oppreflions,  which  had 
produced  the  firft.  We  will  begin  with  the  infurreclion  in  UJfter,  which  (i) 
Sir  (a)  John  temple,  and  his  numerous  copiers,  have  reprefented  as  an  hor- 

P  2  rible 

(i)  Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Rebel. 

(a)  This  gentleman  published  his  hiftory  of  the  the  year   1674,  feems  to    have  been  offended,    and 

Irifh  rebellion  in  the  year  1646;  by   the  direction   of  himfelf  afhamed  of  the  re- publication  of  it.     This  we 

the  parliament-pai  ty,  which   then  prevailed,  and   to  gather  from  a  letter  of  Capel  Earl  of  Eflex,  then  Lord 

which,  tho'  long  before   in   a&ual   rebellion,  he  was  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  to  Mr.  Secretary  Coventry,  of 

always  attached.     The  falfehoods  it  contains,  are  fo  that  date,  wherein  we  fiad  thefe  words:  "  I  am   to 

glaring,  and  numerous,  that  even  the  government,  in  acknowledge  yours  of  the  aad  of  December,  in  which 

you 


io8  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.V. 

rible  enterprife,  long  before  concerted  and  refolved  upon,  by  the  generality 
of  the  Catholics  of  Ireland.  But  in  this  particular,  and  in  truth  in  moft  others, 
that  writer  has  fufficiently  confuted  himfelf;  for  he  informs  us,  that 
feveral  of  the  chiefs  of  thefe  Ulfter  infurgents,  inftead  of  providing  men,  arms, 
and  other  requisites  for  the  execution  of  fuch  a  defign,  did  on  the  contrary, 
but  a  fhort  time  before  their  riling,  taking  even  fuch  meafures,  as  had  a  mani- 
feft  tendency  (b)  to  prevent  its  fuccefs.  For  he  tells  us  (2), "  That  Sir  Phelim 
O'Neil,  and  many  others  of  the  prime  leaders  in  this  rebellion,  did,  not  long 
before  it  broke  out,  turn  their  Irifh  tenants  off  their  lands,  even  to  ftarve 
upon  the  mountains ;  while  they  took  in  Englifh,  who  were  able  to  give  them 
much  greater  rents,  and  more  certainly  pay  the  fame."  He,  has  alfo  informed 
113(3),  "  That  thefe  rebels,  at  their  firft  rifing  out,  had  not  many  better 
weapons,  than  ftaves,  fcythes,  and  pitchforks ;"  an  indication  furely,  rather 
of  a  fudden  unpremeditated  eruption  and  tumult,  than  of  any  fettled  fcheme 
of  confpiracy,  or  rebellion. 

NAY,  fome  weeks  after  their  firft  rifing,  fuch  of  thefe  infurgents  as  appear- 
ed to  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  feemed  to  him  (4),  w  rather  to  be  a  tumultuous 
rabble,  than  any  thing  like  a  difciplined  army;"  and  his  Lordfhip  was  of 
opinion,  that  (5)  "  there  were  as  many  arms,  within  a  few,  in  the  hands  of 
only  fix  hundred  of  the  King's  forces,  as  there  were  among  all  the  rebels  then 
in  the  kingdom." 

BUT  what  puts  this  matter  beyond  all  difpute  is  (6),  "  that  the  army  of 
eight  thoufand  foot,  and  one  thoufand  horfe,  (feven-eights  of  which  were 
Roman  Catholics,)  that  had  been  raifed,  two  years  before,  by  the  Earl  of 

StrafFord, 

(z)  Jb.  p.  14.  (3)  ib.  p.  79.  (4)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  (5)  ib.         (6)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  i. 

> 

you  mention  a  book   that  was  newly  published,  con-  do  this  gentleman  right,  in  cafe  it   were  fufpe&ed, 

jcerning  the  cruelties£ommitted  in  Ireland,  at  the  be-  he   had  any  /hare  in    publishing  this   new  edition." 

ginning  of  the  late  war.     Upon  further  enquiry  I  find,  State  Let.  Dub.  ed.  p.  2.     His  Lordflu'p  was,  at  this 

jSir  J.  Temple,  Mafter   of  the   Rolls  here,  (Ireland)  time,  foliciting  a  grant  of  three  (he  would  have  it  five) 

author  of  ihat  book,  was,  this   laft  year,  fent  to  by  hundred   pounds  a  year  on  the  forfeited  eftates,    for 

feveral  ftationers  of  London,  to  have  his  confeut  to  Sir  John  Temple,  which  he  at  laft  obtained,  "(fee  thefe 

the  printing  thereof;  but  he  allures  me,  that  he  ut-  letters,)  and    the   Miniftry  feems  to  have  made  this 

terly  denied  it,  and  whoever  printed  it,  did  it  without  re-publication  of  his  hiftory,  an  objection,  which   his 

his  knowledge.     Thus  much  I   thought  fit  to  add  to  Lord/Lip  thus  endeavours  to  remove, 
what  I  formerly  faid  upon  this  occafion,  that  I  might 

(b)  '«  The  difficulty  which  Moore  found  to  pre-  avers,  that  it  was  in  May  1641,  that  he  firft  heard 

vail  on  the  Ulfter- Irifti,  (to  rife)  ftiews  there  was  no  the  morion  from  Sir  James  Dillon,  of  taking  the  caftle 

long  meditated  fcheme  of  rebellion  even  among  them."  of  Dublin.     See  Borl.  Hift  of  the  Irilh  Rebel,  fol.  34. 
Lei.  Hift.  vol.  ii.    Lord  Maguire,   in  bit  confeffion, 


Ch.II.  CIVIL    WARS    IF    IRELAND.  109 

StrafTord,  was,  in  June  1641,  entirely  dhTolved,  without  any  inconvenience, 
or  diforder,  in  the  nation  at  that  time." 

"  THE  complaints  of  grievances  made  by  the  Roman  Catholic  members," 
fays  (7)  Mr.  Carte,  "  in  the  Irifh  Houfe  of  Commons,  in  fummer  1641,  have 
been  infifted  upon,  as  a  proof  of  their  intention  to  raife  a  rebellion  at  that 
juncture  j  but,  by  all  the  obfervations  I  have  been  able  to  make,  I  do  not  find, 
that  there  was  any  formed  defign  of  the  body  of  the  Roman  Catholic  party  in 
that  parliament,  for  an  affair  of  that  nature.  The  compiler  of  the  Nuncios 
memoirs,"  adds  the  fame  author  (8),  "  (a  fair  writer,  whatever  his  principles 
were,  and  who,  on  all  occasions,  feems  to  be  well  acquainted  with  his  fub- 
je<3,  and  to  write  what  he  believed  to  be  true,)  fays,  "  that  the  Englifh-Irifh 
of  four  hundred  years  Handing,  efpecially  thofe  of  the  Englifh  pale,  were  ex^ 
tremely  averfe  to  the  rebellion,  and  offered  their  fervice  very  fincerely  to  the 
ftate  againft  the  rebels ;  remembering  their  own  origin,  and  chofmg  to  adhere 
to  the  Englifh  government,  which  they  were  apprehenfive  would  be  thrown 
off  by  the  natives.  To  which  reafon  he  adds  another,  .drawn  from  the  na- 
ture of  their  eftates,  a  confiderable  part  of  which  was  church- lands,  which, 
he  fays,  they  were  afraid  of  lofing,  if  the  old  Irifh  got  the  power  of  the  na- 
tion into  their  hands." 


CHAP.          II. 

The  fir  ft  Caufes  of  the  Infurre&ion  of  1641,  in  Ulftef. 

E  N,  whofe  minds  are  exafperated  by  the  remembrance  of  former  in- 
juries (which  was  peculiarly  the  cafe  of  the  (a)  Ulfter  gentry,  on  ac- 
count of  the  feizure  of  the  fix  counties  before-mentioned)  are  often  fuddenly 
provoked  to  commit  ads  of  violence,  by  a  flight  or  inadequate  caufe;  but  the 
immediate  incentive  to  the  infurreclion  of  thefe  Northerns  was  far  from  being 
fuch ;  it  was  nothing  lefs,  than  a  well-grounded  fear  of  an  intended  extirpa- 
tion of  their  religion,  or  perfons.  The  petitions  already  mentioned,  which 
were  calculated  for  that  end,  feem  principally  to  have  been  levelled  at  them ; 
and  probably  received  moft  furtherance  from  their  malevolent  neighbours, 
the  puritan  Scots.  Nor  will  this  in  the  lead  feem  flrange,  if  it  be  confidered, 

that 

(7)  ib.  vol.  i.  fol.  152.  (8)  ib.  vol.  i.  fol.  256.     Nunc.  Mem.  p.  392, 

(a)  "  No  great  difficulty  was  apprehended  in  gain-      grievoufly  defpoiled  by   the  plantations  of  James." 
•ing  the  leaders  of  the  Ulfter-Irifh,  who  had  been  fo      Lei.  Hift.  of  IreL  vol.  ii.  p,  195. 
fevciely  chaftifed  by  the  arms  of  Elizabeth,  and  fo 


no  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OP    THE  Bk.  V. 

that  the  DhTenters  in  that  province,  were  audacious  enough,  about  the  fame 
time,  to  addrefs  a  petition  to  the  Englifh  Houfe  of  Commons  ( I ),  "  figned  by- 
many  thoufands  in  the  county  of  Down,  Tyrone,  and  others,  againfl  epifco- 
pacy,  and  the  eftablifhed  religion  itfelf."  In  that  petition  they  complain, 
"  that  the  moft  learned,  and  feemingly  moderate  and  pious  Prelates,  did  pub- 
lickly,  in  fermons  at  Dublin,  exclaim  againft,  and  condemn  the  Scottifh  cove- 
nant, and  the  religion  profefTed  in  Scotland ;  and  therefore,  they  moft  humbly 
.pray,  that  that  unlawful  hierarchical  government,  with  all  its  appendixes, 
may  be  utterly  extirpated." 

THESE  incentives  to  the  infurre&ion  in  Ulfter  are  chiefly  infifted  upon  in 
that  impartial  remonftrance  of  grievances  from'  Cavan,  which  was  drawn  up 
by  (2)  Bifhop  Bedel,  a  Prelate  too  wife  to  be  impofed  upon,  and  too  juft  and 
refolute,  to  advance  any.  facls  in  excufe  of  thefe  infurgents,  of  the  truth  of 
which  he  was  not  very  certain.  As  Bifhop  Burner.,  in  his  life,  owns,  that 
this  remonftrance  gives  the  beft  colours  to  their  proceedings  of  any  of  all 
their  papers,  that  he  ever  faw,  I  will  here  tranfcribe  it  entire,  from  that 
Bifhop' s  copy. 

"  To  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lords  Juftices  and  Council,  the  humble  re- 
monflrance  of  the  gentry,  and  commonality  of  the  Cjunty  of  Cavan,  of 
their  grievances,  common  with  other  parts  of  this  kingdom  of  Ireland. 

"  WHEREAS  we  his  Majefty's  loyal  fubje£ts  of  his  Highnefs's  kingdom  of 
Ireland,  have,  of  long  time,  groaned  Under  many  grievances  and  preffures, 
occafioned  by  the  rigorous  government  of  fuch  placed  over  us,  as  refpefted 
more  the  advancement  of  their  own  private  fortunes,  than  the  honour  of  his 
Majefty,  or  the  welfare  of  his  fubjeclsj  whereof,  we,  in  humble  manner,  de- 
clared ourfelves  to  his  Highnefs,  by  our  agents,  fent  from  the  parliament,  the 
reprefentative  body  of  the  kingdom ;  notwithstanding  which,  we  find  our- 
felves of  late  threatened  with  far  greater,  and  more  grievous  vexations,  either 
with  captivity  of  our  confciences,  or  utter  expulfion  from  our  native  feats, 
without  any  juft  grounds  given  on  our  parts,  to  alter  his  Majefty's  goodnefs, 
fo  long  continued  to  us.  Of  all  which,  we  find  great  caufe  of  fears,  in  the 
proceedings  of  our  neighbour-nations ;  and  do  fee  it  already  attempted,  by 
certain  petitioners,  for  the  like  courfe  to  be  taken  in  this  kingdom,  for  the 
effecting  thereof,  in  a  compulfory  way ;  fo  as  rumours  have  caufed  fears  of 
invafion  from  other  parts,  to  the  difTolving  of  the  bond  of  mutual  agreement, 
which  hitherto,  hath  been  held  inviolable,  between  the  feveral  fubjecls  of 

this 

fi)  See  Pryn's  antipathy  to  Bifhops,  part  ii.  (2)  Burnet's  life  of  Bedel, 


Ch.II.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  in 

this  kingdom  •,  and  whereby  all  his  Majefty's  other  dominions  have  been  link- 
ed in  one.  For  the  preventing,  therefore,  of  fuch  evils,  growing  upon  us  in  this 
kingdom,  we  have,  for  the  prefervation  of  his  Majefty's  honour,  and  our  own 
liberties,  thought  fit  to  take  into  our  hands,  for  his  Highnefs's  ufe  and  fer- 
vice,  fuch  forts,  and  other  places  of  ftrength,  as  coming,  into  the  pofTeflion  of 
others,  might  prove  difadvantageous,  and  tend  to  the  utter  undoing  of  the 
kingdom;  and  we  do  hereby  declare,  that  herein,  we  harbour  not  the  leaft 
thought  of  difloyalty  towards  hislvlajefly ;  or  purpofe  any  hurt  to  his  High- 
nefs's fubjefts,  in  their  pofleffions,  goods,  or  liberty;  only  we  defire,  that  your 
Lordfhips  will  be  pleafed  to  make  remonftrances  to  his  Majefty  for  us,  of  all 
our  grievances,  and  juft  fears,  that  they  may  be  removed,  and  fuch  a  courfe 
fettled  by  the  advice  of  the  parliament  of  Ireland,  whereby  the  liberty  of  our 
confciences  may  be  fecured  unto  us,  and  we  eafed  of  other  burdens  in  civil 
government.  As  for  the  mifchiefs,  and  inconveniencies  that  have  already 
happened,  thro1  the  diforder  of  the  common  fort  of  people,  againft  the  Englifh 
inhabitants,  or  any  others,  we,  with  the  nobility  and  gentlemen,  and  fuch 
others  of  the  feveral  counties  of  this  kingdom,  are  mod  willing  and  ready  to 
ufe  our,  and  their,  beft  endeavours  in  caufing  reftitution  and  fatisfadion,  to 
be  made  as  in  part  we  have  already  done. 

"  AN  anfwer  hereunto  is  moft  humbly  ddlred,  with  fuch  prefent  expedition, 
as  may,  by  your  Lordfhips,  be  thought  moft  convenient,  for  avoiding  the  in- 
convenience of  the  barbaroufnefs,  and  incivility,  of  the  commonalty,  who  have 
committed  many  outrages,  without  any  order,  conferring,  or  privity  of  ours. 
All  which  we  leave  to  your  Lordfhips  wifdom,  and  fliall  humbly  pray,  &c." 

• 

ON  the  loth  November  1641,  the  O'Farrells  of  the  neighbouring  county  of 
Longford,  fent  up  alfo,  to  the  Lords  Juftices,  a  rernonftrance  of  their  grie- 
vances; which  was  of  much  the  fame  tenor  with 'that  fro-fla Cavan,  intreatmg 
redrefs  in  a  parliamentary  way.  "  Thefe  geMlemenV*  fay-s  Mr.  (3)  Carte, 
"  had  deferved  well  of  the  crown,  and  were  on  that  account,  particularly  pro- 
vided for  by  King  James,  in  his  inftm&ions  for  planting  of  that- country.  But 
the  commiffioners  appointed  for  the  diftribution  of  the  lan&,  more  greedy  of 
their  own  private  profit,  than  tender  of  the  King's  hortotitf,  or  the  rights  of 
the  fubjed,  took  little  care  to  obferve  thefe  inftru&ions-;  and  the  O'Parrelfe 
were  generally  great  (b)  fufFerers  by  the  plantations.  Several  perfons  were 
turned  out  of  large  eftates  of  profitable  land,  and  had  only  a  fmall  pittance, 

lefs 

(3)  Life  of  Orm.  vol.  i. 

(b)  "  In  a  manufcript  of  Bifhop  Stearne,  we  find      the  leaft  co.mpen&tion,  or  any  means  offubfifitncc 
tfcat  in  the  fmall  county  of  Longford,  twenty  five  of     ailigneci  to  tlvu1.'*     Lcl.  HU3t.  IreJ.  vol.  ii.  p.  4^7. 
cue  fept  were  all  deprived  of  their  eftatea,  without 


Ti2  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    op    THE  Bk.V. 

Jefs  than  a  fourth  part,  afligned  them  for  it,  in  barren  ground.  Twenty-four 
proprietors,  moft  of  them  O'Farrells,  were  difpoflefled  of  their  all  j  and  nothing 
allotted  them  for  compenfation.  They  had  complained,  in  vain,  of  this  un- 
deferved  ufage  many  years ;  and  having  now  an  opportunity  afforded  them 
of  redrefs,  by  the  infarre&ion  of  their  neighbours,  had  readily  embraced  it, 
and  followed  their  example  (for  it  does  not  appear  that  any  of  them  were 
antecedently  concerned  in- the  confpiracy,)  as  they  likewife  did,  in  laying  be- 
fore the  Lords  Juftices,  a  remonftrance  of  their  grievances,  and  a  petition  for 
redrefs ;  which,  like  that  from  Cavan  (4),  came  to  nothing." 


CHAP.         III. 
The  Majfacre  in  IJland-Magee. 

H  E  report  that  his  Majefty's  Proteftant  fubje&s  firft  fell  upon,  and 
murdered  the  Roman  Catholics,  got  credit  and  reputation,  and  was 
openly  and  frequently  aflerted,"  fays  Jones,  Bifhop(i)Meath,  in  a  letter  to 
Doctor  Borlace,  in  1679.  And,  indeed,  whatever  cruelties  may  be  charged 
upon  the  Irifh,  in  the  profecution  of  this  war,  "  their  firft  intention,  we  fee," 
fays  another  Proteftant  (2)  voucher,  "  went  no  further,  than  to  ftrip  theEng- 
•lim  and  the  Proteftants  of  their  power,  and  poffeffions."  In  a  MS.  journal  of 
a  Proteftant  officer  in  the  King's  fervice,  quoted  by  (3)  Mr.  Carte,  wherein 
there  is  a  minute  and  daily  account  of  every  thing  that  happened  in  the  North 
of  Ireland,  during  the  firft  weeks  of  this  infurreclion,  there  is  not  even  an  in- 
finuation  of  any  cruelties,  committed  by  the  infurgents  on  the  Englifh,  or 
Proteftants ;  although  it  is  computed  by  the  journalift,  "  that  the  Proteftants 
of  that  province  had  killed  near  a  thoufand  of  the  rebels  in  the  firft  week  or 
two  of  the  rebellion."  And,  on  the  1 6th  of  November,  1641  (4),  "  Mr.  Ro- 
bert Wallbank  came  from  the  North,  and  informed  the  Irifh  Houfe  of  Com- 
mons, that  two  hundred  of  the  people  of  Colerain  fought  with  one  thoufand 
of  the  rebels,  flew  fix  of  them,  and  not  one  of  themfelves  hurt.  That,  in 
another  battle,  fixty  of  the  rebels  were  flain,  and  only  two  of  the  others  hurt, 
none  flain."  Nor  do  we  find,  in  this  account,  the  leaft  mention  of  cruelties, 
then  committed  by  the  Irifh  j  but  much  of  the  fuccefs,  and  victory  of  his 
Majefty's  Proteftant  fubjeds,  as  often  as  they  encountered  them. 


THAT 


(4)  Bifliop  Burnefs  life  of  Bifliop  Bedel. 


m  (0  See  Preface  to  Borlafe's  Hift.  of  the  Iri/h  Rebellion.         (2)  Doftor  Warner's  Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Rebel- 
lion, p.  47.   Tempi.  Ir.  Rebel.    (3)  Life  of  Orm.  vol.  i.    (4)  Appendix  to  the  Journals  of  the  Irifh  Commons. 


Ch.  III.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  113 

THAT  a  great  number  of  unoffending  Irifh  were  mafTacred  in  Ifland-Magee, 
by  Scottish  puritans,  about  the  beginning  of  this  infurreclion,  is  not  denied 
by  any  adverfe  writer,  that  I  have  met  with.  An  apology,  however,  is  made 
for  it  by  them  all,  which  even  if  it  were  grounded  on  facl,  as  I  fhall  prefently 
fhew  it  is  not,  \vould  be  a  very  bad  one,  and  feems,  at  leafl,  to  imply  a  con- 
feffion  of  the  charge.  Thefe  writers  pretend,  that  this  mafTacre  was  perpetrated 
on  thole  harmlefs  people,  in  revenge  of  fome  cruelties  before  committed  by 
the  rebels  on  the  Scots,  in  other  parts  of  Ulfter.  But  as  I  find  this  contro- 
yerfy  has  been  already  taken  up  by  two  able  Proteftant  hiftorians,  who  feem 
to  differ  about  the  time  in  which  that  difmal  event  happened,  perhaps,  by 
laying  before  the  reader  the  accounts  of  both,  with  fuch  animadversions, 
as  naturally  arife  from  them,  that  time  may  be  more  clearly  and  pofitively 
afcertained. 

A  LATE  learned  and  ingenious  author  of  an  hiftory  of  Ireland,  has  fhifted 
off  this  Shocking  incident,  from  November  1641,  (in  which  month,  it  has 
been  generally  placed)  to  January  following,  many  weeks  after  horrible  cruel- 
ties (as  he  tells  us)  had  been  committed  by  the  infurgents  on  the  Scots  in  the 
North  (5).  "  The  Scottifh  foldiers,"  fays  he,  "  who  had  reinforced  the  garri- 
fon  of  Carrickfergus,  were  poffeffed  of  an  habitual  hatred  of  Popery,  and 
enflamed  to  an  implacable  deteftation  of  the  Irifh,  by  multiplied  accounts  of 
their  cruelties.  In  one  fatal  night,  they  ifTued,  from  Carrickfergus,  into  an  ad- 
jacent diftrict,  called  Ifland-Magee,  where  a  number  of  the  poor  Jr  Irifh  refid- 
ed,  unoffending  and  untainted  with  the  rebellion.  If  we  may  believe  one  of 
the  leaders  of  this  party,  thirty  families  were  afTailed  by  them  in  their  beds, 
and  mafTacred,  with  calm  and  deliberate  cruelty.  As  if,"  proceeds  the  hiflo- 
rian,  "  the  incident  were  not  fufficiently  hideous,  Popifh  writers  have  re- 
prefented  it  with  Ihocking  aggravation.  They  make  the  number  of  the  ilaugh- 
tered,  in  a  fmall  and  thinly  inhabited  neck  of  land,  to  amount  to  three 
thoufand,  a  wildnefs  and  abfurdity,  into  which  other  writers  of  fuch  tranfac- 
tions  have  been  betrayed  ;  they  affert,  that  this  butchery  was  committed  in 
the  beginning  of  November  1641,  that  it  was  the  firft  maffacre  committed 
in  Ulfter,  and  the  great  provocation  to  all  the  outrages  of  the  Irifh  in  this 
quarter.  Mr.  Carte  feems  to  favour  this  affertion  :  had  he  carefully  perufed 
the  collection  of  original  depofitions,  now  in  the  pofTeflion  of  the  univer- 
fity  of  Dublin,  he  would  have  found  his  doubts  of  fads,  and  dates  cleared 
moft  fatisfaclorily  ;  and  that  the  mafTacre  of  Ifland-Magee,  as  appears 
from  feveral  unfufpicious  evidences,  was  really  committed  in  the  beginning 


Lei.  Hift.  Irel.  vol.  H. 


n4  HISTORICAL   REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  V. 

of  January,  when  the  followers  off^CyNeil  had  almoft  exhaufted  their  bar- 
barous malice." 

BEFORE  I  examine  the  feveral  particulars  of  the  foregoing  account,  I  muft 
obferve,  that  the  objection  taken  from  the  fmallnefs  of  the  place,  as  if  it  were 
incapable  of  containing^hree  thoufand  inhabitants,  is  grounded  on  a  mifap- 
prehenfion  of  fome  circumftances  in  this  event.  For  the  Irifh  that  were  there 
deftroyed,  confifted  not  only  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  place,  but  alfo.  and  for 
the  greateft  part,  of  the  country  people  redding  in  its  neighbourhood;  who, 
upon  the  (6)  invitation  of  Colonel  Chichefter,  and  Sir  Arthur  Tyrringham, 
had  fled  to  Carrickfergus  for  protection,  on  the  firft  eruption  of  thefe  tumults. 
"  The  town  of  Carrickfergus,"  fays  Mr.  (7)  Carte,  "  was  then  the  place  of 
the  greateft  ftrength  in  the  North  j  and  as  Colonel  Chichefter  and  Sir  Arthur 
Tyrringham,  had,  on  the  evening  of  the  23d  of  Odober,  received  intelli- 
gence of  the  insurrection,  they  immediately,  by  beat  of  drum  and  kindling 
of  fires,  apprifed  all  the  country  people  round  them,  of  their  danger;  fo  that 
the  poor  country  people,  who  had  not  yet  ftirred,  flocked  to  that  place  conti- 
nually, with  all  they  could  carry  of  their  fubftance,  infuch  multitudes  of  men, 
women,  and  children,  that  the  town  was  overthronged."  The  fame  author 
alfo  informs  us  (8),  "  That  Colonel  Chichefter  and  Sir  Arthur  Tyrringham, 
invited  feveral  of  the  moft  eminent  of  the  Irilh  thereabouts,  who  yet  re- 
mained quiet  in  their  houfes,  to  come  to  Carrickfergus  for  fecurity;  who 
accordingly  went  thither,  but  were  made  prifoners  on  their  arrival." 

AND 

(6)  Cart.  Orm.  Vol.  i.  (7)  ib.  (8)  ib. 

Irifli,  until  in  their  feveral  encounters  they  had  with 
his  Majefty's  forces,  they  fufFered  lofs  of  their  men, 
and  fo  were  enraged."  ib.  p.  126.  Sir  Henry  Tich- 
bourne,  who  had  the  chief  command  in  that  driving 
of  O'Neil  from  Dundalk,  performed  that  fervice,  and 
afterwards  purfued,  it  with  fuch  an  atiwzing  (laughter 
of  the  Irifh,  in  them  parts,  that  he  himfelf  boafb, 
that  fome  weeks  after,  "  there  was  neither  man  nor 
beaft  to  be  found,  in  fixteen  miles,  between  the  two 
towns  of  Drogheda  and  Dundalk  ;  nor  on  the  other 
fide  of  Dundalk,  in  the  county  of  Monaghan,  neater 
than  Carrickmacrofs,  a  flrong  pile  twelve  miles 
diftant."  ib.  It  is,  therefore,  not  ftrange,  tho'  ab~ 
folutely  inexcufable,  if  this  incenfed  leader,  or  rather 
his  favage  followers,  fhould  be  provoked  to  retaliate, 
in  fome  meafure,  fuch  cruelty  and  deftruction  on  the 
unhappy  Engliih,  whom  they  had  in  their  power. 
Sir  Phelim  himfelf,  in  his  laft  moments,  declared, 
"  that  the  feveral  outrages  committed  by  his  officers 
and  foldiers,  in  that  war,  contrary  to  his  intention, 
then  prefTed  his  confcience  very  much."  Dean  Ker's 
teftimony.  Nalfon'a  Hift.  Collect. 


(a)  Sir  Phelim  O'Neal's.  Thi*  a&rtfon  has  no 
other  foundation  but  the  depofitions  now  in  the  pof- 
feffion  of  the  univerflty  of  Dublin  ;  what  credit  is  due 
to  thefe,  we  ihall  juft  now  fee  ;  but  if  any  regard  at 
all  is  to  be  had  to  fuch  of  them,  as  have  been  care- 
fully felefted  from  the  reft,  and  publiflied  by  Temple 
and  Borlace,  in  their  hiftories  of  this  rebellion,  we 
fliall  find  fome  of  them  vouching,  that  Sir  Phelim 
O'Neal  did  not  order  the  cruelties  he  is  charged  with, 
till  many  weeks  after  January,  1641.  For  by  Cap- 
tain Parkin's  examination,  "  Sir  Phelim  began  his 
maflacres  after  his  flight  from  Dundalk."  Tempi.  Ir. 
Rebel,  p  85.  Now  his  flight  from  Dundalk  did  not 
happen  till  about  the  latter  end  of  March  following. 
Carte's  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  288.  Sir  Henry  Tichbourne's 
hiftory  of  the  fiege  of  Drogheda.  Mr.  Carte,  and  moft 
other  adverfe  writers  agree,  "  that  it  was  Sir  Phelim 
O'Neal  that  firft  began,  and  encouraged  thefe  imputed 
maffacres."  Cart.  ib.  fol.  176.  And  Temple  himfelf 
ovirns  it,  "  to  be  a  truth,  that  thofe  Britiih  whom  the 
rebels  fuffered  to  live  among  them,  and  fuch  as  they 
kept  in  prifon,  were  not  put  to  the  fword  by  the 


Ch.III.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  115 

AND  becaufe  it  is  allowed,  that  Mr.  Carte,  feems  to  favour  the  affertion, 

'  that  near  three  thoufand  innocent  Irifh  were  maflacred  in  Ifland-Magee,  in 

the  beginning  of  November,   1641,"  it  is  but  juft  to   produce  the  reafons, 

which  appear  to  have  inclined  him  to  that  way  of  thinking,  by  inferting  the 

paffage  at  large,  wherein  they  are  contained. 

"  ON  the  1 5th  of  November,"  fays  that  (9)  well-informed  writer,  "  the 
rebels,  after  a  fortnight's  fiege,  reduced  the  caftle  of  Lurgan;  Sir  William 
Bromlow,  after  a  ftout  defence,  furrendering  it  on  the  terms  of  marching  out 
with  his  family  and  goods;  but  fuch  was  the  unworthy  difpofition  of  the 
rebels,  that  they  kept  him,  his  lady,  and  children,  prifoners;  rifled  his  houfe, 
plundered,  ftripped,  and  killed  moil  of  his  fervants ;  and  treated  all  the 
townfmen  in  the  fame  manner.  This,"  adds  he,  "  was  the  firft  breach  of 
faith,'  which  the  rebels  were  guilty  of,  at  leaft  in  thefe  parts,  in  regard  of  ar- 
ticles of  capitulation $  for  when  Mr.  Conway,  on  November  the  5th,  furren- 
dered  his  caftle  of  Bally-aghie,  in  the  county  of  Derry,  to  them,  they  kept 
the  terms  for  which  he  ftipulated,  and  allowed  him  to  march  out  with  his 
men,  and  to  carry  away  trunks  with  plate  and  money  in  them.  Whether," 
proceeds  Mr.  Carte,  "  the  Slaughter  made  by  a  party  from  Carrickfergus,  in 
the  territory  of  Magee,  a  long  narrow  ifland,  in  which  it  is  affirmed,  that 
near  three  thoufand  harmlefs  Irifh,  men,  women,  and  children,  were  cruelly 
maiTacred,  happened  before  the  furrender  of  Lurgan,  is  hard  to  be  deter- 
mined ;  the  relations  published  of  fads,  in  thofe  times,  being  very  indiftind, 
and  uncertain,  with  regard  to  the  time  they  were  committed;  though 
it  is  confidently  afferted,  that  the  faid  maffacre  happened  in  this  month  of 
November." 

LET  us  now  try  thefe  different  accounts  by  the  only  fure  teft  of  dates,  and 
fads.  It  is  confeffed  on  all  hands,  that  the  chiefs  of  the  infurgents,  through 
fear  of  the  Scots  in  Ulfter  (10),  ("  who,"  as  the  Earl  ofClanrickard  informs  us, 
"  were  forty  thoufand  well  armed  men,  when  the  rebellion  commenced  •" 
at  the  fame  time,  that  the  rebels  were,  at  leaft,  by  half  lefs  numerous,  and 
furnifhed  with  few  better  arms  than (i  i),  "  ftaves,  fcythes,  and  pitchforks,") 
(12)  publiihed  a  proclamation,  "  forbidding  their  followers,  on  pain  of  death, 
to  moleft  any  of  the  Scottifh  nation,  in  body  or  goods."  Temple  acknow- 
ledges, that  this  proclamation  (13),  "  was  for  a  time  obferved ;"  and  from  Mr. 

Q,  2  Wallbank's 

(9)  ib.  (10)  Cart.  Orm,  vol.  in.  fol.  77  (n)  Tempi.  Irifli  Rebel,  p.  79.         (12)  Cart.  Orm. 

(13)  Hid  Irifh  Rebel. 


n6  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  V. 

Wallbank's  report,  already  mentioned,  to  the  Houfe  of  Commons,  of  the 
conftant  fuccefs  of  his  Majefty's  fubjects  againil  the  infurgents,  in  different 
parts  of  Ulfter,  from  the  23d  of  Odober,  to  the  ibth  of  November  following, 
we  may  reafonably  fuppofe,  that  it  was  at  leaf!  obferved  till  that  day  ;  for  it 
is  furely  in  the  higheft  degree  improbable,  that  thefe  chiefs  would,  at  any 
time  before,  have  wrantonly  provoked  the  refentment  of  fo  formidable  a  body 
of  men,  by  any  cruel  outrage,  or  hoftile  ad.  But  it  is  unqueilionably  evident, 
that  the  Scots  in  Ulfter  did  fome  remarkable  execution  on  the  Irifh,  feveral 
days  before  the  1 5th  of  November,  the  day  on  which  Lurgan  was  furrendered. 
For  Sir  William  Parfons,  in  a  letter  from  Dublin,  of  the  I3th  of  that  month, 
to  the  EarlofClanrickard,  acquaints  him,  as  with  a  welcome  piece  of  news  (14), 
"  that  the  Scots  did  hold  the  Northern  Iriih  hard  to  it,  having  killed  fome 
of  them."  And  (b)  Sir  William  St.  Leger,  grudging,  as  it  were,  the  Scots 
the  honour  of  that  action,  told  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  on  the  1 4th,  "  that,  had 
it  pleafed  God  that  his  Lordfhip  had  been  there  with  his  hundred  horfe,  and 
himfelf  to  wait  upon  him,  the  Scots  fhould  never  have  had  the  honour  to  put 
fuch  an  obligation  on  Ireland.'1 

FROM  hence,  I  think,  may  be  fairly  deduced  the  only  reafon,  why  the 
behaviour  of  the  infurgents  to  Sir  William  Bromlow,  on  the  i  5th,  of  Novem- 
ber was  fo  very  different  from  that,  which  they  had  before  fhewn  to  Mr. 
Conway,  on  the  5th  of  the  fame  month,  viz.  becaufe  the  maiTacre  in  queftion 
was  perpetrated  on  their  innocent  unoffending  people,  in  that  interval  of 
time  j  which,  no  doubt,  provoked  them  to  the  above-mentioned  breach  of 
articles  at  the  furrender  of  Lurgan,  and  to  feveral  other  ads  of  injuftice  and 
cruelty,  in  the  profecution  of  this  war. 

THE  dedudion  now  made  is  fo  agreeable  to  dates,  and  fads,  that  I  am  fur- 
prifed  to  find  this  firft  breach  of  articles  by  t&e  infurgents,  afcribed  to  any 
other  caufe ;  efpecially  to  one,  which  appears  manifeftly  repugnant  to  both. 
This  caufe,  we  are  informed,  was  the  repulfe,  defeat,  and  {laughter,  of  a  con- 
fiderable  body  of  the  rebels  at  the  liege  of  Lifburn,  by  a  Scottifh  garrifon 
ftationed  there ;  for  thus  the  before-cited  hiftory  relates  the  immediate  effeds, 
which  that  difafter  produced  in  thefe  rebels.  "  But  (15)  fuch  fuccefs  (of  the 
Scots)  was  attended  with  confequences  truly  horrible ;  the  Irifh,  incenfed  at 

refinance, 

(14  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  (15)  Lei.  Hift.  Irel.  vol.  iii. 

(1)  This  gentleman,  who  was   Lord  Prefident  of  executed  ;  and  that  be  ordered,  among  others,  a  wo- 

Munfter,  feems  to  have  been  very  well  qualified  for  man  great  with  child  to  be  ript  up,  from  whofe  womb 

acquiring  fuch  honour.     For  Lord  Upper  Oflbry,  in  three  babes  were  taken  out,  through  every  of  whofe 

a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond  about  this  time,  in-  bodies,  his  foldiers  thruft  their  weapons ;  which  aft, 

forms  him,  "  that  he  was  fo  cruel  and  mercilefs,  (fays  his  Lordfhip)  puts  many  into  a  fort  of  defpera- 

that  he  caufed  men,  and  women,  to  be  moft  execrably  tion."    Car;.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  51 . 


Ch.HI.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  117 

refinance,  carried  on  their  hoftilities  without  faith,  or  humanity,  Lurgan 
was  furrendered  by  Sir  William  Brpmlow,  on  terms  of  fecurity  to  the  inha- 
bitants, and  permiifion  of  marching  out  with  his  family,  goods,  .and  retinue ; 
but  all  was  inftantly  feized,  and  the  whole  town  given  up  to  plunder."  Thus 
have  we  a  caufe  plaufibly  affigned,  which  did  not  exift  until  many  days  after 
its  fuppofed  effect  was  produced.  For  the  defeat  and  flaughter  of  the  rebels 
at  Lifburn,  or,  as  it  was  then  called,  Lifnegarvy,  did  not  happen  according 
to  Borlace  till  the  (16)  28th  of  November ;  but  Lurgan,  as  we  have  feen,  was 
furrendered  to  them,  on  the  I5th  of  that  month,  thirteen  days  before. 

LET  us  now  fee,  upon  what  grounds  this  maffacre  in  Ifland-Magee  is  tranf- 
ferred,  from  November  1641,  to  the  beginning  of  January  following.  One 
would  exped  to  find  an  affertion  fo  fingular  fupported  by  fome  folid,  or  at 
leaft  plauiible  proof;  but,  inilead  of  meeting  with  any  fuch,  in  the  place  be-» 
fore  quoted  from  this  hiflory,  we  are  only  there  direded  to  look  out  for  it 
(where  certainly  it  never  can  be  found)  in  the  collection  of  original  manu- 
fcript  depofitions,  now  in  the  poffeflion  of  the  univerfity  of  Dublin.  But  we 
{hall  prefently  demonflrate  the  infufficiency,  not  to  fay  futility,  of  proofs 
drawn  from  (c)  thefe  depofitions.  And,  in  truth,  if  they  were  to  be  admit- 
ted as  proofs,  or  evidence  in  any  degree,  there  is  hardly  any  thing  fo  incre- 
dible, or  abfurd,  that  might  not,  with  equal  reafon,  be  obtruded  upon  us, 
for  genuine  hiftory.  "  Every  fuggeftion  of  phrenfy  and  melancholy  j  mira- 
culous efcapes  from  death,  vifions  of  fpirits  chaunting  hymns ;  ghofts  rifing 
from  rivers,  brandifhing  fwords,  and  fhrieking  revenge,"  would  have  a  juft 
and  rational  title  to  our  belief,  having  all  of  them  received  the  fanction  of 
tliefe  vouchers. 

(16)  Hiftory  of  the  Iriih  Rebellion,  £01.5.7. 

(c)  "  Any  one,"  fays  Mr.  Carte,  "  who  has  ever      tradi£ting  oneanother,  would  think  it  very  hard  upon 
read  the  examinations  and  depofitions  here  referred  to,      the  Irifb,  to  have  all   thofe  without  diftin&ion, 
which  were  generally  given  upon  heatfay,  and  con-     admitted  as  evidence,"    Orrn.  vol.  ii.  fol.  263. 


CHAP. 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  V. 

CHAP.          IV. 

original  Depojitions,   now  in  the  Poffejfion  of  the   Univerfoy  of  Dublin^ 

confidered. 

I  SHALL  now  briefly  confider  the  nature  of  that  evidence,  which  has 
hitherto  induced  fo  many  people,  learned  and  unlearned,  to  give,  or 
at  leaft,  feem  to  give  credit  to  thofe  horrible  relations  of  murders,  and 
maffacres,  which  have  been  imputed  to  thefe  infurgents.  Evidence,  that, 
in  itfelf,  is  fo  manifeftly  futile,  contradictory,  or  falfe,  that,  I  am  perfuaded, 
every  perfon  of  common  fenfe  would  be  afhamed  to  produce  the  like,  upon 
any  ordinary  occasion. 

THE  evidence  I  mean,  is  that  huge  collection  of  manufcript  depofitions 
(confifting  of  thirty-two  folio  volumes)  which  are  faid  to  have  been  fworn,  on 
the  fubject  of  the  outrages  and  depredations  committed  by  the  infurgents,  in 
this  war,  and  are  now  in  the  poffeffion  of  the  Univerfity  of  Dublin.  From  this 
enormous  heap  of  malignity  and  nonfenfe,  Temple  and  Borlace  have  felected 
fuch  examinations,  as  appeared  to  them  the  leaft  exceptionable,  and  confe- 
quently,  the  moft  likely  to  obtain  credit  to  their  horrible  narrations.  To 
thefe,  therefore,  I  fhall  refer  the  reader,  as  a  felect  fpecimen  of  the  reft  ;  after 
I  have  fubmitted  to  his  confi deration,  what  Doctor  Warner,  (who,  it  feems, 
underwent  the  drudgery  of  perufing  and  examining  this  whole  collection,)  has 
left  us,  as  his  opinion  of  it.  "  Befides  the  examinations  (i),"  fays  he,  "  figned 
by  the  commiflioners,  there  are  feveral  copies  of  others,  faid  to  be  taken  be- 
fore them,  which  are  therefore  of  no  authority  j  and  there  are  many  depofi- 
tions, taken  ten  years  after,  which  are  ftill  lefs  authentic.  As  a  great  ftrefs," 
adds  the  Doctor,  "  has  been  laid  upon  this  collection  in  print,  and  converfa- 
tion,  among  the  Proteftants  of  Ireland ;  and  as  the  whole  evidence  of  the 
maffacre  turns  upon  it,  I  fpent  a  great  deal  of  time,  in  examining  thefe 
books ;  and  I  am  forry  to  fay,  that  they  have  been  made  the  foundation 
of  much  more  clamour,  and  refentment,  than  can  be  warranted  by  truth 
and  reafon." 

"  THERE  is  one  circumftance  in  thefe  books,  not  taken  notice  of  by  any 
before  me,  which  is,  that  though  all  the  examinations,  figned  by  the  com- 
milfioners,  are  faid  to  be  upon  oath,  yet  in  infinitely  the  greateft  number  of 

them, 

(i)  Hift  of  the  IrHh  Rebel. 


Ch.V.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  u9 

them,  the  words  being  duly  fworn,  have  the  pen  drawn  through  them,  with 
the  fame  ink,  with  which  the  examinations  are  written ;  and  in  fcveral  of 
thofe  wrhere  fuch  words  remain,  many  parts  of  the  examinations  are  eroded 
out.  This  is  a  circumflance,  which  fhews  that  the  bulk  of  this  immenfe 
collection  is  Parole-evidence  ;  and  what  fort  of  evidence  that  is,  may  be  eaiily. 
Jearned  by  thofe,  who  are  converfant  with  the  common  people  of  any  coun- 
try, efpecially  when  their  imaginations  are  terrified,  and  their  paffions  heated 
by  fufferings.  Of  what  credit  are  depofitions  worthy,"  adds  he, "  (and  feveral  fuch 
there  are,)  that  many  of  the  proteftants,  that  were  drowned,  were  often  feen  iix. 
creel  poftures  in  the  river,  and  (hrieking  out  revenge  (a/*"' 


H      A.     P. 


The  original  Examinations  further  confidered\. 

T  the  fame  time,  that  Do6tor  Warner  rejects  the  depofitions  now  in  the 
potfeifion  of  the  univerfity  of  Dublin,  he  informs  us(i),  "  that  he  has, 
in  his  own  poifeflion,  a  choice  and  duly  attefted  copy  of  fuch  of  thefe  exami- 
nations only,  as  were  taken  on  oath ;  which,"  fays  he,  "  demonftrates  the 
falfehood  of  the  relation,  in  every  Proteftant  hiftory  of  this  rebellion."  Had 
the  Doclor  favoured  the  world  with  a  publication  of  thefe  choice  examina- 
tions, or  even  with  an  ablfoad  of  them,  we  fhould  then  be,  in  fome  mea- 
fure,  able  to  judge  of  their  authenticity ;  whereas  at  prefent,  we  have  only 
his  bare  word  for  it.  However,  from  an  anecdote,  which  he  himfelf  has  related, 
concerning  the  firft  real  and  original  examinations,  we  may  fairly  conclude^ 
that  his  favourite  copy  of  them,  however  well  attefted,  deferves  not  a  jot  more 
credit,  than  thofe,  which  he  has  already  fo  juftly  condemned.  That  anecdote 
imports  (2),  u  that,  foon  after  the  restoration,,  when  the,  claims,  in  favour  of 

innocents, 

(i)  Hill,  of  the  Irifh  Rebel.  (2)  ib.  fee  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii. 

(a)  Dodlor  Maxwell,  afterwards    Bifliop    of  Kill-  fwords ;    fometimes   Cnging  pfalms  ;    and,  at   other 

more,  the  moft  feeniingly  credible  of  thefe  deponents ;  times,  (hrieking  in  a  mow  fearful  and  hideous  manner." 

and,  "  who,"  fays   Borlace,  "  was  a  perfon>  whofe  He  adds,  "  that  he  never  heard  any  man  to  much  ar 

integrity  and  candour    none   ever  dared  to  queftion,"  doubt  the  truth  thereof;  but  that  he  obliged  no  man's 

has  given  a  kind  of  fan&ion  to  thefe  fictions,  having  faith  in,  regard  he.  faw  them  not   with  his  own  eyes  ; 

defcribed,  in  his  own  prolix  examination,  the  different  otherwife  he  had  as  much  certainty  as  could  morally 

poflures  and  geftures  of  thefe  apparitions  j  "  as  fome-  be  required  of  fuch  matters."     Borlace's  Hift.  of  the 

times  having  been  feen,  by  day  and   night,  walking  Irifh  Rebellion,  Append,  fol.  392. 
?>pon  the  liver ;    fometimes  brandifhing  their  naked 


' 


120  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.V. 

innocents,  were  can  vailed,  and  the  (a)  Houfe  of  Commons  defired,  that  none 
of  thofe,  whofe  names  could  be  found  in  the  depofitions,  might  be  heard,  re- 
lating to  fuch  claims  of  innocency,  the  Duke  of  Ormorid,  though  no  friend 
to  the  Irifh,  for  good  reafons,  (b)  rejected  the  propofal.  The  Duke,"  adds  he, 
probably  knew  too  much  of  thefe  examinations,  and  of  the  methods  ufed  in 
procuring  them,  to  give  them  fuch  a  damp  of  authority ;  or  otherwife,  it 
would  have  been  the  cleared  and  fhorteft  proof  of  the  guilt,  of  fuch,  as  were 
named  in  them." 

UPON  this  occafion^  I  fubmit  it  to  the  confi  deration  of  every  candid  and 
intelligent  reader,  whether  depofitions  found  infufficient  to  convict  the  per- 
fons,  or  confifcate  the  properties  of  the  Irifh,  then  living,  ought  to  be  now 
deemed  proper,  and  competent  evidence,  to  impeach  the  characters,  or  prin- 
ciples of  their  innocent  defcendents,  at  that  time  unborn  ?  or,  whether  any 
perfon  now  exifling,  can  be  thought  to  be  fo  well  qualified,  either  by  the  want 
of  partiality  to  the  Irifh,  or  by  the  knowledge  of  their  cafe,  to  judge  of  the 
weight  or  futility  of  that  evidence,  as- the  Duke  of  Orrnond  was  at  that  junc- 
ture ?  and,  confcious  of  this  material  defect  in  the  original  examinations,  with 
what  probability  of  fuccefs,  could  Doctor  Warner  rely  on  his  own  copy  of 
them,  how  well  foever  attefted,  as  capable  of  afcertaining  the  facts,  which 
he  has  too  confidently  related  out  of  it  (c)  ? 


(a)  The  whole  Houfe,  with  their  Speaker,  waited 
on  his  Grace  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  with  an  addrefs 
Jo    that   purpofe  ;    in  which   they   propofcd,    among 
other  things,  "  that  all  examinations  and  depofitions, 
\vhatfoever,  taken  for   difcovery   of  the   rebellion,  or 
proceedings  of  the  rebels  and  their  adherents,  as  well 

(b)  The  Commons  became  fo  refractory  on  this  re- 
fiifal,  that  Lord  Arlington  in  a  letter  to  his  Grace*  in 
1663,  mentionfng,  •*  the  diftempers   info  which  the 
Houfe  had  fallen  on  'hat  occafion,  and  the  extrava- 
gant demands  they  had  made  to  his  Grace,"  tells  him, 
"  that  he  was  commanded  by  his  Majetty,  to  let  his 
Grace  know,  that  his  Majefty  expreited   fuch  an  en- 
tire diflike  and  diflatisfadion  on  that  account,  that  he 
was   perfuaded,  nothing    but   their  difavowiug  what 
they  had  done,   and  ihe  reftoring  themfelves  to  that 
duty  and  moderation,  which  became  them,  (and  them 
efpecially,  adds  his  Lordfliip,  after  fo  many  acts  of 

(e)  Warner  himfelf,  confrff-s,  "  that  fo  many  of 
the  rebels  fa  ings  to  their  I'roteilanr,  and  Englifh 
prifoneig,  wh  ch  -re  record  d,  even  in  the  choice 
snanufcnpt  Cjlle$io»  of  depofitions  in  his  cuftody, 


during  his  lafe  Majefty's  reign,  as  in  time  of  the 
ufurped  authority;  and  that  all  books,  roils,  and 
writings,  remaining  in  any  offices,  &c.  fliould  be 
taken  for  good  evidence,  in  behalf  of  his  Majefty,  to 
bar  fuch  perfon  or  perfons  of  their  innocency."  Journ. 
of  the  IrifrtCom.  vol.  ii.  fol.  260. 

grace,  and  indulgence,  on  his  Majefty's  parr  towards 
them,),  would  keep  them  tolerable  in  his  opinion  ;  and 
hop«d  the  infecuriry  of  their  condition  theie,  and  the 
fupport  his  Majefty  might  probably  have  from  his 
Englifh  parliament,  then  fiiting,  in  any  thing  that 
tended  to  their  difcoumenance,  would  oblige  them  to 
retract  what  they  had  done."  State  Let.  p.  281-2. 
This  Houfe  of  Commons  confifted  almoft  entirely  of 
Anabaptirts,  independents,  and  levellers,  partizans  of 
the  late  ufurpers.  Cart.  Orm.  Some  of  them,  after- 
wards, formed  a  dangerous  confpiracy,  on  account  of 
this  refufal.  See  Cart.  ib. 

are  fo  ridiculaus,  incredible,  or  contradictory  to  one- 
another,  as  fhew  plainly,  that  they  fpoke  what  their 
own,  or  different  paflions  of  their  leaders  prompted 
them  to."  ib. 


Ch.VI.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  121 


CHAP.          VI. 

Concerning  the  Number  of  Murders. 

DOCTOR  Warner,  after  having  eftablifhed,  as  he  thought,  the  authen- 
ticity of  his  felect  copy  of  depofitions  ( i ),  "  endeavours  to  afcertain 
from  it,  as  near  as  may  be,  the  number  of  Britifh,  and  Proteftants,  that  were 
deftroyed  out  of  war,  by  the  Irifh  in  this  rebellion."  And  although  he  owns 
it  "  to  be  impoHible,  even  from  that  authentic  evidence  of  the  murders,  to 
come  to  any  certainty,  or  exaclnefs  as^  to  their  numbers,  from  the  uncertain- 
ty itfelf  of  fome  of  the  accounts  that  are  given  in  j  yet,"  he  fays,  "  it  is  eafy 
enough,  from  thence,  to  demonftrate  the  falfehood  of  the  relation  of  every  Pro- 
teftant  hiftorian."  Upon  the  whole,  he  allures  us,  "  that,  fetting  afide  all 
opinions  and  calculations  in  this  affair,  the  evidence  from  the  manufcript  in 
his  pofTeffion,  ftands  thus  (a). 

"  THE  number  of  people  killed  upon  positive  evidence,  collected  in  two 
years  after  the  infurredion  broke  out,  amounts  only  to  two  thoufand  one 
hundred  and  nine :  on  the  report  of  other  Proteftants,  one  thoufand  fix  hun^ 
dred  and  nineteen  more ;  and  on  the  report  of  fome  of  the  rebels  themfelves, 
a  further  number  of  three  hundred  \  the  whole,  both  by  pofitive  evidence, 
and  by  report  making  four  thoufand  and  twenty-eight. 

"  BESIDES  thefe  murders,"  adds  he,  "  there  is  in  the  fame  collection,  evi- 
dence on  the  report  of  others,  of  eight  thoufand  killed  by  ill  ufage  j  and  if  we 

R  fhould 

:(0  ib. 

(a)   Many  of    the    feleft    original   examinations,  le&ion  of  thefe  examinations,  being  produced,  the  fame 

whichT-emple  and  Borlace   have  inferred  in  their  hif-  was  fo  falfified  in  raoft  particulars  thereof,  as  well  by 

tories  of  this  rebellion,  have  only  the  marks,  not  the  the  witneffes  pretended   to  be  fworn,  as  alfo  by  fome 

names,  of  the  deponents  ftt  to  them  ;  many  of  thefe  of   the   perfons   then,  and    now   (1662)    living,  who 

deponents  were  weak  women,  and  illiterate  men,  not  were  in  the  faid  book  fworn  to  be   murdered,  that  the 

capable  of  reading  their  own  depofirions,  and  there-  fame  was,  for  iliame,  laid  afide  as  no  evidence  ;  and 

fore  apt  to  be   impofed  upon,  and   deceived  by  thofe  feveral  other  perfons,  who    have   taken    examinations 

who  read  them  to  them.'    A  great   number  of  them  touching  murders,  have,  many   times  fince,  acknow- 

fwore  on  meer  hearfay  ;  and  fome  of  thofe  afterwards,  ledged  the  falfity  of  the  matters  publiflied  by  them,  as 

touched  by  remorfe,  folemnly  declared  the  contrary  of  being  had  by  the  wrong   information  of  others,  who 

what  they  had  fworn;  and  they  were  all,  at  the  time  in  the  hurry   of  thefe  times,  and    their  own  frights, 

of  fwearing  thefe  depofitions,  either  interefted,  or  in-  were  fo  tranfported,  that   they  fwore  all  their  neigh- 

cenfed  enemies  to   thofe,  againft  whom    they  fwore.  bours,  whom  they  left  behind  them,  were   murdered, 

Hence  we  are  told,  that,  *'  at  the  trial  of  qualifica-  when  all,  or  rnoft  of  them,  were   afterwards  found  to 

lions  st    Athlone,  (a  court  held  by  the  regicides,)  be  living."    Collect,  of  Maflac.  and  Murd.  of  the  Iriih, 

''     tlie  book,  called  the  Black  Book,  being  a  col-  Pref. 


122  HISTORICAL    REV  IB  W    o?    THE  Bk    V. 

Ihould  allow  that  the  cruelties  of  the  Irifh,  out  of  war,  extended  to  thefc 
numbers,  which  confidering  the  nature  of  the  feveral  depofitions,  I  think 
in  my  confcience  we  cannot  •,  yet  to  be  impartial,  we  muft  allow, 
that  there  is  no  pretence  for  laying  a  greater  number  to  their  charge." 

cc  THIS  account,"  continues  the  Dodor  (2),  "  is  corroborated  by  a  letter, 
which  I  copied  out  of  the  council-books  at  Publm,  written  on  the  5th  of  May, 
1652,  ten  years  after  the  beginning  of  the  rebellion,  from  the  parliament- 
commiffioners  in  Ireland,  to  the  Englifh  parliament.  After  exciting,"  fays  he, 
,"  the  parliament  to  further  feverity  againil  the  Iriih,  as  being  afraid  their  be- 
haviour towards  that  people,  might  never  fufficiently  avenge  their  murders 
.arid  maffacres ;  and  left  the  parliament  might  (hortly  be  in  purfuance  of  a 
fpeedy  fettlement  of  that  kingdom,  and  thereby  fome  tender  concelfions  might 
be  concluded,"  thefe  commiffioners  tell  them,  "  that  it  then  appeared,  that 
befides  eight  hundred  and  forty-eight  families,  there  were  killed,  hanged,  and 
burnt,  fix  thoufand  and  fixty-two." 

AFTER  feeing  this,  in  comparifon,  exceedingly  moderate  charge,  made  even 
by  the  prejudiced  Commiilioners  of  the  Rebel-Englifh  parliament,  what  are 
we  to  think  of  the  accounts  of  thofe  maffacres  and  murders,  which  have  been 
left  us  by  our  moft  feemingly  impartial,  and  approved  adverfe  writers  on  this 
fubjecT:  ?  What,  I  fay,  of  Sir  William  Petty's  cool  calculation,  that  upwards  of 
thirty  thoufand  Britifh  were  killed,  out  of  war,  in  the  firft  year  of  this  infur- 
reclion  ?  Or,  of  Lord  Clarendon's  pathetic  lamentation,  that  in  the  firft  two 
or  three  days  of  it,  forty  or  fifty  thoufand  of  them  were  deftroyed  ?  Or,  of  Sir 
John  Temple's  horrible  affirmation,  "  that  one  hundred  and  fifty  thoufand 
Proteftants  were  maffacred  in  cold  blood,  in  the  two  firft  months  of  the 
rebellion  ?" 

THERE  is  no  queftion,  but  that  the  defire  of  revenge,  and  the  fear  of  ten- 
der conceffions  upon  a  fettlement,  caufed  thefe  commiffioners  to  heighten,  and 
aggravate  as  much  as  poffible,  this  charge  againft  the  infurgents ;  and  yet 
we  fee,  that  even  their  account  of  thefe  cruelties  during  the  whole  time  of 
this  ten  years  war,  falls  infinitely  fhort  of  that,  which  has  been  given  us,  I  will 
not  fay  by  Temple,  or  Petty,  but  by  Clarendon  himfelf,  during  the  firft  two 
or  three  days  of  it  only.  What  fhame  for  the  noble  hiftorian,  thus  to  have 
exceeded  the  very  regicides,  in  calumny  and  mifreprefentation ! 

(2)    ib, 

CHAP. 


Ch.  VJI.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  123 


HAP.          VII. 


The  Humanity  of  the  Chiefs  of  the  Infurgents. 

MR.  Hume,  ftrangely  mifled  by  Temple's  flupid  legend,  (for  I  will  not 
fufpect  him  of  confcious  mifreprefentation,)  aflerts  in  a  flyle  better 
fuited  to  romance  than  hiftory,  that,  "  an  universal  maiTacre  of  the  Englifh 
commenced  with  this  infurredion  ( i ) ;  that  no  age,  nofex,  no  condition,  was 
fpared ;  that  deftruction  was  every  where  let  loofe,  and  met  the  hunted  vic- 
tims, at  every  turn  j  that  all  connections  were  diffolved,  and  that  death  was 
dealt  by  that  hand,  from  which  protection  was  implored,  and  expected."  In 
ihort,  "  that,  without  provocation,  without  (a)  oppofition,  the  aftonifhed 
Englifh  were  mafTacred  by  their  neareft  neighbours,  with  whom  they  had 
long  upheld  a  continued  intercourfe  of  kindnefs,  and  good  offices."  Not 
content  with  imputing  thefe,  and  many  other,  if  poflible,  greater  barba- 
rities, to  the  firft  infurgents,  he  confidently  affirms,  on  the  fame  exploded 
authority,  "  that  the  Englifh  Catholics  of  the  pale,  joining  thefe  old  Irifh,  ri- 
valled them  in  every  act  of  cruelty,  towards  the  Englifh  Proteftants."  Thus,  the 
groffeft,  and  moft  palpable  fictions,  which,  when  flupidly  retailed  by  a  noted  and 
malicious  libeller,  have  little  or  no  chance  to  be  believed  by  any,  may  yet  be  af- 
terwards drefTed  out  by  a  more  artful  writer,  in  fuch  plaufible  colours,  and 
with  fuch  femblance  of  truth,  as  will  render  them  credible  and  affecting,  even 
to  fome  readers,  of  a  moderate  fhare  of  underflanding.  What  pity  it  is,  that 

R  2  in 

(i)  Hift.  of  England,  Dub.  ed.  vol.  iv. 

(a)  This  demonftrates  a  ftrange  unacquaintednefs  lieved  5467  Scotch  and  Englifli   ProrefVnts."     Bor- 

5n  this  writer,  even    with  thofe  hiftorians,    fome   of  lace  adds,  "  after  this  rate  the  Englifh  in  all  par's 

whofe  prejudices  he  has  all  along  adopted  in  this  part  fought."     Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Rebel,  fol.  1 12.     Colonel 

of  his  hiftory.     For  to   omit  other   infta  rices,  Borlace  Gibfon  having  taken  the  ftrong  caltle  of  Caric-main, 

has  given  us  a  journal  of  Sir  William  Cole's  fervices  belonging  to  the  Walflies,  near  Dublin,  in  which  fe- 

againft  the  infurgents,  wherein  it  is  boaftingly  afferted,  veral  hundreds  of  the  Irifh  had   taken  refuge,  "  put 

*'  that,  from   the  23d  of  October,    1641,    to   fome  them  all  to  the   fword,  fparing  neither  man,  woman, 

time  in  1642,  the  fa  id  Sir  William  killed  with  his  re-  nor  child."     Id.  ib.  fol.  97.     Numbers  of  fuch  in- 

gimenr  of  500  foot,  and  one   troop  of  horfe,  2417  ftances  of  barbarous,  and  indifciminate  oppofition  and 

fwordfmen  of  the  rebels ;  and  ftarved  and  famiilied,  revenge,  are  to  be  met  with  in  all  the  adverfe  writers 

of  the  vulgar  fort,  (whofe  goods  were  feized  on  by  on  this  fubjeft. 
the  regiment,)  7000.    And  that  he  refcued  and  re- 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW   OF    THE  Bk.V. 

in  all  this  hiftorianY  fine  declamation  on  this  tragical  event,  there  is  fo  very- 
little  of  its  true  hiftory  to  be  found  (b). 

IN  truth,  the  Irifh  engaged  in  this  war,  did  not  fuffer  more  in  their  per- 
fons,  by  the  fwords  of  their  enemies,  while  it  was  carrying  on,  than  they  have 
fince  done,  in  their  characters,  by  the  pens  of  fome  of  thofe  hiftorians,  who 
have  either  carelefsly  or  marrcionily  commented  upon  it.  The  beft,  the  nobleft, 
and  moft  loyal  men  in  the  kingdom,  who,  after  having  patiently  endured 
ryumberlefs  galling  injuries  and  oppreilions,  were,  at  laft,  driven  to  the  fatal 
neecffity  of  taking  arms  in  their  defence,  are  confounded  by  thefe  libellers, 
with  the  meaneft  of  the  Irifh  rabble,  who  followed  them  me'erly  for  plunder. 
Bui  I  will  now,  from  a  motive  of  meer  juftice,  produce  a  few  fignal  inftances, 
oaf  of  many,  of  the  humane  and  chriftian  behaviour  of  fome  of  the  chiefs  of 
thefe  infurgents,  towards  fuch  of  thofe  Englifh  and  Proteftants,  as  happened  to 
fall  under  their  power.  And  this  I  fhall  do,  not  from  writers  of  their  own 
pasty,,  or  perfualion,  but  from  fuch  adverfe  hiftoriansT  as  have  otherwife  too 
haftily  condemned  all  their  conftrained  efforts  of  natural  felf-defence,  as  fo 

many  overt  acts  of  treafon,  and  rebellion. 

. 

"  THE  (2)  firft  thing  that  the  new  general  of  the  Irifh,  Owen  O'Neal,  did, 
was  to  exprefs  his  abhorrence  of  cruelties  that  had  been  committed  on  the  Eng- 
lifh.  He  told  Sir  Phelim  O'Neal,  that  he  deferved  himfelf  to  be  treated  in  the 
fame  manner.  In  deteftation  of  their  actions,  he  burnt  fome  of  the  murderers 
houfes ;  and  faid,  with  a  warmth  unufual  to  him,  that  he  would  join  the 
Englifh,  rather  than  not  burn  the  reft." 

"  BY 

(2)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i. 

(c)  In  the  year  1764,  a  copy  of  the  hiftorical  me-  for  its  obj eft.     The  violence  alfo,  of  the  puritanical 

moirsofthe  Irifh  rebellion,  wherein  all  thefe  calum-  parliament,  ftruck  a  juft  terror  into  all  the  Catholics, 

nies  are  clearly  refuted  by  unqueftionable  authority,  But  the  method   of  conducting   the  rebellion,  if  we 

was  fent  to  Mr.  Hume,  when  Secretary  of  the  embafly  muft  call  it  by  that  name,  was  certainly  fuch  (and  you 

at  Paris,  under  Lord  Hertford,  in  hopes  of  inducing  feem  to  own  it)  as  deferved  the  higheft  blame,  and 

him  to  correct  thefe  flagrant,  and  injurious  miftakes,  was  one  of  the  moft   violent  efforts  of  barbarifm  and 

in  a  fubfequent  edition  of  his  hiftory.    But  the  expect-  bigotry  united."     The  authorities  fent  to  him  in  the 

ed  effect  has  not  fince  appeared.     He,  indeed,  return-  memoirs  above-mentioned,  demonftrating  his  miftakes, 

ed  a  polite   but  evafive  anfwer,  on  that   occafion,  in  are  by  both  parries  confeffed  to  be  undeniable.     And 

which  he  fays,  "  I  am  here  at  fuch  a  diftance  from  indeed,  it  appears  from  the  fofter  flyle  of  this  letter, 

my  authorities,  that   I  cannot  produce  all   the  argu-  that  fince  the  writing  of  his   hiftory,  he  has  abated 

ments  which  determined  me  to  give  the  account  you  fomewhat  of  his  declamatory  virulence  with  refpect  to 

complain  of,  with  regard  to  the  Irifh  mafTacre.     I  on-  thofe  infurgents,  probably  from  the   perufal  of  thefe 

]y  remember  I  fought  truth,  and  thought  I  found  it.  authorities. 
The  infurre&ion  might  be  excu/ed,  as  having  liberty 


Ch.VII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  ia$ 

"  BY  (3)  the  humanity  of  Mr.  Philip  O'Reilly,  one  of  the  moft  considerable 
chiefs  of  the  rebels,  fcarce  any  murders  were  committed  in  the  county  of 
Cavan ;  fuch  of  the  Proteftants  as  put  themfelves  under  his  protection,  were 
fafely  conveyed  into  the  Englifh  quarters  j  and  thofe  that  were  ftript  and  in 
neceillty,  he  fed  and  cloathed,  till  they  were  fent  away.  Among  thefe,  was 
Doctor  Henry  Jones,  a  nephew  of  Primate  Ufher,  and  Dean  of  Kilmore,  who, 
though  he  turned  afterwards  a  noted  partisan  of  Cromwell's,  was  promoted 
to  the  See  of  Clogher,  and  thence,  after  the  reftoration,  to  the  See  of 
Meath." 

"  DOCTOR  (4)  Maxwell,  afterwards  Bifhop  of  Kilmore,  depofeth,  that 
Miftrefs  Catherine  Hovenden  widow,  and  mother  to  Sir  Phelim  O'Neal,  pre- 
ferved  four  and  twenty  Englifh  and  Scotch,  in  her  own  houfe  ;  and  fed  them 
there  for  feven  and  thirty  weeks,  out  of  her  own  ftore  ;  and  that,  when  her 
children  took  her  awayy  upon  the  approach  of  an  army,  fhe  left  both  them, 
and  the  deponent,  at  their  liberty.  That  Captain  Alexander  Hovenden,  her 
fon,  conducted  five  and  thirty  Englifh  out  of  Armagh  to  Drogheda,  whereof 
fome  were  of  good  quality  ;  when  it  was  thought,  he  had  fecret  directions  to 
murder  them.  Twenty  more  he  fent  fafe  to  Newry,  and  he  would  truft  no 
other  convoy  but  himfelf." 

"  THERE  (5)  are  many  honourable  teftimonies,"  lays  Warner,  "  of  the 
care  and  prefervation  of  the  Englifh,  by  Lord  Mufkerry  and  his  Lady,  not 
only  in  faving  their  lives  from  the  enemy,  but  alfo,  in  relieving  them  in  great 
numbers,  from  cold  and  hunger,  after  they  had  been  ftripped  and  driven 
from  their  habitations.  Indeed,"  adds  he,  "  all  the  gentlemen  in  that  part  of 
the  kingdom,  (Munfter)  were  exceedingly  careful  to  prevent  bloodied,  and 
to  hinder  the  Englifh  from  being  pillaged  and  ftript,  though  it  was*  mtfny 
times  impoflible. 

"  IN  (6)  the  above-mentioned  province  of  Munfter,"  fays  Mr.  Carte,  "  Lord 
Mountgarret,  by  proclamation,  ftrictly  enjoined  all  his  followers  not  to  hurt 
any  of  the  Englifh  inhabitants,  either  in  body  or  goods  ;  and  he  fucceeded  Ib 
far  in  his  defign,  for  their  prefervation,  that  there  was  not  the  leaft  act  of 
bloodfhed  committed.  But  it  was  not  poffible  for  him  to  prevent  the  vulgar 
fort,  who  flocked  after  him  for  booty,  from  plundering  both  Englifh  and 
Irifh,  Papift  and  Proteftant,  without  diftinction.  He  ufed  his  authority,  but 

in 

Id.  ib.  (4)  Id.  ib.  Borl.  Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Reb.  App.  (5)  Hift.  of  the  Iriih  Rebel 

Ubi  fupra. 


126  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.V. 

in  vain,  to  put  a  flop  to  this  violence ;  till  feeing  one  of  the  rank  of  a  gentle- 
man, Mr.  Richard  Cantwell  (defcended  from  Mr.  Richard  Cantwell  of  Painf- 
town,  a  man  much  efteemed  in  his  country)  tranfgrefling  his  orders,  and 
plundering  in  his  prefence,  he  {hot  him  dead  with  his  piilol." 

"  AT  (7)  the  fame  time  the  faid  Lord  Mountgarret's  eldeft  fon,  Colonel 
Edmund  Butler,  taking  pofTeffion  of  Waterford,  none  of  the  inhabitants,  of 
whatever  country,  or  religion,  was  either  killed  or  pillaged;  and  fuch  of  the' 
Britifh  Proteflants,  as  had  a  mind  to  leave  the  place,  were  allowed  to  carry 
off  their  goods,  wherever  they  pleafed." 

"  CALL  AN  (8)  and  Gowran  were  feized  at  the  fame  time,  by  perfons 
thereunto  defigned  by  Lord  Mountgarret,  without  any  bloodfhed ;  fome 
plunder,  however,  was  there  committed,  though  with  lefs  violence  for  fear 
of  complaints,  it  being  confined  to  cattle  of  Engliih  breed,  which  were  fto- 
len  as  well  from  the  Irifh,  who  had  any  of  that  breed,  as  from  the 
Englifh." 

"  THE  (9)  towns  of  Clonmell  and  Carrickmagriffit,  inTipperary,  and  Dun- 
garvan,  were  feverally  furprized  by  Mr.  Richard  Butler  of  Kilcafh,  fecond 
brother  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond ;  and  he  had  fuch  an  in'fluence  over 
his  followers,  that  he  kept  them  not  only  from  murder,  but  even  from  plun- 
der ;  his  great  care  and  noble  difpofition,  being  acknowledged  even  by  his 
^enemies." 

JAMES  (10)  Lord  Dunboyne,  hearing  of  the  furprifeof  Feathard,  by  Theo- 
bald Butler,  and  being  chief  commander  of  the  barony  of  Middle-thyrde,  by 
fpecial  grants,  made  to  fome  of  his  anceflors,  for  fervice  performed  to  the 
crown  of  England,  repaired  thither  the  next  day,  and  took  on  him  the  com- 
mand of  the  town,  difperfing  the  rabble,  and  placing  in  it  a  garrifon,  which 
he  formed  of  the  moft  fubftantial  inhabitants  of  the  place,  and  neighbour- 
hood. He  immediately  fet  the  Englifh  at  liberty,  reflored  them  their  goods, 
and  fent  them  away  in  fafety  to  Youghall,  and  other  places,  which  they  chofe 
for  their  retreat.  Two  of  thefe  were  clergymen,  of  whom  Mr.  Hamilton  was, 
at  his  requeft,  fent  with  his  family  to  the  Countefs  of  Ormond  (d)" 

MR. 

(7)Id.ib.  (S)  Id.  ib.  (9)  Id.  ib.  (10)  Id.  ib. 

(4)  How  different  was  the  conduft  of  the  pretend-  numberlefs  inftances  of  their  unparalleled  cruelty,  I 
e3  leaders  of  the  Royal  party,  from  that  of  the  above-  ftiall  only  mention  two  or  three  in  Munfter,  from 
mentioned  Chiefs  of  the  Irifli,  when  they  got  poflef-  their  panegyrift,  Borlace.  "  Sir  Frederic  Hamilton," 
i?en  of  any  place  {>elonging  to  the  latter.  Among  fays  he,  *'  entering  Sligo,  about  the  firft  of  July, 

1642, 


Ch.VII.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  727 

MR.  (i  i )  Lowe,  Vicar  of  Cloyne,  having  been  barbaroufly  murdered  at 
Feathard,  by  one  James  M'Hugh,  and  fome  accomplices,  Lord  Ikerin,  upon 
information  given  againft  him,  committed  him  to  prifon,  whence  M'Hugh 
making  an  efcape,  fled  the  country  for  fome  time;  but  returning,  was 
feized  again,  confeffed  the  fact,  and  was  hanged  for  it,  with  two  of  his 
accomplices." 

"  SIR  (12)  Richard  Everet,  Bart,  in  the  beginning  of  the  rebellion,  fent 
the  richeft  of  the  Englifh  planters  in  his  country,  with  their  ftock  and  goods* 
into  the  Englifh  quarters.  The  poorer  Englifh,  confifling  of  eighty-eight  per- 
fonsv  he  kept  and  maintained,  at  his  own  charge,  till  the  middle  of  June,  1 642  ; 
then  conveyed  them  to  Mitchels-town,  and  when  that  place  was  afterwards 
taken  by  the  Irifh,  he  fent  for  fome  of  thofe  families  that  were  very  poor, 
and  maintained  them  for  a  long  time.  As  foon  as  the  ceffation  was  .made, 
fome  of  the  poor  tenants  came  back  to  him,  and  he  fettled  and  protected  them, 
on  his  lands,  till  Cromwell  came  into  the  country." 

WHEN  (13)  Birr  furrendered  to  general  Prefton,  in  January  1642,  the  ar- 
ticles were  faithfully  performed  ;  and  the  Earl  of  Caftlehaven,  his  Lieutenant 
General,  conveyed  the  garrifon  and  inhabitants,  to  the  number  of  eight  hun- 
dred perfons,  in  a  long  march  of  two  or  three  days  together,  thro'  the  woods 
of  Irregan,  and  wafte  countries,  fafe  to  Athy." 

"  SIR  Audley  Mervin,  a  covenanter,  Cromwellift,  and  Speaker  of  the  Irifli 
Houfe  of  Commons  after  the  reiteration,  in  a  fpeech,"  fays  (14)  Sir  Peter 
Pett,  "  glowing  with  anger  enough  againft  Papifts,  confeffed,  that  in  the 
barony  of  Inifhoan,  there  were  above  two  thoufand  papifts,  who  could  bring 
hundreds  of  Proteftants  to  witnefs  their  civil  demeanour.  This,"  adds  he, 
"  I  mention  to  give  teftimony  to  the  heroic  virtue  of  many  of  the  church  of 
Rome,  at  that  difmal  period." 

BUT,  not  to  dwell  longer  on  particulars,  the  whole  body  of  the  Catholic 
nobility  and  gentry  of  Ireland,  did,  by  their  agents  at  Oxford,  in  1643,  pe- 
tition his  Majefty  (i  5),  "  that  all  murders  committed  on  both  fides,  in  this 

war, 

(n)  Id.ib.  (12)  Id.  ib.  (13)  Id.  ib.  (14)  Happy  future  ftate  of  England. 

( 1 5)  Borl.  Hift.  of  the  Irilh  Rebel. 

1642,  burnt  the  town,  and  flew  in  the  ftreets,  three  Neverthelefs,  one  hundred  and  forty  men  were  pui 

hundred  ofthelrifb."  Hift.  of  the  Iriflv Rebel,  fol.  112.  to  tfae  fword."     Id.  ib.  fol.  in.     It  is  therefore  no 

•'  Lord  Dungarvan  and    Lord  Broghill,    fummoning  wonder,  that  this  Lord  Broghill  declared,  on  another 

the  caftle  of  Ardmore,  in  the  county  of  Waterford,  occafion,  "  that  he  knew  not  what  Quarter  meant." 

2ift  of  Auguft,  1642,  it  was  yielded  upon  mercy.  Id.ib.fol.no. 


128  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.V. 

war,  might  be  examined  in  a  future  parliament,  and  the  actors  of  them  ex- 
empted out  of  all  the  ads  of  indemnity,  and  oblivion."  But  this  propofal  the 
Proteftant  agents,  then  alfo  attending  the  King  at  Oxford,  wifely  declined ; 
upon  which  it  was  juftly  obferved,  "  that  ( 1 6)  if  it  ihould  be  afked,  where- 
fore this  offer  of  the  accufed  Irifh  has  been  always  rejected  or  evaded  by  their 
accufers,  (for  it  was  more  than  once  repeated  afterwards)  there  is  no  man  of  rea- 
fon  but  underftands  it  was,  becaufe  the  Irifh  were  not  guilty  of  thofe  barbarous 
and  inhuman  crimes,  with  which  they  were  charged ;  and  becaufe  thofe  who 
charged  them  fo  exorbitantly,  found  themfelves,  or  thofe  of  their  party,  truly 
chargeable  with  more  numerous,  and  more  barbarous  crimes  and  murders, 
committed  on  the  ftage  of  Ireland,  whereon  they  had  acted,  and  yet  but 
partly,  their  own  proper  guilt ;  for  many  of  them  acted  it  on  that  of 
Great  Britain  too,  even  the  moil  horrid  guilt  imaginable,  by  the  moft 
bloody,  and  moft  execrable  murder,  of  the  beft  and  moft  innocent  of 
Kings." 

CHAP.          VIII. 


The  Conduct  of  the  Romi/h  Clergy  during  the  Infurrettion. 

U  T  whatever  cruelties  thefe  infurgents  are  fuppofed  to  have  committed 
on  the  Englifh  and  Proteftants,  either  in  or  out  of  war,  they  are  all  faid 
to  have  been  perpetrated  by  the  advice  and  inftigation  of  their  clergy.  Mr. 
Hume,  too  confident  of  the  truth  of  this  imputation,  on  the  fole  credit  of  the  de- 
pofitions  before-mentioned,  has  launched  out  into  the  moft  pathetic  ftrains  of 
invective  on  that  occalion.  "  The  Englifh,"  fays  he  (i),  "  as  heretics  abhor- 
red of  God,  and  deteftable  to  all  holy  men,  were  marked  out  by  the  Priefts, 
for  flaughter ;  and  of  all  actions,  to  rid  the  world  of  thefe  declared  enemies 
of  Catholic  faith  and  piety,  was.reprefented  as  the  moft  meritorious."  And 
thus,  in  confequence  of  thefe  documents,  "  while  death,"  adds  he,  "  finifhed 
the  fufTerings  of  each  victim,  the  bigoted  afTaffins,  with  joy  and  exultation, 
ftill  echoed  in  his  expiring  ears,  that  thefe  agonies  were  but  the  commence- 
ment of  torments  infinite  and  eternal."  This,  indeed,  might  have  appeared 
a  pretty  rhetorical  flourifh,  but  that  the  expreflion, ,"  expiring  ears,"  is  fome- 
what  of  the  boldeft,  and  borders  too  clofely  on  nonfenfe ;  but  it  never  could 
have  patted  for  real  and  genuine  hiftory,  with  any  one,  who  had  taken  the  leaft 
pains  to  inform  himfelf,  of  the  principles  and  conduct  of  thefe  Priefts,  at  that 

difmal 

(16)  Wal/K's  Reply  to  a  Perfon  of  Qualify,  (i)  Hift.  ofEngl.D.ub.ed.  vol.  \v. 


Ch.Vm.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  129 

difmal  juncture  (a).  Mr.  Hume  might  have  learned,  even  from  (2)  Borlace, 
that,  in  a  congregation  of  their  Archbifhops,  Bifhops,  and  inferior  clergy,  at 
Kilkenny,  in  May  1642,  excommunication  was  denounced  againft  all  thofc 
of  their  communion,  "  who  either  had,  from  the  beginning  of  the  war,  or 
iliould  afterwards,  in  the  courfe  of  it,  murder,  difmember,  or  grievoufly 
ftrike ;  all  thieves,  unlawful  fpoilers,  or  robbers  of  any  goods ;  and  fuch  as 
favoured  or  received  them."  And  they  even  included,  in  this  cenfure,  "  all 
fuch  as  had  invaded,  or  fhould  invade,  the  pofTeffions,  or  goods,  fpiritual  or 
temporal,  of  any  Infh  Proteftant,  not  being  their  adverfary,  and  fhould  detain 
them.  They  alfo,  "  commanded  all  and  every  of  their  clergy,  as  well  regular  as 
fecular,  not  to  hear  the  confeflions  of  the  aforefaid  excommunicated  perfons ; 
nor  to  adminifler  to  them  the  holy  facrament,  under  pain  of  excommunication 
ipfo  facto." 

THIS  was,  fays  (3)  Doctor  Warner,  "  a  general  fynod  of  all  the  Popifh 
Bifhops  and  clergy  of  Ireland.  Three  of  the  titular  Archbifhops,  fix  other 
Bifhops,  the  Proxies  of  five  more,  befides  Vicars  Generals,  and  other  Dignita- 
ries, were  prefent  at  this  fynod.  And  as  thefe  are  the  acts  and  ordinances 
purely  of  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  of  Ireland,  reprefented  in  a  general 
fynod,  I  fuppofe  it  will  be  allowed,  on  all  fides,  that  whatever  proceedings 
are  here  condemned,  are  to  be  placed  to  the  account  of  the  follies  and 
vices  of  particular  people  j  and  cannot  fairly  be  charged  on  the  Roman 
faith  (b)r 

MANY  inftances  might  be  produced,  of  the  great  beneficence   and  huma- 
nity, of  thefe  ecclefiaftics,  to  the  diftreffed  Englifh  and  Proteflants,  at  that 

S    _,.:  period 

(2)  Hiftory  of  the  Irifli  Rebellion.  (3)  ib.  fol.  201. 

(a)  "  If  fome  Popifh  ecclefiaftics,"  fays  Doctor  Le-     to  conceal  tnem  from  the  fury  of  the  enemy,  even  in 
land,  "  preached   their   hbrrid'do£hines  of  blood  and      their  places  of  worfhip,  and  under  their  altars."     Hill, 
imflacre,  others  were  known  equally  zealous  to  mo-      of  Ireland,  vol.  iii.  p.  155. 

derate  the  exceffes  of  war,  to  protect  the  Englifh,  and 

(b)  '*  How    weak,    how   uncharitable,  how    un-  fhould  they  charge  thofe,  of  which  Sir  Phelim  O'Neal, 
juft,"  exclaims  the  fame  writer,  "  is  it  in  thofe,  who  and  others  were  guilty,  on  the  principles  of  the  Ro- 
charge  fuch   horrid  impieties  on  the  principles  of  the  mifh  church,  which  hath  difclaimed  them?  Thefecon- 
Roman  Catholic  religion,  as   were   nieerly   owing    to  ^derations  may  be  too  candid  and  impartial,  to  pleafe 
the  accurfed,  hellifh  difpofition  of  particular  perfons  the  ignorant  and  bigotted,  of  either  fide:  but   they 
who  gave  a   loofe  to  them!  The  Proteftants,  I  am  will  teach  principles  and  practices  more  agreeabie  to 
fure,  would  take  it  ill,  and  veryjuflly,  if  the  barba-  chriftianity,  than  thofe  wjriich  prevailed  at  that  time, 
rhies  of  Sir  Charles  Coote,  and  Sir  Frederick  Hamil-  and  whicri  we  now  fo  much  lament."     Hift.  of  the  Ir, 
ton  were  fattened  on  their  religion.     And  why  then  Rebel,  p.  202.     % 


r3o  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.V. 

period  (4).  "  At  the  taking  of  Cafhell,  Doctor  Samuel  Pullen,  Chancellor  of 
that  city,  and  Dean  of  Clonfert,  with  his  wife  and  children,  was  preferved  by 
Father  James  Saul,  a  Jefuit.  Several  other  Romiih  Priefts  diftinguifhed  them- 
felves  on  that  occafion,  by  their  endeavours  to  fave  the  Englifh  j  particularly 
Father  Jofeph  Everard,  and  Redmond  Englifh,  both  Francifcan  Friars ;  who 
hid  fomeof  them  in  their  chapel,  and  even  under  their  altar.  And  foon  af- 
ter, thofe  wno  had  been  thus  preferved,  were  according  to  their  defire,  fafely 
conveyed  into  the  county  of  Cork,  by  a  guard  of  the  Irifh  inhabitants  of 
Cafhell,  who  acted  with  fo  much  good  faith,  that  feveral  of  the  convoy  were 
wounded,  in  defending  them,  from  the  violence  of  the  rabble  upon  the 
mountains,  in  their  pafTage." 

• 

DOCTOR  Bedel,  Bifhop  of  Kilmore,  when  a  prifoner  with  the  infurgents, 
who  doubtlefs  had  many  Priefts  among  them  (5),  "  was  never  interrupted  in 
the  exercife  of  his  worfhip,  although  not  only  his  houfe  and  all  the  out  build- 
ings., but  alfo  the  church  and  church-yard,  were  full  of  people  that  flocked 
to  him  for  fhelter.  So  that,  from  the  23d  of  October  to  the  i8th  of  Decem- 
ber following,  he,  and  all  thofe  within  his  walls,  enjoyed  to  a  miracle,"  fays 
Bifhop  Burnet,  "  perfed  quiet.  And  when  he  died,  at  the  age  of  feventy- 
one,  the  titular  Bifhop  of  that  diocefs,  although  he  had  profelyted  his  brother, 
a  Popifh  Prieft,  to  the  communion  of  the  eftablifhed  church,  fuffered  him  to 
be  buried  in  confecrated  ground,  the  Irifh  doing  him  unufual  honours  at  his 
funeral.  For  the  chiefs  of  the  infurgents,  having  afTembled  their  forces,  ac 
companied  his  body  to  the  church-yard,  with  great  folemnity  ^  and  defired 
Mr.  Clogy,  one  of  his  chaplains,  to  bury  him  according  to  the  church-offices. 
At  his  interment,  they  difcharged  a  volley  of  fhot,  crying  out  in  Latin,  Hie  re- 
quiefcat  ultimus  Anglorum !  May  the  laft  of  the  Englifh  reft  in  peace !  Ed- 
mund Farilly,  a  Popifh  Prieft,  exclaimed  at  the  fame  time,  O,  fit  anima  mea 
cum  Bedello !  Would  to  God  that  my  foul  were  with  Bedel." 

(4)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.  (5)  Burnet's  life  of  Bedel. 


CHAP. 


Ch.  IX.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  131 

CHAP.          IX. 

The  firfl  Caufe  of  the  I?ifurre£liori  s  increaftng. 

FOR  almoft(i)  fix  weeks  from  its  beginning,  this  kifurreclion  (a)  was 
confined  to  the  province  of  Ulfter,  all  the  other  parts  of  Ireland  remain- 
ing quiet.  Even  in  the  confpirators  firft,  and  principal  defign  to  feize  the 
caftle  of  Dublin,  not  one  of  the  Catholics  of  that  city  was  any  way  con- 
cerned j  although  they  were  then  (2)  fifteen  to  one  Proteftant ;  and,  what 
might  have  been  an  additional  temptation  (3),  "  there  was  not  a  company 
of  the  army,  at  that  juncture,  in  the  town."  Nay  fo  long  after,  as  June 
1642,  the  Lords  Juftices  themfelves  teftified  (4),  "  that  no  particular  crimes 
could  be  objected  to  them,  and  that  they  could  not  be  charged  with  any 
thing,  but  bare  fufpicion." 

NOT  lefs  quiet,  during  the  fame  fpace  of  time,  were  (5)  the  principal  in- 
habitants of  the  county  of  Wicklow ;  although  a  great  part  of  their  territory 
had  been  taken  from  them,  and  planted,  fome  years  before.  Nor  was  there 
yet  any  considerable  commotion  in  Conaught,  Clare,  Tipperary,  or  Lime- 
rick (6),  "  which  had  been  all  lately  found  for  the  king,  by  feveral  inquifi- 
tions,  and  were  then  ready  to  be  difpofed  of  to  Britifh  undertakers."  In  fhort, 
it  may,  on  very  fure  grounds,  be  afferted,  that,  for  near  two  months  after  the 
23d  of  October  1641,  no  formal  infurrection  appeared  among  the  natives  of 
any  of  the  four  provinces,  except  thofe  of  Ulfler,  who  had  been  particularly 
threatened  with  extirpation,  and  were  generally,  fays  Lord  Clanrickard  (7), 
"  haughty  and  ambitious  fpirits,  the  remains  of  the  branches  ofantient  re- 
bels, and  had  loft  large  and  great  pofTerlions."  What  occafioned  the  fatal 
change,  that  foon  after  enfued,  in  moft  parts  of  the  kingdom,  I  {hall  now 
endeavour  to  demonftrate. 

IN  Auguft,  1641,  the  Irifh  parliament  was  in  daily  expectation  of  the  re- 
turn of  their  agents  from  England,  with  the  Royal  aflent  to  two  bills,  that 

S  2  would 

(i)  Warner's  Hift.  of  the  Trifh  Rebel,  p.  130.  (2)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.  (3)  Id.  ib. 

(4)  Temp.  Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Rebel.  (5)  Id.  ib.  (6)  Id.  ib.  (7)  Memoirs,  Engl.  ed. 

(a)  <f  The  rebellion,"  fays  Mr.  Carte,  "  had  been  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  243.      He  had   before  obferved, 

carried  on  till  the  month  of  December,  by  the  meer  "  that   no  one   nobleman   of  the  kingdom,    or   any 

Irifli,  and  confined  to  Ulfter,  to  fome  few  counties  in  eftated   gentleman   of  Englifti  race,    engaged   in  the 

Leinfter,  and  that  of  Leitrim  in  Conaught."    Life  of  rebellion,  till  the  month  of  December."    ib. 


igft  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  V. 

would  have  put  an  effectual  Hop  to  thofe  predatory  fuits  of  enquiry  into  de- 
fedive  titles,  which  had  been  fo  long  and  grievoufly  complained  of.  "  Never," 
fays  (8)  Mr.  Carte,  "  were  two  ads  better  adapted  to  give  general  fatisfadion 
to  any  people,  than  thefe  were  to  the  gentlemen  of  Ireland."  Even  Temple 
owns  (9),  "  that  thefe  bills  had  been  long,  and  moft  impetuoufly  longed  for 
by  the  Irifh."  And  although  his  Majefty  had,  in  May  preceding,  fent 
poiltive  orders  to  the  Juftices  (10),  to  pafs  thefe  bills,  and  the  other  promifed 
graces;  and  the  Commons  firft,  and  afterwards  both  Houfes,  had  moft 
earneftly,  and  repeatedly  befought  them  (u),  "  that  they  might  be 
fuffered  to  continue  together  for  a  further  time,  becaufe  their  agents  were 
at  the  water-fide  with  thefe  bills,"  yet  thefe  Lords  Juftices  (12),  ading 
every  thing  in  Ireland,  by  the  influence  of  the  puritan  fadion  in  the  Englifh 
parliament,  often  in  derogation  of  his  Majefty's  commands,  caufed  the  par- 
liament to  be  adjourned  for  three  months."  Which  adjournment,  the  Catholic 
members,  who  were  principally  aggrieved  by  it  (13),  "  afterwards  aggravated 
againft  the  Juftices,  as  one  of  the  chief  moving  caufes  of  the  taking  up  of  arms, 
generally  throughout  the  kingdom." 

SOON  after  this  fatal  and  enforced  adjournment,  the  parliament's  agents  ar- 
riving in  Dublin  (14),  u  prefently  applied,*'  fays  Temple,  u  to  the  Lords 
Juftices,  and  Council,  defiring  to  have  thofe  acts,  and  other  graces,  granted 
by  his  Majefty,  made  known  to  the  people  by  proclamation."  This  was 
promifed,  and  an  inftrument  drawn  up,  and  prefented  to  their  Lordfhips  for 
that  purpofe;  but  (15),  "  they,  as  it  feems,  deiiring  rather  to  add  fuel  to 
the  fire  of  the  fubjeds  difcontents,  than  to  quench  the  fame,  did  forbear  to 
give  any  notice  thereof  to  the  people." 


CHAP.          X. 

The  fame  Sub/eft  continued.. 

THIS  general  difguft  was  not  removed,  or  leflened,  by  the  next  meeting 
of  parliament,  on  the  1 6th  of  November  following,  the  day  to  which 
it  had  been  adjourned.     On  the  contrary,  by  the  manifeft  reludance,  with 
which  the  Juftices  fuffered  it  to  meet  even  then,  and  by  their  fudden  pro- 
rogation of  it  for  two  months  longer,  it   was  greatly  increafed.     This  proro- 
gation, 

(8)  Life  of  Orm.  vol.  I.  (9)  Irifli  Rebel.  (10)  Commpns  Journal,  vol.  i.  (ii)?b. 

(13)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.  (13)  Temp.  Irifh  Rebel.  (14)  M.  it>. 

(15)  Remou.  from  Trim. 


Ch.X.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  133 

gation,  fays  (i)  Mr.  Carte,  "  gave  a  particular  diftafte  to  the  Roman  Catho- 
lics, who  were  like  to  be  the  greateft  fufferers  thereby,  and  to  lofe  the  be- 
nefit of  thofe  graces,  which  were  intended  for  their  particular  relief  (a\  The 
Earl  of  Ormond,  Lord  Dillon  of  Coftelloe,  and  fome  others,  urged,  among 
other  things,  againft  the  prorogation,  that  all  the  nation  was  in  expectation 
of  the  graces,  and  would  be  ftrangely  uneafy,  if  they  were  not  confirmed  in 
parliament.  But  the  Juftices  were  deaf  to  all  fuch  remonftrances  •,  for,  as  they 
had  been  with  difficulty  prevailed  upon,  -by  the  importunate  folicitations  of 
the  Lords  and  gentry  of  the  pde,  to  fuffer  the  parliament  to  meet  even  on 
the  aforefaid  1  6th  of  November,  fo  they  then  took  efpecial  care  (3)  to  limit 
the  feffion,  in  fuch  a  manner,  that  no  act  of  grace,  or  any  thing  elfe  for  the 
people's  quiet  or  fatisfaction,  might  be  propounded,  or  pa  fled.  For,  well 
knowing  that  the  members  of  both  Houfes,  throughout  the  kingdom  (a  few  in, 
and  about  Dublin,  only  excepted)  would  be  abfent  from  parliament,  they 
publifhed  their  proclamation  for  the  meeting,  but  two  days  before  the  time  ; 
whereupon,  only  a  few  of  the  Lords  and  Commons  appeared  in  the  Houfes  ; 
who,  on  their  entrance  at  the  caftle-bridge  and  gate,  and  within  the  caftle- 
yard,  to  the  door  of  the  parliament-houfe,  were  environed  with  a  great  num- 
ber of  armed  men,  with  matches  lighted,  and  mufkets  prefented  even  to  the 
breafts  of  the  members  of  both  Houfes  ;  none  being  admitted  to  bring  one 
fervant  to  attend  him,  or  any  weapon  about  him,  within  the  caftle-bridge. 
Yet  how  thin  foever  the  Houfes  were,  and  how  much  foever  overawed^  they 
did  both  jointly  (4)  fupplicate  the  Lords  Juftices  and  Council,  that  they  might,  for 
a  time,  continue  together,  and  expect  the  coming  of  the  reft  of  the  members, 
to  the  end,  they  might  quiet  the  troubles  in  full  parliament  -,  and  that  thofe 
acts  of  fecurity,  granted  by  his  Majefty,  and  tranfmitted  under  the  great  feal 
of  England,  might  be  paiTed,  to  fettle  the  minds  of  his  Majefty's  fubje&s. 
But,  to  thefe  requefts,  conducing  fo  much  to  his  Majefty's  fervice,  and  the 
fettlement  of  the  kingdom,  a  flat  denial  was  given  (5).  Nay  their  Lordfhips 
difmiffed  the  Houfes,  after  only  two  days  fitting,  without  faying  a  word  of 
the  graces  from  the  King,  or  giving  them  any  afTurance,  or  even  a  faint  glim- 
mering hope,  that  they  fhould  be  paired  in  another  fefllon." 

THE  Earl  of  Caftlehaven,  who  fate  in  that  parliament,  after  having  recited 
the  loyal  and  unanimous  proteftation  of  both  Houfes  (6),  "  that  they  wrould, 
if  neceffary,  take  up  arms,  and  with  their  lives  and  fortunes,  endeavour  to 
fupprefs  the  rebellion  ;"  informs  us,  "  that  in  order  fpeedily  to  bring  the  re- 
bels to  condign  punifhment,  they  fell  immediately  to  confider  of  the  moft 

effectual 


(i)  Cart.  Orm.  Vol.  i.  fol.  222.  (2)  Id.  ib.  (3)  Remon  from 

(4)  Caftlehaven's  Memoirs,  (5)  VVainer's  Hifl  of  the  Irifh  Rebel,    Cat  tr.  fee, 

(6)  Memoirs. 


i34  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  V. 

effedual  means  to  do  the  work.  But  this  way  of  proceeding,"  adds  his  Lord- 
Ihip,  "  did  not,  it  feems,  fuit  with  the  Lords  Juftices  defigns,  who  were  of- 
ten heard  to  fay,  that  the  more  there  were  in  rebellion,  the  more  lands  would 
be  forfeited ;  and  therefore,  in  the  very  height  of  the  bufinefs,  they  refolved 
upon  a  prorogation ;  which  the  parliament  underftanding,  Vifcount  Coftelloe, 
and  myfelf,  were  fent  from  the  Lords  Houfe,  and  others  from  the  Commons, 
to  defire  the  continuance  of  the  parliament,  till  the  rebels,  then  few  in  num- 
ber, were  reduced.  But  our  advice  was  flighted,  and  the  Parliament  next 
day  prorogued,  to  the  great  furprize  of  both  Houfes,  and  the  general  diflike 
of  all  knowing,  and  honeft  men." 


CHAP.          XL 

Purther  Mifcondu£t  of  the  Lords  Juftices. 

AS  it  evidently  appears,  from  divers  circumftances,  that  the  Juftices,  Parfons 
and  Borlace,  rather  wifhed  for,  and  promoted,  than  endeavoured  to  prevent 
this  infurre&ion,  fo  it  is  ftill  more  manifeft$  that  all  their  fubfequent  proceed- 
ings tended  only  to  (a)  increafe  and  extend  it,  for  their  own  mercenary  pur- 
pofes  (i).  Sir  Robert  Talbot  of  Caftle-Talbot,  in  the  county  of  Wicklow,  re- 
paired to  Dublin,  in  the  beginning  of  the  troubles  ;  and  offered  to  Sir  William 
Parfons,  in  the  prefenceofDean  Bulkely,  who  lived  toatteft  it  after  the  refto- 
ration,  to  fecure  the  chief  heads  of  the  Byrnes,  Tooles,  and  other  fepts,  in 
that  county,  who,  as  their  lands  had  been  planted  fome  years  before,  were 
the  likelieft  men  to  rife,  and  begin  a  rebellion  in  Leinfter,  if  he  would  give 
him  commiffion  to  do  fo  •,  infilling,  that  they  .  would  not  ftir,  while  their 
chiefs  were  in  cuftody,  as  fo  many  hoftages  for  their  fidelity.  But  Sir  William 
Parfons  abfolutely  refufed  to  give  him  a  commifllon ;  and  thefe  fepts,  foon 
after  breaking  out  into  rebellion,  Sir  Robert  engaged  agairift  them,  in  defence 
of  the  Englifh  in  that,  and  the  adjoining  county  of  Catherlogh ;  and  conveyed 
moft  of  thefe  Englifh  with  their  goods  and  flocks  fafe  to  Dublin.  He  had,  indeed, 
the  Lords  Juftices  thanks  for  this  fervice,  but  it  coft  him  dear;  for  in  re- 
venge 

(i)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i. 

•fa)  "  Had  the  Lords  Juftices,"  fays '  Doclor  War-  But  it  was  the  great  misfortune  of  that  unhappy  coun- 

ner,  "  acquitted  themfelves  like   men  of  probfty  and  try,  to  be  then  governed  by  a  man  (Sir  William  Par- 

underftanding,  there  was  time  enough  given  them  to  fons)  that  had  not   one  qualification   for  fuch  a  pott, 

fupprefs  an  infurreftion,  which  for  fix  weeks  almoft,  at  fuch  a  time  ;  and  to  thofe  defects,  was  added,  great 

was  confined  to  the  province  of  Ulfter,  without  any  obliquity  of  heart  towards  both  the  King  and  the  Irifh." 

chief  that  wu  fo  confiderable,  as  Sir  Phelira  O'Neal.  Hift.  of  the  Irifti  Rebel,  p.  130. 


CH.XI.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  135 

venge  thereof,    two  of  his  beft  houfes,  Cartan  and  Lifcartan,  were  burned 
by  the  Mb." 

THE  Earl  of  Ormond's  early  offer  to  fupprefs  thefe  tumults  in  their  begin- 
ning, met  with  no  better  reception  from  their  Lorfhips ;  for  that  nobleman, . 
having  undertaken  to  purfue  the  rebels,  then  in  no  refpect  confiderable,  if  he 
might  be  allowed  meat  and  drink  for  the  foldiers  in  his  march,  his  propofal 
was  rejected.  "  The  only  reafon  affigned  by  the  Juftices  for  this  refufal,  viz. 
the  want  of  arms,  was/'  fays  (2)  Mr.  Carte,  "  a  pretence  fo  notorioufly  falfe,' 
that  it  could  only  be  made  ufe  of  to  cover  motives,  which  they  were  afhamed4 
to  confefs ;  for  there  was,  at  this  time,  in  the  (lores  of  the  caftle,  a  fine  train- 
of  artillery,  ammunition  of  all  forts,  in  great  quantities  •,  arms  for  above  ten 
thoufand  men,  tents,  and  neceffaries  of  all  kinds  for  the  march,  and  provi- 
lion,  of  an  army;  all  which  had  been  prepared,  by  the  Earl  of  Strafford,  for 
the  Scots  expedition." 

WHAT  thefe  Juftices  real  motives  were,  foon  after  appeared  (3).  "  In  the 
before-mentioned  fhort  feflion  of  November  i6th,  both  Houfes  had  drawn  up 
a  letter  to  the  King,  which  was  fent  by  the  Lords  Dillon  and  Taaffe;  and  in 
which  they  offered  of  themfelves,  and  without  any  aid  from  England,  to  put 
an  end  to  this  infurrection."  Immediately  upon  this,  the  (4)  the  Juftices,  and 
their  party  in  the  Council,  privately  wrote  to  the  Earl  of  Leicefter,  Lord 
Lieutenant  of  Ireland ;  and  after  telling  him,  they  expected  and  hoped  for 
his  fecrecy,  and  that  they  could  not  open  themfelves  with  freedom,  at  the 
council-board,  they  befought  his  Lordmip,  that  no  fuch  overture  fhould  be 
accepted;  and  among  other  reafons,  becaufe  the  charge  of  fupplies  from  Eng- 
land, would  be  abundantly  compenfated  out  of  the  (b)  eftates  of  thofe,  who 
were  actors  in  that  rebellion."  From  this  information,  the  Lords  Dillon  and 
Taaffe,  with  their  papers,  were  feized  at  Ware,  by  order  of  the  Englifh 
Houfeof  Commons ;  and  detained  in  cuftody  feveral  months,  till  they  made 
their  efcape  to  the  King,  then  at  York ;  but  it  was  then  too  late  to  offer  a  remedy^ 
as  the  infurrection  .was  become  in  a  manner  general. 

(2)  ib.  vol.  i.  fol.  194,  (3)  Id.  ib.  (4)  Id.  ib. 

(b)  "  Whatever,"    fays  Doftor  L'eland,    "  were     fpeedy  fuppreffibn  of  the  rebellion.    Extenfive  forfei- 
the  profeflions   of   the  Chief  Governors,  the   only     tures  was  their  favourite  object,   and  that  of  their 
they  really  apprehended,  was  that  of  a  too,     friendsr"    Hid  IreL  vol.  iii.  p.  160-1. 


CHAPt 


136  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  V. 

CHAR          XII. 

The  Nobility  and  Gentry  of  the  Pale  banijbedfrom  Dublin. 

THE  Lords  Juftices  had  lent  a  few  arms  to  Lord  Gormanilown,  and 
fome  gentlemen  of  the  pale,  for  the  defence  of  their  houfes  in  the 
country;  which,  however,  they  foon  after  recalled (i),  "  thereby,  renouncing 
all  confidence  in  them,  though  nothing  had  happened  to  give  occafion  to  any 
further  fufpicion  of  them,  than  when  the  arms  had  been  entrufted  to  them. 
The  arms  particularly  affigned  to  Mr.  John  Bellew,  high  fheriff,  and  knight  of 
the  (hire,  for  the  county  of  Louth,  were  fo  quickly  demanded  back,  that  they 
were  not  delivered.  Their  habitations  being  thus  rendered  defencelefs,  they 
quitted  the  country  and  came  up  to  Dublin,  to  put  themfelves,  as  they 
thought,  under  the  eye  and  protection  of  the  government  j  but  the  Juftices, 
inftead  of  allowing  them  fuch  an  afylum  (2),  on  the  next  day  after  fending 
for  the  arms,  publifhed  a  proclamation  requiring  thefe  noblemen  and  gentle- 
men, with  others  not  having  neceffary  caufe  of  refidence  in  the  city,  or  fub- 
urbs  of  Dublin,  and  the  places  within  two  miles  about  the  fame,  to  be  ap- 
proved of  by  a  council  of  war,  to  repair  to  their  refpeclive  homes,  in 
twenty-four  hours,  after  the  publication  of  the  proclamation  (a)^  upon  pain 
of  death." 

SIR  Robert  Talbot,  whofe  houfes  had  been  burned  by  the  Irifh,  on  ac- 
count of  the  fervice  he  had  rendered  the  Englifh  (3),  u  found  it  neceffary, 
at  this  time,  to  bring  his  lady  and  family  to  Dublin;  where  he  again 
tendered  his  fervice  to  the  Lords  Juftices,  offering  to  raife  men,  if  they  would 
furnifh  him  with  arms,  to  fight  againft  the  rebels ;  but  thefe  were  denied 
him,  nor  could  either  his  offers,  or  his  late  fervices,  prevail  for  leave  to  con- 
tinue in  Dublin.  He  was  forced,  by  the  proclamation  on  pain  of  death,  to 
leave  the  city  in  twenty-four  hours ;  and  having  no  fore  place  of  retreat,  he 
was  obliged  to  fculk,  and  live  privately,  for  a  long  time,  for  fear  of  the  Irifh, 

till 

( i)  Id.  ib.  vol.  i.  fol.  238.  (2)  Id.  Ib,  (3)  Id.  ifa. 

(a)  It  appears  from   Borlace,   that  thefe  Jaftices  tbezSth  of  Oftober,  pubKflred  a  proclamation  to  tftc 

published  two  proclamations  of  that  kind,  even  be-  fame  intent  with   the   former,  with   the   penalty  of 

fore  theend  of  Oftober,  1641.     For  that  writer,  af-  death,  to  fuch  as  wilfully  harboured  them."    Ir.  Reb. 

ler  having  faid   that   they  had  iflued   a  proclamation,  fol.  44.     Another  proclamation  of  the  like  tenour, 

"  in  his    Majefty's   name,  commanding  all  perfons,  and  on  the  penalty  of  death,    was  iflued  by  thefe 

aot  dwellers  in  the  city  and  fuburbs,  to  depart  within  Juftices,  on  nth   of  November  following.      Id.  ib. 

•a  boor,  on  pain  of  death,"  adds,  "  that  the  ftate,  on  fol.  49. 


ch.xm.         CIVIL  WARS  IN  IRELAND.  137 

till  the  breach  between  the  King  and  the  Parliament  of  England,  when  he 
entered  into  the  Roman  Catholic  confederacy ;  doing  however,  during  all  the 
time  of  the  troubles,  all  the  good  offices  in  his  power,  fometimes  with  the 
hazard  of  his  life,  to  prcferve  the  Englifh,  and  difpofe  the  Irifh  to  fubmit  to 
the  ceffation,  and  afterwards  to  the  peaces  of  1646,  and  1648,  to  which  he 
conftantly  adhered." 


H      A      P.          XIII. 


The  Juftices  invite  the  Lords  of  the  Pale  to  a  Conference. 

rO  figns  of  a  formed  infurreclion  had  yet  appeared  in  the  provinces  of  Lein- 
fter,  Conaught,  or  Munfter,  when,  (on  the  27th  of  November,)  a  report 
being  fpread  of  fpoils  committed  on  fome  of  the  Englifti  in  the  county  of 
Wicklow,  Sir  Charles  Coote  was  commanded  from  Dublin  thither  with  a 
body  of  troops ;  where,  in  the  town  of  Wicklow  (i),  he  cruelly  put  to  death 
feveral  innocent  perfons,  without  diftinclion  of  age  or  fex  (2).  Among 
other  inftances,  he  is  charged  with  faying,  when  a  foldier  was  carrying  about 
a  poor  babe  on  the  end  of  his  pike  (3),  "  that  he  liked  fuch  frolicks."  Upon 
his  return  to  Dublin  from  this  expedition,  the  Juftices  appointed  him  (4)  go- 
vernor of  the  city,  in  recompence  for  that  fervice.  At  the  fame  time,  a  ru- 
mour was  fpread,  that  he  had  made  a  propofal,  at  the  council-board,  for  exe- 
cuting a  general  maflacre  on  all  the  Catholics ;  which,  from  (a)  the  character 
of  the  man,  was  eafily  credited. 

ON  the  3d  of  December,  1641,  the  Lords  Juftices  directed  letters  to  the 
Lords  of  the  pale,  whom  they  had  lately  driven  from  Dublin,  acquainting 
them  (5),  "  that  they  had  immediate  occafion  to  confer  with  them,  concern- 
ing the  prefent  ftate  of  the  kingdom."  Thefe  noblemen  knew,  that  the  day 
before  thefe  letters  were  fent,  the  Catholics  of  Dublin  had  been  difarmed ; 
that  they  themfelves,  lying  moft  expofed  to  the  rebels,  could  not  hinder  their 

T  entrance 

(i)  Carte,  Wnrner,  &c.  (2)  Carte's  Orru.  vol.  i.  fol.  243.  (3)  Id.ib.  (4)  Id.  ib. 

(5)  Cart.  Oi in.  vol.  i. 

(a)  "  He  was  a  flranger  to  mercy,  and  committed  the  Irifli,  committed  fuch  unprovoked,  fuch  ruthlefs, 

many  acts  of  cruelty,  without   diftindlion,  equal    in  and  indifcriminate  carnage  in  the  town  of  VVjcklow, 

that  refpecl  to  any  of  the  rebels."     Warner's  Hift.  of  as  rivalled  the  utmoft  extravagancies  of  the  Northern*." 

the  Irifli  Rebel,  p.  135.     "  Sir   Charles   Coote,"  fays  Hift.  of  Ircl.  vol.  iii.  p.  146. 
Doftor  Leland,  "  in  revenge  of  the  depredations  of 


i$S  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  V. 

entrance  into  their  houfes  in  the  country,  to  which  they  had  been  banished, 
from  Dublin,  by  the  proclamation  on  pain  of  death;  or  the  paying  of  them 
contribution,  which,  in  the  eye  of  the  law,  was  criminal,  though  unavoidable. 
They  could  not  imagine,  why  thefe  Lords  Juftice-s,  who  had,  about  a  fortnight 
before,  thought  their  abode  in  Dublin  incompatible  with  the  fafety  of  the 
Itate,  fhould  now,  by  a  fudden  turn  of  fenti  merit,  invite  them  thither,  to  be 
confulted  with,  on  that  fubjecl.  Hence  it  was  natural  for  them  to  fufped, 
that  the  fummons  was  only  an  artifice,  to  draw  them  to  Dublin;  arjd  when 
they  were  there,  to  feize  on  their  perfons,  and  confine  them  to  an  irkfome 
prifon,  and  perhaps,  profecute  them  at  law,  with  a  feverity  which  might  end 
in  the  forfeiture  of  their  eftates,  the  ruin  of  their  families,  and  the  taking  away 
of  their  lives  by  ar*  ignominious  execution. 

SUCH  were  the  reafons  that  hindered  the  Lords  of  the  pale  to  pay  obedience 
to  the  Juftices*  fummons  of  the  third  of  December.  1641.  By  appointment, 
however,  they  met  together  on  the  feventh  ;  and  then  drew  up  a  letter  to  the 
ftate,  importing  (6),  "  that  they  had,  heretofore,  prefented  themfelves  to 
their  Lordfhips,  and  freely  offered  their  advice,  and  furtherance  towards  the 
fafety  of  the  kingdom,  which  having  been  neglected,  gave  them  caufe  to  con- 
ceive, that  their  loyalty  was  fufpecled  by  their  Lordfhips.5*  They  added,  "  that 
they  had  received  certain  advertifement,  that  Sir  Charles  Coote,  at  the  council- 
board,  had  uttered  fome  fpeeches,  tending  to  a  purpofe  to  execute,  upon 
thofe  of  their  religion,  a  general  mafTacre;  by  which  they  were  deterred  from 
waiting  on  their  Lordfhips,  not  having  any  (b)  fecurity  for  their  fafety  againft 
thofe  threatned  evils ;  and  rather  thought  it  fit,  to  ftand  upon  their  beft  guard, 
until  they  heard  from  their  Lordfhips,  how  they  fhould  be  fecured  from  thofe 
perils;  protefting,  neverthelefs,  that  they  were,  and  would  continue,  both 
faithful  advifers,  and  refolute  furtherers,  of  his  Majefly's  fervice,  concerning 
the  prefent  ftate  of  the  kingdom,  and  the  fafety  thereof,  to  their  beft  abilities." 
This  letter  was  fubfcribed  by  the  Earl  of  Fingall,  the  Lords  Gormanftown, 
Slane,  Dunfany,  Netterville,  Louth,  and  Trimbleftown. 

(6)  Temple,  Carte,  &c. 

(l>)  "  Some,"    fays  Mr.  Carte,  on    this  occafion,  forfeiture  of  their  eflates.     It  anfwered  this  end  very 

"  have   not  fcrupled  to  furmife,  that   the  Lords  Juf-  veil,  that   Sir  Charles   Coote,  immediate!)'   after  his 

tices  never  expected    thefe    noblemen    would    comply  inhuman    executions,    and    promifcuous    murders    of 

with  their  fummons ;  and  that  all    the   meafures  they  people  in  Wicklow,  was  made  governor  of  Dublin, 

took  at  the  fame  time,  were  taken  exprefily   with   a  at  the  very  time  of  feuding   out  the  fummons   to  the 

defign  to  terrify  them  from  rruftitig  themfelves  in  Dub-  Lords  of  the  pale.'.'     Life  of  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  258. 
lin  i  and  from  thence  to  take  fome  advantage  for  the 


CHAP. 


Ch.XIV.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  139 

CHAP.          XIV. 

The  Gentlemen  of  the  Pale  ajfembled  at  Swords. 

ON  the  fame  7th  of  December,  on  which  the  abovementioned  letter  was 
drawn  up  ( i ),  "  a  party  of  horfe  and  foot  being  fent  by  the  Juflices,  into 
•the  neighbourhood  of  Dublin,  in  queft  of  fome  robbers,  came  to  the'  village 
of  Santry,  where  they  murdered  fome  innocent  hufbandmen,  (whofe  heads 
they  brought  into  the  city,  in  triumph,)  on  pretence,  that  they  had  harboured, 
and  relieved  the  rebels,  who  had  made  inroads,  and  committed  depredations 
in  thefe  parts.  Hard  (2),  indeed/'  fays  Mr.  Carte,  "  was  the  cafe  of  the  coun- 
try-people, at  that  time,  when  not  being  able  to  hinder  parties  of  robbers,  and 
rebels,  from  breaking  into  their  houfes,  and  taking  refrefhments  there, 
this  fhould  be  deemed  a  treafonable  act,  and  fufficient  to  authorize  a 
malTacre." 

THE  next  morning,  complaint  being  made  to  the  government  of  this  out- 
rage, no  re4refs  was  obtained.  Whereupon,  fome  gentlemen  of  quality,  and 
others,  inhabitants  of  that  part  of  the  country,  being  juftly  alarmed  at  thefc 
proceedings,  and  mindful  of  the  report  of  Coote's  barbarous  propofal  at  the 
council-board,  forfook  their  houfes,  and  prepared  for  their  defence.  For  this 
niailacre  following  fo  foon  after  (3),  "  the  executions  and  murders,  which  Sir 
Charles  Coote  had  ordered  in  the  county  of  Wicklow  •,  his  being  made  go- 
vernor of  Dublin  for  that  fervice  j  and  the  Catholics  of  that  city  being  all  dif- 
armed,  the  day  before  the  Lords  of  the  pale  were  invited  to  a  conference 
there,  confirmed  their  belief  of  the  truth  of  the  report,  that  a  general  maiTacre 
of  thofe  of  their  religion  was  intended.'* 

WHEREFORE,  thefe  gentlemen  aiTembled  together,  on  the  9th  of  Decem- 
ber, at  Swords,  a  village  diftant  from.  Dublin  about  fix  miles ;  and  on  the 
joth,  the  Juflices  ifTued  their  warrant  (4),  commanding  them  to  feparate,  on 
fight  of  it ;  and  that  nine  of  the  principal  perfons  fo  affembled,  fhould  appear 
before  them,  at  the  council-board,  by  ten  of  the  clock  the  next  morning,  to 
fhew  the  caufe  of  their  affembling  in  that  manner  (5)."  To  this  warrant,  they 
returned  an  anfwer  on  the  fame  day,  to  the  following  effect ;  "  that  they 
were  conftrained  to  meet  there,  for  the  fafety  of  their  lives,  which  they  con- 

T  2  ceived 

(i)  Carte,  Temple,  Bojlace.  (2)  Cart,Orm.  (3)  Id.  ib.  (4)  Tempi.  Jrifli  R«bd. 

(5)  Id.  ib. 


i4o  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  BkV. 

ceived  to  be  in  no  fmall  danger,  having  been  forced  to  forfake  their  dwellings 
on  the  laft  Tuefday  at  night,  by  the  rifmg  out  of  horfe-troops  and  foot-compa- 
nies, who,  on  the  faid  night,  killed  four  Catholics,  for  no  other  reafon,  but 
becaufe  they  bore  the  name  of  that  religion  •,  and  that  they  had  been  before 
put  into  many  fears,  by  certain  intelligence  given  them  of  unexpected  at- 
tempts againft  their  lives.  Wherefore,  they  defired  ardently  to  be  in  feme 
certain  way  allured  by  their  Lordfhips  of  the  fafety  of  their  lives,  before 
they  ran  the  hazard  thereof  j  which  was  the  only  motive,  that  hindered  them 
from  manifefting  that  obedience,  which  they  knew  to  be  due  to  their  Lord- 
/hips  commands." 


CHAP.          XV. 


The  Lords  Jiiftices  violate  the  Public  Faith. 

H  E  Juftices,  feeming  to  comply  with  thefe  gentlemens'  ardent  deiire 
above-mentioned,  ifTued  a  manifefto,  dated  the  r  4th  of  December,  but 
not  publifhed  (a)  till  the  I5th(i)j  wherein  they  allowed  them  the  fpace  of 
two  days,  viz.  until  the  1 7th  of  that  month,  for  their  appearing  before  them 
in  Dublin ;  and  in  order  to  induce  them  to  appear  then  (2),  "  they  gave  them 
the  word  of  the  ftate,  that  they  might  fafely  and  fecurely  repair  thither,  withr 
out  danger  of  any  trouble,  or  ftay  whatfoever."  And  yet,  on  the  fame  i  5th 
of  that  month,  they  (3)  detatched  a  party  of  horfe  and  foot  to  Clontarf,  under 
the  command  of  Sir  Charles  Coote,  with  orders  "  to  fall  upon,  and  cut  off," 
the  inhabitants,  and  burn  the  houfes,  of  that  village,  which  belonged  to  Mr. 
King,  one  of  thofe  gentlemen  affembled  at  Swords,  to  whom,  by  name,  the 
public  faith  had  been  given.  "  Thefe  orders,"  fays  Borlace,  "  were  excel- 
lently well  executed ;"  though  it  is  confefTed  (4),  that  "  no  oppofition  was 
made."  "  Sir  (5)  Charles  Coote,  who  by  the  Lords  Juftices  fpecial  defignation,was 
appointed  to  go  on  this  expedition,  as  the  fitteft  perfon  to  execute  their 
orders,  and  one  who  beft  knew  their  minds,  at  this  time  pillaged  and  burned 
houfes,  corn,  and  other  goods,  belonging  to  Mr.  King,  to  the  value  of  four 
thoufand  pounds." 

THE 

(j)  Remon.  from  Trim.  (2)  Borl.  Hift.  of  the  Irifli  Rebel,  fol.  61.  (3)  Id.  ib. 

(4)  Id.  ib.  Teniple.  (5)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i. 

(a)  "  This  proclamation  was  fent,  and  delivered      with  the  Ulfter  rebels."      Carte's   Ormond,    vol.  i 
to  Lord  Gorman fton  on  the   i5th,  by  father  Cahill,      fol.  249. 
whom  the  Juftices  had  lately  employed  in  a  treaty 


Ch.  XVI.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  141 

THE  pretended  plunder  of  an  Englifh  bark,  by  fame  of  the  common  peo- 
ple of  that  village,  (part  of  which  plunder  is  laid  to  have  been  put  into  Mr. 
King's  houfe  in  his  abfence,  and  is  made  the  fole  pretence  for  this  breach  of 
public  faith)  muft  have  happened,  if  at  all,  fome  time  before  this  manifefto 
>was  published.     For  the  Justices  make  exprefs  mention  of  it,  in  their  letter  to 
the  Earl  of  Leicefter  of  the  I4th  of  December  (6);  on  \\hich  day  too,  their 
order  to  pillage   and  burn  Clontarf,  is  dated,  altho'  their  manifcilo  was  not 
published  till  the  I5th.     In  that  letter,  their  Lordfhips  exprefs  their  intention 
of  ordering  that  expedition  ;  and  after    betraying  a  guilty  confcioufnefs  (7), 
;  that  the  gentlemen  of  the  pale  would  take  new  offence  thereat  •"  they  add, 
;  but  that  we  will  adventure  upon,"     From  whence  it  evidently  appears, 
that   on   the  very  day   before   that  on   which  they  publifhed    their   mani- 
fefto, they  had  taken  a  refolution  to  violate  it  (b)* 


CHAP.          XVI. 

The  Order  for  a  general  Pardon  limited  by  the  Jufiices. 

UT,  if  even  this  perfidious  order  was  not  found  fufficient  to  excite 
thefe  gentlemen  to  any  hoflile,  or  difloyal  attempt,  the  Jufiices  had  ftill 
in  referve,  divers  other  means  equally  well  calculated  for  that  iniquitous 
purpofe.  Their  Lordfhips  had,  about  this  time  received (i)  "  an  order  of 
both  Houfes  of  the  Englifh  parliament,  dated  November  3Oth,  directing  them, 
to  grant  his  IViajefty's  pardon  to  all  thofc,  who  within  a  convenient  time, 
fhould  return  to  their  obedience."  Yet,  notwithstanding  this  order  for 
(a)  a  general  pardon,  they  ftill  continued  their  former  proclamation,  which 
was  fo  (2)  limited,  with  refpecl  to  perfons,  places,  and  time ;  and  clogged, 

befides, 

(6)  See  Temp.  Irifli  Rebel.  (7)  U'  ib. 

(i)  See  Temp.  Irifli  Rebel.  (2)   Id   ib. 

(k)  "  The  Lords  Juftices,  as  Toon   as  they   were  rr.iiTioners  fent  from   thence  to   any  place  out  of  h's 

farisfied    that   the    Lords  of  the  pale  would  not  truft  power,  took   meafures    in   order  to    convict    them  of 

themfelves  in   the  tity    in    ihe   hands   of  Sir  Charles  treafon,  and  forfeit   iheir  eftalts."     Cart.  Grin.  vol.  i. 

Coote,  though   they  were  ready   to   treat  with  com-  fol.  275-6. 

(a)  "  In  another  inrtancc,"  fays  Doctor  Leland,  in  the  name  of  the  Englifli  parliarrent  muft  h?ve  had 
*'  the  conduct  of  thefe  wretched  governors  was  ftill  greater  influence,  than  any  act  of  an  Irifli  miniftry,  de- 
more  fufpicious  ;  they  received  inftru&ions  for  a  general  fpifed  and  fufpefted  by  the  body  of  the  nation.  But 
pardon  to  fuch  rebels,  as  fhould  fubmit  within  a  cer-  the  chief  Governors,  and  their  creatures,  were  expe- 
taintime,  to  be  limited  by  the  Lords  Juftices.  But  rienced  in  the  art  of  converting  forfeitures  to  their  own 
no  proclamation  was  publilhed,  no  pardon  offered,  in  advantage."  Hift.  of  ltd.  vol.  iii.  p.  339-40. 
confequence  of  thefe  inftruclions.— A  pardon  offered 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.V; 

befides,  with  fuch  impracticable  conditions,  that  they  muft  have  been  them- 
felves  fenfiblc,  that  it  was  apter  to  prevent,  than  to  produce,  fubmiffions. 
For  firft,  it  abfolutely  precluded  freeholders,  from  all  hopes  of  pardon;  "  be- 
caufe,"  fays  Lord  Caftlehaven(3),  "  they  had  eflates  to  lofe."  And  on  the 
other  hand,  the  poorer  Irifh,  who  alone  had  been  guilty  of  the  depredations, 
and  other  mifchiefs  then  committed,  were  to  be  pardoned  upon  fuch  terms 
only,  as  it  was  not  in  their  power  to  comply  with.  "  For  their  pardon,"  fays 
(4)  Temple,  "  was  to  be  granted  only,  on  condition  of  reftoring  the  goods, 
and  chattels,  taken  from  the  Britilh  ;"  which  reftitution,  the  fame  writer  (5) 
confeffes,  "  it  was  impoilible  for  them  to  make."  Befides  this  pardon,  inftead 
of  being  general,  (as  both  Houfes  of  the  Englifh  parliament  intended  it  fhould 
be)  extended  only  to  the  lower  people  of  four  counties,  viz.  Meath,  Weft- 
meath,  Louth,  and  Longford,  (out  of  thirty-two  that  are  in  the  kingdom,) 
u  in  (6)  two  of  which  four  counties,  no  body  of  infurgents  had  yet  appeared." 
And,  the  time  allowed  for  their  coming  in,  being  ftinted  to  ten  days,  it  was 
hardly  poffible,  as  the  nation  was  then  circumftanced,  for  half  the  perfons  con- 
cerned to  receive  even  notice  of  the  proclamation,  much  lefs  to  furrender  them- 
felves,  on  fo  fhort  a  warning. 

IN  like  manner,  when  his  Majefty  afterwards  fent  thefe  Juftices  his  procla- 
mation of  January  rft,  1641,  granting  a  general  pardon  to  thefe  infurgents, 
upon  their  fubmiifion  (7) ;  "  they  fecreted  the  copies  of  it  to  fuch  a  degree, 
that  the  Lords  and  gentlemen  of  the  pale,  who  lay  neareft  Dublin,  could  not 
get  a  fight  of  one  of  them."  Nay,  inftead  of  pur  filing  fuch  pacific  and  con- 
ciliating meafures,  they,  on  the  ift  of  February  following,  commanded  out 
the  Earl  of  Ormond,  with  a  powerful  army,  on  an  expedition  to  the  county  of 
Kildare  •,  where,  "  purfuant  to  his  orders,"  fays  (8)  Mr.  Carte,  "  he  burnt 
Newcaftle  and  Lyons,  and  gave  up  Naas  to  his  foldiers  to  plunder  j  having 
fent  out  parties,  to  burn  Caftle-Martin,  Kilcullen-bridge,  and  in  fhort,  all  the 
country  for  feventeen  miles  in  length,  and  twenty-five  in  breath." 

THE  Earl  of  Ormond  was  more  implicitly  obedient  to  thefe  Lords  Juftices 
orders,  than  became  either  a  true  lover  of  his  country,  or  a  faithful  fubject  of 
his  King.  He  was  not  infcnfible  of  their  Lordfhips  criminal  connection  with 
the  prevailing  faction  in  the  Englifh  parliament ;  nor  of  the  flagrant  iniquity 
of  many  of  thefe  orders  :  for  although,  while  they  remained  in  the  government, 
he  (9)  ';  proteited  to  Sir  Henry  Vane,"  who  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  that 
faction,  "  upon  the  faith  of  an  honeft  man,  that  he  loved  and  honoured  their 

perfons,'* 

:v  M::noir-:.         (4)  ib.  p.  48.         (5)  ib.  p.  49.         (6)  Cart.  Orni.  vol.  i.        (7)  Id.  ib- vol.  i.  fof.  296. 
..*';  'b.  vol.  i.  (9)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  Ibl,  43. 


Cb.XVII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  143 

perfons,"  yet,'  upon  the  dif^race  of  Sir  William  Parfons,  he  co'.ifefled  to  Lord 
Clanrickard,  who,  he  knew,  detefled  them  ( i  o),  "  that  during  their  adminif- 
tration,  the  parliament's  pamphlets  were  received  as  jradus.  ii .  commands  obeyed 
as  laws,  and  extirpation  preached  for  gofpel." 

"  THE  (i  i)  Lords  of  the  pale  made  no  opposition  to  any  of  thofe  parties, 
that  were  detached  to  make  the  above-mentioned  general  devaluation.  But 
it  affected  Lord  Gormanftown,  the  principal  mover  of  their  union,  to  fiich  a 
degree,  that  he  died  not  long  after  of  grief;  and  the  reft  of  the  Lords  of  the 
pale,  grown  defperate,  laid  alide  all  thoughts  of  pardon,  or  treaty ;  and  join- 
ed all  their  forces,  for  the  fupport  of  the  common  canfe ;  in  which  many 
others,  who  had  as  yet  flood  out,  foon  joined,  fearing  that  they  fhoulci, 
at  lair,  be  involved  in  the  others  fate,  iince  a  total  extirpation  was  in- 
tended (b)r 


C       H      A      P.  XVII. 


Lords  Juftlces  Orders  concerning  Roman  Catholic  Priefts. 

IN  this  expedition  to  the  county  of  Kildare,  "  the  foldiers  found  one(r) 
Mr.  Higgins  at  Naas,  who  might,  if  he  pleafed,  have  eafily  fled,  if  he 
apprehended  any  danger  in  the  ftay.  When  he  was  brought  before  the  Earl 
of  Ormond,  he  voluntarily  confelTed,  that  he  was  a  Papift,  and  that  his  refi- 
dence  was  in  the  town,  from  whence  he  refufed  to  fly  away,  with  thofe  that 
were  guilty,  becaufe  he  not  only  knew  himfelf  very  innocent,  but  believed, 
that  he  could  not  be  without  ample  teftimony  of  it ;  having,  by  his  fole  cha- 
rity and  power,  preferved  very  many  of  the  Engliih  from  the  rage,  and  fury 
of  the  Irifh  -,  and  therefore,  he  only  befought  his  Lordfhip,  to  prefer ve  him 
from  the  violence  and  fury  of  the  foldiers ;  and  put  him  fecurely  into  Dublin, 
to  be  tried  for  any  crime ;  which  the  Earl  promifed  to  do,  and  performed  it  j 
tho'  with  fo  much  hazard,  that  when  it  was  fpread  abroad  among  the  foldiers, 
that  he  was  a  Papift,  the  officer  in  whofe  cuftody  he  was  intruded,  was  afTault- 

ed 

(10)  Id.  ib.  -  (u)  Id.  ib.  vol.  i.  fol.  303. 

(i)  Clarendon,  Borl.  Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Rebel. 

(1)  "  The  favourite  object  both  of  the  Irifh  govern-  to  their  conquerors  ;  fo  that  they  and  their  pofterity 

nient,  and  Englifh  parliament,  was  the  utter  extermi-  were  configned  to  inevitable  ruin."      Lei*  Hift,  of  Ire!, 

nation  of  all  the  Catholic  inhabitants  of  Ireland.— —  vol.  iii.  p.  166. 
Their  eflates  were  already  marked  out,  and  allotted 


144-  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.V. 

ed  by  them  ;  and  it  was  as  much  as  the  Earl  could  do,  to  compofe  the  mutiny. 
When  his  Lordfhip  came  to  Dublin,  he  informed  the  Lords  Juftices  of  the 
priibner  he  had  brought  with  him,  and  of  the  good  teftimoriy  he  had  received 
of  his  peaceable  carriage ;  and  of  the  pains  he  had  taken,  to  reftrain  thofe, 
with  whom  he  had  credit,  from  entering  into  rebellion  ;  and  of  many  chari- 
table offices  he  had  performed ;  of  all  which  there  wanted  not  evidence 
enough,  there  being  many  then  in  Dublin,  who  owed  their  lives,  and  what- 
ever of  their  fortunes  was  left,  purely  to  him.  Within  a  few  days  after,  when 
the  Earl  did  not  fufpedt  the  poor  man's  being  in  danger,  he  heard  that  Sir 
Charles  Coote,  who  was  Provoft-Marfhal  General,  had  taken  him  out  of 
prifon,  and  caufed  him  to  be  (a)  put  to  death  in  the  morning,  before,  or  as 
foon  as,  it  was  light ;  of  which  barbarity,  the  Earl  complained  to  the  Lords 
Juftices;  but  was  fo  far  from  bringing  the  other  to  be  queftioned,  that  he 
found  himfelf  upon  fome  difadvantage,  for  thinking  the  proceeding  to  be  other, 
than  it  ought  to  have  been  (b)" 

THE  Earl  of  Ormond,  tho'  Lieutenant  General  of  his  Majefly's  army,  had 
it  not,  it  feems,  in  his  power,  to  fave  the  lives  of  any  Popifh  Priefts,  how- 
ever innocent,  or  meriting,  whom  he  fhould  happen  to  meet  with  in 
his  march.  For  foon  after  (2),  "  his  Lordfhip  having  promifed  the  Coun- 
tefs  of  Weftmeath,  to  preferve  her  chaplain,  Mr.  White,  whom  he  found  at 
her  houfe,  from  the  fury  of  the  foldiers,  while  he  remained  there;  the  poor 
man,  having,  on  fome  occafion,  left  it  the  next  day,  was  taken  abroad  by 
them,  and  brought  to  the  Earl,  whom  he  reminded  of  the  protection  he  had 
promifed  him  the  night  before ;  but  he  was  only  anfwered,  that  if  he  had  ftay- 
ed  in  the  houfe  he  was  in,  this  would  not  have  befallen  him  ;  and  that  it  was 
then  out  of  his  power,  to  preferve  him,  himfelf  being  bound  to  purfue  thofe 

orders, 

(2)  Clarend.  Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Rebel. 

(a)  "  It   was   eeitain!y  a    'referable  fpedhcle,    as  tors,  that  is  (continues   his  Lordfhip)  all  fuch,  as  he 
Lord  Caftlehaven  rbf.rves,  in    his   manufcript   vindi-  fiiould  deem  to  be  fo  ;  which   he  performed  with  de- 
cation  of  his  meiiuiiis.  to  fee   every  day   numbers  of  light,  and  a  wanton  kind  of  cruelty  ;  and  yet,  all  this 
people  executed   by  martial  law,  at  the  ditcie  ion.  or  while  the  Juftices  fat   in  council;  and  the  Judges,  in 
rather  caprice  of  Sir  Charles  Coote,  an  hot  headed  and  the  ufual  feafons,  fat   in  their  refpeftive  courts,  fpec- 
bloody  man,  and  as  fuch  accounted  even  by  the  Eng-  tators  of,  and  countenancing,  fo  extravagant   a  tribu- 
lii'li  and  Proreflairt'.     Yet   this  was   the   man,  whom  nal  as  Sir  Charles  Coote's,  and  fo  illegal  an  execution 
the  Lords  Juftices  picked   our  to  erttruft  with  a  com-  of  Juftice."     Cart.  Orni.  vol.  i. 

million  jot"  martial  law,'  to  put  to  death  rebels  or  trai- 

(b)  Mr.  Carte  obferves,  "  that  the  hanging  of  this  ed  to  juftify  the  fears,  which  the  Lords  of  the  pale 
run,  (deferv'ng  in   many  refpedts,  and  exceptionable  pretended  to  have  of  trufling  themfelves  in  a  place, 
•u  none  but  that  of  his  religion)  by  martial  law,  by  whereof  that  gentleman  was  governor."   Li'.eofOrm. 
Sir  Charles  Coote's  authority,  without  a    particular  vol.  i.  fol.  280. 

warrant  from  the  rtat?,  feems  perfectly  well  calcuiat- 


Ch.  XVIII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  145 

orders,  which  the  Lords  Juftices  had  given  him.  Neverthelefs,"  continues 
Clarendon,  "  he  did  endeavour  to  have  favcd  him,  at  leaft,  till  he  might  be 
brought  to  Dublin  j  but  the  whole  army,  pofTefled  with  a  bitter  fpirit  againft 
the  Romifh  clergy,  mutinied  upon  it  ;  and  in  the  end,  compelled  his  Lordfhip 
to  leave  him  unto  that  Juftice,  which  they  were  authorifed  to  execute,  and  fo 
put  him  to  death." 


CHAP.          XVIII. 

The  Caufe  of  the  Infurrettion  in  Munfter. 

FT  (i)  was  the  middle  of  December  1641,  before  any  gentleman,  in  the 
JL  province  of  Munfter,  appeared  to  favour  the  infurre£tion.  Many  of  them 
had  {hewn  themfelves  zealous  to  oppofe  it,  and  tendered  their  fervice  to  that 
end.  Lord  Mufkerry,  who  had  married  a  fiftear  of  the  Earl  of  Ormond's,  of- 
fered to  raife  a  thoufand  men,  at  his  own  charge ;  and,  if  the  ftate  could  not 
fupply  them  with  arms,  he  was  ready  to  raife  money,  by  a  mortgage  of  his 
eftate,  to  buy  them ;  if  when  the  fervice  was  ended,  he  might  either  keep  the 
arms,  or  be  reimburft  what  they  coft  him ;  nor  did  any  figns  of  unealinefs,  or 
difTafTe6tion,  appear  among  the  gentry,  till  Sir  William  St.  Leger,  Lord  Prefi- 
dent  of  that  province,  came  to  Clonmell ;  which  was  on  the  firft  of  that  month. 
There  had  been,  a  few  days  before,  fome  robberies  committed  in  the  county 
of  Tipperary,  by  a  rabble  of  the  vulgar  fort,  and  a  parcel  of  idle  young  fel- 
lows of  the  baronies  of  Eliogurty,  Killemanna,  Clanwillian,  and  Middlethyrde ; 
who,  as  foon  as  they  had  got  their  prey,  divided  it,  and  retired  to  their  feve- 
ral  parifhes.  Among  other  Englifh  who  fuffered,  a  great  number  of  cows  and 
fheep,  were  taken  from  Mr.  Kingfmill  of  Ballyowen,  brother-in-law  to  the 
Lord  Prefident.  Sir  William  St.  Leger,  upon  Notice  thereof,  came  in  two  or 
three  days,  with  two  troops  of  horfe,  in  great  (a)  fury,  to  Ballyowen ;  and 
being  informed  the  cattle  were  driven  to  Eliogurty,  he  marched  that  way. 
As  he  fet  forth,  he  killed  three  perfons  at  Ballyowen,  who  were  faid  to  have 
taken  up  fome  mares  of  Mr.  Kingfmiirs ;  and  not  far  off,  at  Grange  he  killed, 
or  hanged,  four  innocent  labourers  j  at  Ballymurrin  fix,  and  at  Ballygalburt 

U  eight , 

(i)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i. 

(a)  "  In  Munfter  the  firft  fymptoms  of  commotion  remonftrated  to  St.  Leger  on  the  rigour  of  his  execu- 

appeared  in  fome  petty  ravages  and  robberies,  which  tions,    were    received    with    difdain    and    infoience, 

were  puniihed  by  the  Lord  Prefident,  Sir  William  St.  pleaded  the  necefliry  of  felf-defence,  and  declared  for 

Leger,  with  a  barbarous  feverity.     The  difaffe&ed  war."    Lei.  Hift.  oflrel.  vol.  iii.  p.  154. 


146  HISTORICAL    REVIEW   OF    THE  Bk.  V. 

eight ;  and  burnt  feveral  houfes.  From  thence.  Captain  Paifly,  marching  to 
Armail,  killed  there  feven  or  eight  poor  men  and  women,  whom  he  found  ftand- 
ing  abroad  in  the  ftreetsa  near  their  own  doors  inoffenfively  j  and  palling  over 
the  river  Ewyer,  marched  to  Clonalta ;  where,  meeting  Philip  Ryan,  the 
chief  farmer  of  the  place,  a  very  honeft  and  able  man,  not  at  all  concerned 
in  the  robberies,  he,  without  any  enquiry,  either  gave  orders  for,  or  connived 
at,  his  being  killed,  as  appeared  by  his  cherifhing  the  murderer.  The  Cap- 
tain went  from  thence,  to  meet  the  Lord  Freiident ;  where  feveral  of  the  chief 
nobility,  and  gentry  of  the  country,  being  furprifed  at  thefe  rafh  and  cruel  pro- 
ceedings, waited  upon  his  Lordfhip,  with  their  complaints,  which  were  re- 
jected, and  the  Captain  applauded  for  what  he  had  done.  Among  thefe  gen- 
tlemen, was  James  Butler,  Lord  Baron  of  Duriboyne  j  Thomas  Butler  of  Kil- 
connel,  James  Butler  of  Kilveylagher,  Theobald  Butler  of  Armail,  Richard 
Butler  of  Ballynekill,  Philip  O'Dwyer,  and  feveral  others  of  good  quality. 

"  THEY  obferved  to  the  Lord  Prefident,  how  generally  the  people  were 
exafperated  by  thefe  inconfiderate  cruelties,  running  diftractedly  from  houfe 
to  houfe ;  and  that  they  were  upon  the  point  of  gathering  together  in  great 
numbers,  not  knowing  what  they  had  to  truft  to,  and  \vhat  was  likely  to  be 
their  fate.  They  told  him,  that  they  waited  upon  his  Lordfhip,  to  be  inform- 
ed how  affairs  ftood,  and  that  they  coveted  nothing  more  than  to  ferve  his  Ma- 
jefty  and  preferve  the  peace,  and  defired  that  he  would  be  pleafed  to  qualify 
them  for  it,  with  authority  and  arms  ^  in  which  cafe,  they  would  not  fail  to 
fupprefs  the  rabble,  and  fecurc  the  peace  of  the  country.  The  Prefident  did 
not  receive  their  reprefentation  and  offer,  in  the  manner  they  expected ;  but 
in  an  hafty  furious  way,  anfwered  them,  that  they  were  all  rebels,  and  that 
he  would  not  truft  one  foul  of  them  j  but  thought  it  more  prudent  to  hang  the 
beft  of  them.  And  in  this  extraordinary  humour,  he  continued  all  the  while 
thefe,  and  other  perfons  of  quality,  their  neighbours,  were  waiting  upon  him. 
This  made  them  all  withdraw,  and  return  to  their  houfes  j  much  refenting 
his  rudenefs,  and  feverity ;  as  well  as  very  uncertain  about  their  own  fafety  ; 
fome  of  them  imagining,  that  this  diftrufting  of  their  loyalty,  and  deflroying  of 
their  reputations,  was  the  preface  to  a  defign  of  taking  away  their  lives.  From 
Clonmell,  Sir  William  St.  Leger  marched  into  the  county  of  Waterford,  and 
his  foldiers  in  the  way,  as  they  went,  and  returned  from  the  Wexford-rebels, 
killed  feveral  poor  harmlefs  people,  not  at  all  concerned  in  the  rebellion,  or  in 
the  plunder  of  the  country;  which  alfo  incenfedthe  gentlemen  of  that  county, 
and  made  them  prepare  for  flanding  on  their  defence  (b)? 

CHAP. 

{&}  "  In  this  fudden   and  violent  commotion,  the      preferve  both  the  perfons  and  the  fortunes  of  the  Eng- 
Southern  leaders,  however  provoked  by  the  cruelties      lifh  from  any  outrage."       Lei.   ubi  fupra,    p.   1 54. 
of  St.  Leger,  yet  exprefled  a  laudable  follicitude  to     Tetnple  informs  u§  on  this  occafion,  "  that  Sir  Wil- 
liam 


CH.XIX.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  147 

CHAP.          XIX. 

The  Caufe  of  the  Infurreclion  in  Conaught. 

THAT  the  like  inhuman  treatment  of  the  natives  in  Conaught,  by  per- 
fons  placed  in  authority  there,  occafioned  the  firft  rife,  and  fubfequent 
extenfion  of  the  troubles  in   that  province,  appears  from  the  authentic  tefti- 
mony  of  the  Earl  of  Clanrickard,  who  was  governor  of  Galway,  during  the 
whole  time  of  this  war. 

BY  his  Lordfhip's  great  activity  and  vigilance,  that  province  continued 
quiet,  for  many  weeks  after  the  infurreclion  commenced ;  "  and  did  utterly 
miflike  the  proceedings  of  the  infurgents  (i)."  The  county  of  Galway,  in  par- 
ticular, on  the  6th  of  December  1641  (2),  remained  undiflurbed."  But  on  the 
23d  of  the  following  month,  the  cafe  feems  to  have  been  very  different, 
which  Lord  Clanrickard  imputes  (in  a  letter  of  that  date  to  the  Duke  of 
Richmond)  to  the  mal-adminiftration  of  the  Lords  Juftices,  as  already  related, 
both  before  and  after  the  infurrection  began  (3).  "  All,"  fays  he,  "  are  generally 
difcontented  with  thofe,  who  manage  the  affairs  of  ftate  here,  whom  they 
charge  with  fecret  practicing,  in  both  kingdoms,  before  the  commotions  be- 
gan, to  raife  parties  to  deftroy  their  religion,  and  divert,  and  hinder  the  King's 
graces,  intended  towards  them,  and  by  that  means,  to  put  them  into  def- 
peration,  that  they  may  forfeit  their  lives  and  fortunes.  And  fince  the  dif- 
tempers  began,  the  fame  perfons  have  difpofed  of  affairs,  as  if  the  defign  was 
to  put  the  whole  kingdom  into  rebellion,  as  now  it  is." 

His  Lordfhip,  in  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond  in  June  following,  grie- 
voufly  complained  (4),  "  that  infults  offered  to  himfelf,  within  the  limits  of 
his  government,  were,  at  leaft,  connived  at ;  that  one  of  his  befl  manors  was 
ravaged,  by  fome  of  the  army  under  Ormond's  own  command  ;  and  that  out- 
rages were  committed  on  others,  in  that  diftricT:,  who  had  protections  from  the 

U  2  ftatej 

(i)  Minutes  of  Lord  Clanrickard's  letter  in  the  council-books.  (2)  ib. 

(3)  Clanrick.  Mem.  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  (4)  Cart.  Onn.  vol.  Hi. 

Ham  St.  Leger  gallantly  purfued  tbefe  rebels  j  and  that  acquainting  him,  with  what  fort  of  rebels  he  had  been 

after  a  long  and  tedious  march,  he  came  upon  them  engaged,  fays,  "  never  was   the  like  war  heard  of; 

unawares,  and  flew  two  hundred  of  them,  befides  fe-  no  man  makes   head  ;    one  parifli   robs  another,    go 

veral  whom  he  took  prifoners  and  hanged."     Hill,  of  home  and  fliare  the  goods,  and  there  is  an  end  of  it  ; 

the  Irilh  Rebel,  p.  159.     Sir  William  hinffelf,  in  a  and  this  by  a  company  of  qaked  rogues."  Caru  Orrn. 

letter  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  December  i  ith,  i64i>  vol.  iii.  fol.  47. 


148  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  V. 

ftate,  and  who,"  fays  he,  "  fill  thefe  parts  with  their  fad  complaints,  diftracl- 
ing  moft  men's  minds  to  defperation ;  which,  he  doubted  not,  would  be  of 
dangerous  confequence  to  the  whole  province ;  as  he  then  underftood,  that 
the  people  began  to  prepare  for  their  defence,  and  gathered  all  the  forces  they 
could  make." 

THESE  outrages  were  now  fo  much  increafed,  that  hisLordfhip  acquainted 
the  Juftices,-  that,  iince  the  time  he  made  his  former  complaint,  which  was  on 
the  27th  of  the  preceding  month  (5),  "  Scarce  any  day  paffed,  without  great 
complaints  of  the  Captain  of  the  fort  of  Galwayy  and  the  (a)  commander  of  a 
fhipofwar,  then  lying  in  the  harbour,  fallying  out  with  their  foldiers,  and 
trumpet,  and  a  troop  of  horfe ;  burning,  and  breaking  open  houfes,  taking 
away  goods,  preying  of  the  cattle,  with  ruin  and  fpoil,  rather  then  fupply 
to  themfelves ;  and  all  this  committed,  not  only  upon  thofe  who  were  pro- 
tected, but  upon  them  who  were  moft  forward  to  relieve  and  affift  them,  not 
fparing  mine,"  adds  his  Lordfhip,  u  frequently  upon  fancy,  or  rumour,  with- 
out examining  the  occafion  ;  the  Captain  of  the  fort  (hooting  his  ordinance  in- 
to the  town,  or  threatning  to  do  it,  keeping  diforderly  fentries  at  every  gate, 
abufing  thofe  that  offer  to  go  out,  threatening  to  take  them  prifoners  to  the 
fort,  and  to  exercife  martial  law  upon  them ;  killing,  and  robbing,  poor 
people,  that  came  to  market,  burning  their  fiftier-boats,  and  not  differing 
them  to  go  out,  and  no  punifhment  inflided  upon  any  that  committed  thefe 
outrages ;  and,  as  I  am  well  informed,"  adds  he,  "  acting  moft  things  without 
any  regard  to  the  King's  honour  engaged,  or  any  refped  at  all  to  me,  in  adion, 
though  much  in  profeffion." 

"  THESE  particulars,  my  Lords,"  proceeds  Lord  Clanrickard,  "  do  fo  dif- 
temper  and  difquiet  all  men's  thoughts,  even  thofe  that  have  been  moft  for- 
ward to  do  fervice,  that  it  is  like  to  be  of  moft  dangerous  confequence  at  this 

time, 
(5)  Id.ib. 

(a)  Lord  Forbes,  who  had  brought  along  with  him  your  Majefty  doth  live,  it  would  be  fo :  and  there- 

the  famous  Hugh  Peters,  as  his  chaplain,  and   was  fore  rc-folved,  for  the  good  of  the  kingdom,  to  take 

much  governed  by  his  advice."     Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  your  liie  away  ;  and  that  to  that  action,  Mr.  Dell,  and 

347.     This  Peters  and  one  Dell,  another  Prefbyterian  Mr.  Peters,  they   were  well  afTured.  would  willingly 

ininifter,  feem  to  have  afterwards,  ftarted  the  firft  hint  bear  them  company  ;  for  they  had  often  iaid  to  thefe 

of  the  project  of  the  King's  murder.      An  anonymous  agitators,  your  Majefty  is  but  a  dead  dog.     My  pray- 

letter,  of  November  9th,    1647,  to  the  following  pur-  ers  are  for  your  Mojefty's  fafety  ;  but  1  do  too  much 

pofe,  was  privately  handed  to  his  Majefty.     "  In  dif-  fear,  it  cannot   be,  while   you   are    in   thofe  hands  " 

charge  of  my  duty,  I  cannot   omit  to  acquaint  you,  Relig.  Carol.  Sacr.  p.  207.      In  confequence  of  this 

that  my  brother   was  at  a  meeting   laft   night,  with  information,  his  Majefty   privately   withdrew  himfelf 

eight  or  nine  agitators  ;  who  in  debate  of  the  obftacle  from  Hampton-court,  on  the  i  ith  of  the  fame  month, 

which  did  moft  hinder  the  fpeedy  effecting  their  defigns,  attended  only  by  Sir  John  Berkley,  Aihburnham,  and 

did  conclude  it  was  your  Majefty ;  and  that  as  long  as  Legg. 


Ch.  XX.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  149 

time,  when  Mayo,  Sligo,  Thomond,  and  other  countries,  have  prepared  for- 
ces, and  are  ready  to  fall  upon  my  Lord  Prefident  and  myfelf.  I  rnufi  there- 
fore, mofl  humbly  and  earneftly  intreat  your  Lordlhips  to  take  a  fpcedy  courfe, 
that  the  country  may  be  quieted  and  fatisfiecl,  that  deftruction  is  not  intended 
againftthe  well-arTedted ;  that  I  may  be  repaired  in  my  honour,  and  preferved 
in  my  authority,  now  grown  into  contempt ;  or  that  your  Lordfhips  will  be 
pleafed  to  difcharge  me  of  the  burden  of  this  government,  for,  in  this  manner, 
I  may  not  longer  hold  it,  with  differvice  to -his  Majeity,  and  danger  and  di£- 
honour  to  myfelf." 

CHAP.  XX. 

Further  Severities  of  the  Lords  Juftices. 

ABOUT  this  time(i),  "  Sir  John  Read,  one  of  the  gentlemen  of  hk 
Majefly's  privy-chamber,  then  in  Ireland,  being,  intruded  writh  letters 
to  his  Majefty,  by  the  nobility  and  gentry  of  the  pale,  was  invited  by  the 
Lords  Juftices  to  repair  to  Dublin,  that  they  might  confer  with  him,  before 
his  departure ;  but,  at  his  coming  to  Dublin,  he  was  committed  clofe  pr-ifbner 
to  the  caftle,  notwithflanding  they  wrote  for  him,  and  though  he  told  them, 
he  brought  letters  to  his  Majefty.  Soon  after  this,  they  put  him  to  the 
rack  (a)." 

LOR D  (2)  Dunfany,  who  lived  quietly  in  his  own  houfe,  doing  all  a6ts  of 
humanity  to  the  diftretTed  Englifh,  even  at  the  hazard  of  his  life,  came,  with 
his  fon  to  Dublin,  and  furrendered  himfelf  to  the  government,  "  where  he 
wras  immediately  imprifoned,  and  endited  by  a  jury,  which  did  (3)  not  coniift 
of  freeholders."  At  the  fame  time,  (4)  Patrick  Barnwell  of  Kilbrew,  Efq;  one 
of  the  mofl  confiderable  gentlemen  of  the  pale,  a  venerable  old  man,  of  the 
age  of  iixty-fix,  a  lover  of  quiet,  and  highly  refpe6ted  in  his  country,  "  having 
furrendered  himfelf  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  and  received  a  (b)  fafe  conduct 

from 

(i)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  n.  fol.  295.  (2)  Id.  ib.  (3)  Brief  Narrative.  See  WalfJ/s  Reply  to  a  Perfon  of  Quality. 
^4)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i. 

(a)  "  The  principal  queftion  put  to  him  while  on  ferve  their  ends,  by  calumniating  his  Majefty  ;  at  the 

the  rack,  was,  whether    the  King  was  privy   to,  or  fame  time  that  they   promoted  their  own  fcheme  of 

encouraged    the  rebellion?  The  Lords  Juft'.ces,  dc—  an   extirpation    by   racking    thele   gentlemen,  whole 

voted  to  that   party,  (in  the   Englifli  parliament,)  to  treatment  could  not  fail  of  deterring  every  body  from 

whofe  difpofition  the   government  of  Ireland  was  en-  venturing  themfelves  into  their  power  for  the  future." 

tirely  left,  endeavoured,  in  this   deteftable   way,   to  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  301. 

(I)  The  Earl  of  Omond,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Juftice  brew,  I  fuffered  him  to  come  along  with  me."  Cart. 
Parfons,  fays,  "  Having  received  from  your  Lordfhip,  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  68.  "  Patrick  Barnwell  of  Kil- 
a  note  intimating  a  fafe-guard  to  Mr.  Barnweli  ofK.il-  brew;  Efq;  endured  the  torture  with  fo  fteady  an 

avowal 


150  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.V. 

from  Sir  William  Parfons,  was,  neverthelefs,  upon  his  arrival  in  Dublin,  im- 
prifoned,  and  put  to  the  rack;  and  he,  (LordDunfany,)  and  Sir  John  Netter- 
ville,  fufTered  great  hardfhips  afterwards,  from  the  rigour  of  the  Lords  Juftices, 
in  their  confinement  in  the  caftle  of  Dublin,  for  twelve  or  fourteen  months ; 
and  being  refufed  to  be  bailed,^  were  ready  to  perifh  for  want  of  relief." 

BESIDES  thefe,  (5)  Sir  Andrew  Aylmer,  Girald  and  George  Aylmer,  Efqrs. 
Edward  Lawrence,  INicholas  and  Stephen  Dowdal,  Efqrs.  Sir  Nicholas  White, 
and  his  fon,  John  Talbot,  Gerald  Fitzgerald,  and  William  Malone,  Efqrs.  all 
gentlemen  of  the  pale,  had  either  fubmitted  to  the  Lords  Juftices,  or  to  the 
Earl  of  Ormond  in  this  expedition  to  Drogheda.  But,  altho'  it  was  certainly 
known,  that  they  never  were  in  any  manner  connected  with  the  infurgents, 
but  on  the  contrary,  that  they  had  greatly  fuffered  by  their  depredations,  "  yet 
they  were  all  committed  prifoners  to  the  caftle,  without  being  even  admitted 
to  the  prefence  of  the  Lords  Juftices  j  after  which,  they  were  examined,  fome 
by  menace,  others  by  (c)  torture,  and  moft  of  them  neceflitated  to  fubfcribe 
to  what  the  examiners  pleafed  to  infert.  In  confequence  of  thofe  examina- 
tions, and  perhaps  (d)  other  kinds  of  management,  they  were  all  endited  of 
high  treafon ;  in  the  fpace  of  two  days,  there  were  above  three  thoufand  fuch 
cnditments  upon  record." 

id.  lb. 


avowal  of  his  Innocence,  and  fuch  abundant  evidence 
was  offered  in  his  favour,  that  the  Juftices  were  afaam- 
cd  of  their  cruelty  ;  and  to  make  fome  amends  to  the 


unhappy  gentleman,  he  was  permitted  to  refide  in 
Dublin,  and  his  eftare  protected  from  the  general  ha- 
vock  of  the  foldiery  "  Lei.  Hift.  of  Irel.  vol.  iii.  p.  165. 


(c)  "  Preparations   xvere  made   for  their  trials. —  tices  had  recourfe  to  the  rack,  in  order  to  extort  fuch 

But,  as  they  had  never  been  engaged   in  any    hoftile  confeffions,  as  thefe  mifcreants  had  a  mind  to  put  into 

aftion,  proper  facls  were  wanting  to  fupport  a  charge  the  mouths  of  thefe  unhappy  men."     Warner's  Jrifh 

againfl  them.     To  fupply  this  defeat,  the  Lords  juf-  Rebel,  p.  176. 


(d)  The  Juftices  "  had  exerted  themfelves  fo  vi- 
goroufly,  that  enditments  of  treafon  were  found  againfl 
thofe,  and  above  a  thoufand  more,  in  the  fpace  of 
two  days."  Lei.  Hift.  of  Irel.  Ubi  fupra.  "  With 
a  fhamelefs  outrage  on  decency,  a  memorial  was  pub- 


lickly  read  at  the  council-board,  from  a  friend  of  Sir 
William  Parfons,  reprefenting  his  merits  in  expending 
fums  of  money  for  procuring  witnefles  on  thefe  endit- 
ments." Id.  ib.  p.  201. 


CHAR 


Ch.  XXI,  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  151 


CHAP.         XXL 

•    . 

The  Gentlemen  of  the  Pale  petition  the  Ring  and  Parliament. 


WHILE  the  gentlemen  above-mentioned  were  confined  in  the  caftle  of 
Dublin,  they  addreffed  to  the  Earl,  now  Marquis,  of  Ormond,  the 
following  petition  j  inclofing  two  others,  one  to  his  Majeily,  and  the  other  to< 
the  Englifh  Houfe  of  Commons. 

"  MAY  (i)  it  pleafe  your  Lordfhip  to  call  to  mind,  how  your  petition- 
ers, upon  your  Lordfhip's  advancing  into  the  country,  with  his  Majefty's 
army,  did  come,  and  fubmit  to  your  Lordfhip  \  not  doubting  but  that  they 
fhould  thereby,  partake  of  his  Majefty's  grace  and  mercy.  And  yet  they 
have  received  as  hard  meafure  fince,  as  if  they  had  been  taken  prifoners,  and 
committed  the  higheft  acts  of  treafon.  Your  Lordfliip  cannot  forget,  that  we 
were  then,  out  of  danger  of  the  army ;  and  that,  if  we  had  fufpected  any 
fuch  hard,  and  extream  ufage,  as  we  have  fince  found,  we  might  hat*e 
means,  and  opportunity  to  fhift  for  ourfelves,  and  at  leaft,  to  continue  our 
former  liberty.  But  we  being  confcious  of  no  voluntary  treafon,  committed 
by  us,  did,  of  our  own  free  will  and  accord,  put  ourfelves  into  your  Lord- 
fhip's hands ;  not  doubting,  but  that  this  was  an  engagement  upon  your  Lord 
fhip,  in  point  of  honour,  (if  not  upon  his  Majefty,  as  we  conceive  it  is)  to 
intercede  to  his  Highnefs,  and  to  the  parliament,  for  us  j  which  your  Lord- 
fhip has  not  hitherto  done. 

"  THEIR  humble  requeft  unto  your  Lordfhip,  is,  that  for  the  clearing 
of  yourfelf,  from  having  an  hand  in  the  proceedings,  which,  fince  their 
fubmiflion,  have  been  againft  your  petitioners ;  and  for  the  vindicating  your 
honour  unto  poflerity  (which,  in  the  opinion  of  many,  doth  in  this  much 
fuffer)  your  Lordfhip  will  be  pleafed,  by  your  letters,  to  tranfmit  their 
petitions  fubfcribed  by  them,  unto  his  Majefty ;'  and  alfo  to  the  honourable 
Houfe  of  Commons  in  England,  which  is  the  leaft  right,  and  it  is  in  the 

main 

(i)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  ill. 


152 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE 


Bk.  V. 


main  nothing  but  truth,  which  your  Lordftiip  is  bound  in  honour  to  tef- 
tify  (a)» 

THE  Marquis  of  Ormond,  in  a  letter  to  the  Speaker  of  the  Englifh  Houfe 
of  Commons,  after  having  made  a  kind  of  apology  for  fending  him  thefe 
petitions,  acquaints  him  (2),  "  that,  indeed,  what  concerned  thefe  gentle- 
mens'  coming  to  him  of  theis  own  accord,  and  the  courfe  that  had  been  af- 
terwards held  with  them,  was  very  truly  fet  forth ;  and  that  he  had  not 
heard  of  any  hoftile  a£t,  that  had  been  done  by  any  of  them."  But  then 
he  immediately  fubjoins,  what  certainly  was  never  intended  for  their  fer- 
vice,  viz.  "  and  to  enter  into  their  hearts,  and  fearch  what  is  there,  is  only 
peculiar  to  God.  I  am  not  able,"  adds  he,  "  to  judge  whether  any  trea- 
fon  was  hatched  there,  or  no."  And,  with  this  invidious  insinuation,  "  he 
fubmitted  it  to  the  wifdom  of  that  great  council  (the  Englifh  Commons)  to 
advife  when,  and  where,  and  to  whom,  to  diftribute  mercy,  for  the  moft 
advantage  of  the  prefent  fer  vice."  The  principal  drift  of  which  fervice, 
he  perfectly  well  knew,  was  by  all  manner  of  means,  to  attaint  the  perfons, 
and  confifcate  the  eftates,  of  all  the  Roman  Catholic  nobility  and  gentry  of 
the  kingdom  (b). 

(2)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii. 
fa)  "  The  Lords  Juftices,  who  not  only  favoured      families,  engaged  in  no  aclion  with  the  rebels,  fonie, 


the  defigns  of  their  friends  in  England,  but  expelled 
to  have  their  own  fervices  rewarded  by  a  large  por- 
tion of  forfeitures,  were  refolved  to  difcourage  paci- 
fic difpofitions.  The  gentlemen,  who  were  fent  in 
cuftody  to  Dublin,  (on  furrendering  themfelves  to 
Ormond)  though  men  of  refpe&able  characters  and 


fufferers  by  their  rapine,  avcrfe  to  their  proceedings, 
known  prote&ors  of  the  Engliih,  were  all,  indifcii- 
minately,  denied  accefs  to  the  Juftices,  elofely  inn- 
prifoned,  and  threatened  with  the  utmoft  leverity." 
Lei.  Hift.  of  Irel.  vol.  iii.  p.  163. 


(1)  Mr.  Carte  informs  us,  "  That  he  found  in  the  getting  forne  hundreds  of  gentlemen  enditcd  ;  and  the 

Earl  of  Ormond's  notes,  written  with  his  own  hand,  rather  that  he  had  laid  out  fums  of  money  to  procure 

that  in  April,   1643,  there  was  a   letter  read   at  the  witnefles  to  give  evidence  to  a  jury  for   finding  thefe 

council-board,  from  an  intimate  friend  of  Sir  William  enditmems."     Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  423. 
Paifons,  who  claimed   a  great  merit  "to  himfelf,  in 


CHAP.. 


CH.XXII.  CIVIL   WARS   IN    IRELAND.  153 


CHAP.          XXII. 


Barbarous  Orders  of  the  Lords  Juftices  and  Council  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond. 

WERE  there  any  room  to  call  in  queftion  the  accounts  hitherto  given, 
of  thefe  Lords  Juftices  cruel  and  rapacious  adminift ration,  their  own 
public  orders,  which  were  conftantly  and  rigoroufly  executed,  would  authen- 
ticate and  confirm  them,  beyond  all  poflibility  of  doubt.  Out  of  thefe  orders, 
I  fhall  felecl:  two  or  three  pafTages,  (for  more  would  be  {hocking  to  the  reader's 
humanity,)  with  reference  to  the  ends  all  along  propofed  by  them,  which  evi- 
dently were,  firft  to  compel  fuch  of  the  Iriih,  as  were  ftill  quiet,  to  rife  in  their 
own  defence,  and  afterwards,  to  feize  on  their  perfons,  and  eftates  for  hav- 
ing yielded  to  fuch  compulfion. 

ON  the  23d  of  February,  1641,  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  when  on  his  march 
towards  the  Boyne,  received  the  following  refolution  of  the  Lords  Juftices, 
and  Council  ( i ).  "  It  is  refolved,  that  it  is  fit,  that  his  Lordfhip  do  endea- 
vour, with  his  Majefty's  forces,  to  wound,  kill,  (lay,  and  deftroy,  by  all  the 
ways  and  means  he  may,  all  the  faid  (a)  rebels,  and  their  adherents,  and  re- 
lievers y  and  burn,  fpoil,  wafte,  confume,  deftroy,  and  demolifh,  all  the  places, 
towns,  and  houfes,  where  the  faid  rebels  are,  or  have  been,  relieved,  or  har- 
boured, and  all  the  corn  and  hay  there  j  and  to  kill  and  deftroy  (£),  all  men 
there  inhabiting,  able  to  bear  arms." 

ON  the  Qth  of  the  following  month,  thefe  Lords  Juftices  and  Council,  di£- 
patched  another  order  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  then  marching  into  the  pale, 
with  an  army  of  three  thoufand  foot,  and  five  hundred  horfe,  to  burn,  fpoil, 
and  deftroy  the  rebels  of  the  pale,  without  excepting  any.  By  this  order, 
"  thofe  who  offered  to  come  in,  were  in  no  other  manner  to  be  taken  in, 
than  as  prifoners,  taken  by  the  ftrength  of  his  Majefty's  army ;  and,  if  any 
of  them  fhould  come  to  the  army,  the  foldiers  were  to  feize  on  them,  before 

X  they 

(i)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  iii. 
(a}  Iiilli  and  Rebels  were  then  fynonimous  terms. 

(b)  "  Can  any  one  think  after  this,"  fays  Do&or  Warner,  "  that  thefe  Lords  Juftices  had  any  reafon  to 
complain  of  the  cruelties  committed  by  the  ignorant  and  favage  Irifn."  Hiit.  of  the  Irifh  Rebel, 


i54  HISTORICAL    RfiVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  V. 

they  had  accefs  to  his  Lordfhip  j  and  afterwards,  they  were  to  be  denied  ac- 
cefs  to  his  perfon  (c)". 

IN  this  manner,  fuch  of  thofe  unhappy  noblemen,  and  gentlemen,  as  had 
been  driven  from  Dublin  by  their  Lordfhips'  proclamation,  on  pain  of  death, 
had  never  offended  the  government,  or  were  defirous  to  return  to  their  duty, 
if  in  any  refpecl  they  had  offended,  were  delivered  up,  without  diflinction, 
to  the  mercy  of  foldiers,  who  thirfted  after  nothing  more  ardently,  than  the 
blood  of  the  Irifh  $  and  whom  their  Lordfhips  had  before  incenfed,  by  all 
manner  of  ways,  againft  the  nation  in  general. 

DOCTOR  Nalfon  afTures  us  (2),  "that  the  feverities  of  the  Provoft-Mar- 
fhalls,  and  the  barbarifm  of  the  foldiers  to  the  Irifh,  were  then  fuch,  that 
he  heard  a  relation  of  his  own,  who  was  a  captain  in  that  fervice,  relate, 
that  no  manner  of  (d)  companion,  or  difcrimination,  was  fhewn  either 
to  age  or  fex ;  but  that  the  little  children  were  promifcuoufly  fufferers  with 
the  guilty ;  and  that,  if  any,  who  had  fome  grains  of  companion,  reprehend- 
ed the  foldiers,  for  this  unchriftian  inhumanity,  they  would  fcornfully  reply, 
why,  nitts  will  be  lice,  and  fo  would  difpatch  them." 

u  MAY  (3)  28th,  1642,  the  Juftices  hTued  a  general  order  to  the  comman- 
ders of  all  garrifons,  not  to  prefume  to  hold  any  correfpondence,  or  inter- 
courfe,  with  any  of  the  Iriih  or  Papifts  dwelling,  or  refiding  in  any  place, 
near,  or  about  their  garrifbns ;  or  to  give  protection,  immunity,  or  difpenfa- 
tion  from  fpoil,  burning,  or  other  profecution  of  war,  to  any  of  them ;  but  to 
profecute  all  fuch  rebels,  from  place  to  place,  with  fire  and  fword,  according 
to  former  commands,  and  proclamations.  Such,"  fays  Mr.  Carte,  on  this  oc- 
cafion,  "  was  the  conflant  tenour  of  their  orders,  though  they  knew,  that  the 
foldiers,  in  executing  them,  murdered  all  perfons,  promifcuoufly,  not  fparing, 
as  they  themfelves  tell  the  commiirioners  for  Iriih  affairs,  in  their  letter  of  the 
7th  of  June  following,  the  women,  and  fometimes,  not  children." 

(z)  Kittoric.  Colled.  (3)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  f. 

(c)  "  In  the  execution  of  thefe  orders,  trie  Juftices  declare,  that  the  foldiers  flew  all  perfons  p'omifcuoufly, 
not  fparing  the  women,  and  fometimes  not  the  children."     Lei.  Hift.  of  Irel.  vol.  iii.  p.  172. 

(d)  "  Among  the  feveral  afts  of   public  fervice  torian   Borlace,     with    particular    fatisfa&ion,     and 
performed  by  a  regiment  of  Sir  William  Cole,  con-  triumph  :    Starved  and  famifhed  of  the  vulgar  forf, 
lifting  of  five  hundred  foot,  and  a  troop  of  horfe,  we  whofe  goods  were  feized  on  by  the  regiment,  feven 
find  the  following  hideous  article  recorded  by  the  hif-  thoufand."    Lei.  ib. 

CHAP. 


Ch. XXIII.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  155 

CHAP.          XXIII. 

Orders  of  the  Englijh  Parliament,  relative  to  Ireland. 

PREPARATORY  to  thefe  deftruaive  orders  of  the  Juftices  and  Council  of 
Ireland,  their  partizans  in  the  Englifh  parliament  had  procured  a  (i)  re- 
folution  to  be  paffed,  on  the  8th  of  December,  1641,  never  to  tolerate  the 
Roman  Catholic  religion  in  that  kingdom ;  and,  in  February,  or  March  fol- 
lowing, the  fame  parliament  voted  the  confifcation  of  two  millions  and  an  half 
of  acres,  of  arable,  meadow,  and  pafture  land,  when  very  few  perfons  of  land- 
ed property  wrere  concerned  in  the  infurredion.  On  occafion  of  this  refolu- 
tion  concerning  religion,  Lord  Clanrickard  expoftulated,  with  juft  and  fpirited 
refentment,  in  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Effex ;  who,  it  was  then  thought,  would 
have  come  over  Lord  Lieutenant,  with  orders  to  execute  it.  "  It  is  reported  (2)," 
fays  he,  "  that  the  parliament  hath  refolved  to  make  this  a  war  of  religion,  that 
no  toleration  thereof  is  to  be  granted  here  ;  nor  any  pardons,  but  by  confent  of 
parliament,  to  fend  one  thoufand  Scots  into  this  kingdom,  and  yourfelf  to  come 
over  Lord  Lieutenant.  If  fuch  be  the  refolutions  of  England,  I  fhould  efteem 
it  the  greateil  misfortune  poflible,  to  fee  you  here  upon  fuch  terms ;  but  if 
you  come  over  as  becomes  the  perfon,  honour,  and  gallant  difpofition  of  the 
Earl  of  EfTex ;  and  not  as  the  agent  of  perfecution,  it  may  produce  much 
happinefs  to  your  own  particular,  and  to  this  kingdom  in  general.  And,  if  I 
may  prefume  to  fpeak  my  fenfe,  it  will  not  agree  either  with  the  honour,  or 
fafety  of  England,  to  make  ufe  of  fuch  a  power  of  Scots  to  deftroy,  or  over- 
run us  here.  My  Lord,  recollect  yourfelf,  and  draw  together  your  belt,  and 
braveil  thoughts ;  confider  that,  by  this  violent  proceeding,  contrary  to  the 
religion  of  the  whole  kingdom,  you  will  put  us  into  defperation,  and  fo  hazard 
the  deftruclion  of  many  noble  families." 

IN  confequence  of  the  Englifh  vote,  for  the  confifcation  of  two  million  and 
a  half  of  Irifh  acres,  "  the  Lords  Juftices,  in  a  private  (3)  letter  to  the  Speaker 
of  the  Houfe  of  Commons  in  England,  May  1 1  th,  1642,  without  the  reft  of  the 
Council,  befought  the  Commons,  to  aflift  them  with  a  grant  of  fome  compe- 
tent proportion  of  the  rebels  lands.  Here,"  fays  (4)  Warner,  "  the  reader  will 
find  a  key,  that  unlocks  the  fecret  of  their  iniquitous  proceedings ;  and  here 
we  find  the  motives  to  the  orders  they  gave  for  receiving  no  fubmiffions  ;  for 
hTuing  no  proclamation  of  pardon  at  firft,  as  the  parliament  had  fuggefted ; 

X  2  and 

(0  Hughes'  Abridgment.  (z)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.          (3)  Id.  ib.  vol.  i.          (4)  Hift.  Irifli  Rebel, 


156  HISTORICAL   REVIEW,   &c.  Bk.V. 

and  in  fhort,  for  all  their  backwardnefs  in  putting  an  end  to  the  rebellion,  of 
which  feveral  opportunities  offered-,  and  confequently,  for  their  facri- 
ficing  the  peace  and  happinefs  of  the  country,  and  the  lives  of  thoufands  of 
their  fellow-fubje£ts."  "  But  (5)  fome  kind  of  zeal,"  fays  a  Royal  author  on  this 
occafion,  "  counts  all  merciful  moderation  luke-warmnefs,  and  is,  not  feldom 
more  greedy  to  kill  the  bear  for  his  fldn,  than  for  any  harm  he  hath  done , 
the  confiscation  of  men's  eftates  being  more  beneficial,  than  the  charity  of 
faving  their  lives,-  or  reforming  their  errors." 

(S)  Rel'g-  Sacr.  Carolin,  p.  8j, 


AN 


A    N 
HISTORICAL    AND    CRITICAL 

REVIEW 

OF      THE 

CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND. 

BOOK          VI. 

CHAP,        I. 

The  Nobility  and  Gentry  of  Ireland  unite  ill  a  regular  Body. 

>  |  ^  H  E  Lords  and  gentlemen  of  the  pale,  who  had  feen  their  houfes  burnt, 
their  lands  deftroyed,  and  their  tenants  murdered,  without  making  any 
oppofition,  ftill  renewed  (i)  their  applications  to  government,  to  accept  of 
their  bed  afliftance  and  endeavours,  towards  putting  a  flop  to  the  infurreclion, 
now  daily  increafing  in  every  part  of  the  kingdom.  But  thefe  overtures  were 
fcornfully  rejeded,  and  even  the  propofers  of  them  held  worthy  of  punifh- 
ment.  The  Earl  of  Caftlehaven,  who  had  prefented  one  of  their  petitions, 
was  (2)  imprifoned ;  and  had  he  not  efcaped  by  a  ftratagem,  might  have  been 
racked  for  his  officioufnefs,  as  Sir  John  Read  was  on  a  fimilar  account.  At 
the  fame  time,  Hugh  Oge  O'Connor,  Sir  Luke  Dillon,  and  others  of  the  prin- 
cipal gentry  of  the  county  of  Rofcommon,  intreated  the  Lords  Clanrickard  and 
Ranelagh,  to  prevail  with  the  Juftices,  to  receive  the  like  humble  offer  of 
their  fervices,  or,  at  leaft,  to  confent  to  a  fufpenfion  of  hoftilities,  for  forne 
fliort  time.  Lord  Clanrickard  tranfmitted  their  requeft  to  the  government, 
with  his  humble  wifhes  for  its  fuccefs ;  but  Sir  William  Parfons  was  fo  much 
offended  at  the  motion,  that  Clanrickard  was  obliged  to  apologize  for  having 

made 

(i)  Carte,  Caftkhmn.  (2)  See  his  Memoirs. 


158  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.VI. 

made  it,  by  telling  him  (3),  "  that  his  grounds  for  feconding  that  application 
were,  that  fire  and  fword  having  made  a  fharp  difcovery  of  his  Majefty's 
high  indignation,  fome  part  of  his  rjqtercy  might  appear,  by  a  diftindion  of 
punilhment  -,  which  then,  and  fince,  had  fallen  equally,  not  only  on  capital 
offenders,  but  even  upon  deferving  fervitors.  Thefe,"  adds  his  Lordfhip, 
"  were  the  appreheniions,  which  drew  me  into  that  error,  which  I  muft  now 
conceive  to  be  fuch,  as  it  ftands  in  oppofition,  to  fo  able  a  judgment.  But 
certainly,  fome  other  way  of  moderation  may  be  agreeable  to  his  Majefty's 
goodnefs,  and  the  deftrudion  and  murders  committed  by  the  foldiers,  there  by 
pre\rented ;  which  are  now  aded  upon  thofe,  who  are  protected  by  your 
Lordfhip,  which,  at  prefent,  puts  all  men  into  high  defperation." 

THUS,  were  the  Catholic  nobility  and  gentry  of  Ireland,  at  laft,  compelled 
to  unite  in  a  regular  body ;  and  to  put  themfelves  into  that  condition  of  na- 
tural felf-defence,  which  has  been  ever  fince  branded  by  their  enemies,  with 
the  appellation  of  a  mofl  odious  and  unnatural  rebellion  (aj. 

THE  firflrefult  of  this  union  was,  an  humble  and  dutiful  addrefs  from  them  to 
his  Majefty,  fetting  forth  (4), "  that,  having  apprehended,  with  fulnefs  of  forrow, 
the  condition  to  which  the  mifreprefentation  of  his  Majefty's  minifters  in  Ire- 
land, united  with  the  malignant  party  in  England,  had  reduced  them ;  and 
iad  experience  having  taught  them,  that  a  refolution  was  taken  to  fupplant 
their  nation  and  religion ;  they  humbly  conceived  it  neceifary,  after  long  pa- . 
tience,  to  put  themfelves  in  a  pofture  of  natural  defence ;  with  intention,  ne- 
verthelefs,  never  to  difturb  his  Majefty's  government,  to  invade  any  of  his 
high  prerogatives,  or  opprefs  any  of  his  Britifh  fubjeds,  of  what  religion  foever, 
that  did  not  labour  to  opprefs  them.  Which  intention  in  the  beginning  of 
the  troubles,  they  had  folemnly  fworn  to  obferve ;  an  oath,  often  fince  reite- 
rated, left  the  mifguided  and  unauthorifed  motions  of  fome  among  them, 
fhould  be  conftrued  to  derogate  from  that  faith  and  allegiance,  which,  in  all 
humblenefs,  they  confeffed  they  owed,  and  fincerely  profefTed  unto  his  Ma- 
jefty. That,  before  any  ad  of  hoftility  committed  on  their  parts,  they  had, 
with  all  fubmiflion,  addreffed  themfelves;  by  petition,  to  the  Lords  Juftices 
and  Council,  for  a  timely  remedy  againft  the  then  growing  evils  j  but  that 

therein, 

(3)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  (4)  Id.  ib. 

(a)   "  To  ftrengthen  their  party,"  fays  Mr.  Carte,  the  lives,  and  eftates  of  the  Lords  of  the  pale,  would 

"  as  much  as   was   poflible,  they  ffftt   maniftlrs    and  be    made  ufe  of  to  tleftroy  then),  by  piece-meal,  ore 

declarations  of  the   motives  ami  rer.fons  of  iheir  con-  after  another:   and   that  the    only  way  to  present  t-he 

du6t,    to    all    the    Englifh   Catholics  tirrpiighout    the  dertruction  of  each  particular,  was  to  unite  all'toge- 

kingdom.     Nor  did  they  find  any  great  Difficulty  in  ther  as  one  man,  tp   make  a  general  aflbciation  for 

engaging  them  ;  they  being  ready  enough  to  coniider  their  defence,  and  to  depend  upon  the    fate  of  war, 

it  as  a  common  caufe,  and  to  imagine  that  the   fame  to  make  the  beft  terms  they  could  for  themfelves." 

fnares,  which  they  were  perfuadcd  had  been  laid  for  Orm.  vol.  iii,  fol.  262. 


Ch.I.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  159 

therein,  they  had  found,  inftead  of  a  falve  for  their  wounds,  oyl  poured  into 
the  fire  of  their  difcontents,  which  occafioned  fuch  intemperance  in  the  com- 
mon people,  that  they  acted  fome  unwarrantable  cruelties  upon  puritans,  or 
others  fufpeded  of  puritanifm,  which  cruelties  they  (b)  really  detefted,  had 
punifhed  in  part,  and  defired  to  punifh  with  fulhefs  of  feverity,  in  all  the 
actors  of  them,  when  time  fhould  enable  them  to  it  9  though  (added  they)  the 
meafure  offered  to  the  Catholic  natives  here,  in  the  inhuman  murthcring  of 
old  decrepit  people  in  their  beds,  women  in  the  ftraw,  and  children  of  eight 
days  old  j  burning  of  houfes,  and  robbing  of  all  kind  of  perfons,  without 
diftindion  of  friend  from  foe,  and  (^digging  up  of  graves,  and  there 
burning  the  dead  bodies  of  our  anceftors,  have  not  deferved  that  juftice 
from  us." 

IN  the  conclufion  of  this  addrefs,  we  find  the  following  zealous  obteftation. 
"  We  therefore,  with  hearts  bent  lower  than  our  knees,  do  humbly  befeech 
your  facred  Majefty,  timely  to  affign  a  place,  where,  with  fafety,  we  may 
exprefs  our  grievances,  and  you  may,  with  freedom,  apply  a  feafonable  cure 
unto  them;  and  there  you  fhall  find  our  dutiful  .affections,  attended  with  juft 
caufe  of  fecurity  in  our  faithfulnefs,  and  manifeft  arguments  of  our  earneft  de- 
fire  to  advance  your  fervice." 


(I)  They  kept  their  word  religicmfiy  in  this  refpeQ, 
For.  in  the  two  peaces  concluded  afterwards  with  the 
Maiquis  of  Orniond,  viz.  thofe  of  1646  and  1648, 
they  exprefsly  excepted,  from  pardon,  nil  thofe  of 
their  party  that  had  committed  fuch  cruelties.  And 
long  before  either  of  thefe  peaces,  Lord  Clanrickard 
teftified,  "  that  it  was  the  defue  of  the  whole  nation, 

t  L 

(c)  That  they  did  not  exaggerate  in  this  particular, 
is  plain  from  a  letter  of  Lord  ClafiKckard's,  who  fays, 
"  that  while  he  was  at  Tyrellan  in  treaty  with  Lord 
Forbes,  (the  commander  of  a  parliament  /hip  of  war,) 
iho'  Lord  Ranelagh,  prefident  of  Conaught,  was  then 
in  the  fort  of  Galway,  he  faw  the  country  on  fire, 
his  tenants  houfes  and  goods  burnt,  and  four  or  five 
poor  innocent  creatures,  men,  women,  and  children, 


that  theaclors  of  thefe  cruelties  fliould,  in  the  higheft 
degree,  be  made  examples  ro  all  p&fceriry."  Carte's 
Onn  vol.  in.  And  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  himfeif, 
confeiTed,  "  that  thofe  alTuming  power  among  the 
Irifli  had  Jong  difciaimed  them,  and  rJfeteHed  an  ear- 
neft def.re  that  they  might  br  brought  to  pumfhmtnt." 
Id. jb. 


inhumanly  murdered  by  Forbes's  fold'ers  ;  v.liO  hav- 
ing taken  pofleffion  of  Lady's  church  in  Galway,  the 
anrient  burying  place  of  the  town,  d;d,  upon  their 
departure,  not  only  deface  it,  but  digged  up  the 
graves,  and  burnt  the  coffins  and  bones  of  thofe  that 
were  buried  there."  Carr.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fcl.  109, 
Lei.  Hift.  of  Ire!,  vol.  iii.  p.  174. 


CHAR 


i6o  HISTORICAL   REVIEW   OP    THE  Bk.VL 


CHAP.          II. 

The  King  confents  to  hear  the  Grievances  of  the  Insurgents. 
•> 

THE  King(i),  confidering  the  occafion  and  circumftances,  which  had 
caufed  fuch  a  body  of  nobility  and  gentry,  moil  of  them  of  Englifh  race, 
to  have  recourfe  to  arms ;  the  apparent  moderation  of  their  demands,  their 
earneft  defire  of  laying  their  grievances  before  him,  and  fubmitting  them 
to  his  determination,  refolved  to  iflue  out  a  commiffion,  under  the  great 
Seal  of  England,  to  empower  certain  perfons  to  meet  with  the  princi- 
pal of  thofe,  who  had  fent  the  petition ;  to  receive,  in  writing,  what  the 
petitioners  had  to  fay,  or  propound  •  and  to  tranfmit  the  fame  to  his  Ma- 
jefty. 

"  THIS  commiffion  was  dated  January  nth,  1642,  and  directed  to  the 
Marquis  of  Ormond,  the'  Earls  of  Clanrickard  and  Rofcommon,  the  Lord 
Vifcount  Moore,  Sir  Thomas  Lucas,  Sir  Maurice  Euftace,  and  Thomas  Bourke, 
Efq;  any  three,  or  more,  of  them  being  authorifed  to  meet,  and  act  for  the 
purpofe  aforefaid.  It  was  fent  over  to  Ireland  by  the  laft  of  thefe  commifllon- 
•ers,  who  delivered  it  to  the  IV-arquis  of  Ormond,  on  the  3Oth.  He  at  the  fame 
time,  brought  the  Lords  Juftices  a  letter  from  the  King,  notifying  the  purport 
of  it." 

'  BUT  thefe  Lords  Juftices,  taking,"  fays  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  (2), 
'  this  commiflion  for  a  ftep  towards  the  peace  of  the  kingdom,  and  their  own 
ruin ;"  and  (3),  "  being  difpleafed  that  even  a  wifli,  or  confent,  fhould  be 
difcovered  in  any  man,  that  the  war,  from  which  fo  many  promifed  them- 
felves  revenge,  and  fortunes,  fhould  be  any  other  way  ended,  than  with  the 
blood  and  confifcation  of  all  thofe,  whom  they  could  propofe  to  be  guilty  of 
the  defection,"  fought  many  different  expedients  to  hinder,  or  delay  the  execution 
of  it ;  and  at  length  hit  upon  one,  that,  for  a  while,  produced  the  wifhed  for 
effect  (4).  There  came  a  trumpet  to  the  fupreme  council  of  the  confederate 
Catholics,  then  fitting  at  Rofs,  with  a  fafe  conduct  from  their  Lordfhips  for 
fuch  of  their  number,  as  that  council  would  employ  to  reprefent  their  grie- 
vances to  the  King's  commiffioners  above-mentioned.  In  the  commiffion,  there 
happened  to  be  the  words  "  odious  rebellion,"  applied  to  the  proceedings  of 
thefe  Catholics ;  which  the  Lords  Juftices  not  only  inferted  in  their  fafe  con- 
dud, 

(j)  Carte's  Oini.  vol.  i.  (2)  Ormond's  Letter  in  Cart.  Orni.  vol.  iii. 

(3)  Clarend.  Hid.  of  the  IrifL  Rebel.  (4)  Selling's  MSS.  Hiflory. 


Ch.  II.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  161 

dud,  but  alfo,  added  other  words  of  their  own  of  the  fame  provoking  tendency ; 
hoping  thereby  to  prevent  the  intended  pacification.  But  the  confederates, 
looking  upon  the  whole  to  be  the  Lords  Juftices'  contrivance,  and  neither 
knowing,  nor  expeding,  that  any  fuch  language  was  in  his  Majefly's  com- 
miifion,  fent  the  trumpet  back,  with  a  fpirited  anfwer,  giving  their  Lordfhips 
to  underfland,  "  That  they  were  not,  they  thanked  God,  in  that  condition, 
as  to  facrifice  their  loyalty  to  the  malice  of  any ;  and  that  it  would  be  a  mean- 
nefs  beyond  expreflion  in  them,  who  fought  in  the  condition  of  loyal  fubjeds, 
to  come,  in  the  repute  of  rebels,  to  fet  down  their  grievances.  We  take  God 
to  witnefs,"  added  they,  "  that  there  are  no  limits  fet  to  the  fcorn  and  in- 
famy, that  are  caft  upon  us ;  and  we  will  be  in  the  efteem  of  loyal  fubjeds,  or 
die  to  a  man." 

THE  confederate  Catholics  did  undoubtedly  believe,  that  in  taking  arms 
againft  (a)  this  adminiftration,  which  was  entirely  influenced  by  the  pre- 
vailing fadion  in  the  Englifh  parliament,  they  were  adually  ferving  his  Ma- 
jefty.  This  appears  evidently  from  Lord  Clanrickard's  letter  to  the  King, 
October  26th,  1642,  wherein  he  acquaints  him  (5),  "  That  neither  intreaties, 
threats,  or  proteftations,  could  draw  moft  men  from  the  belief,  that  thofe  did 
really  ferve  his  Majefty,  who  were  in  that  commotion.  And  if  vows  and 
proteftations,  (proceeds  his  Lordfhip)  may  gain  belief,  I  fhould  be  followed 
by  thoufands  to  ferve  your  Majefly,  in  any  other  place.  But,  as  the  ftate  of 
this  kingdom  ftands,  fuch  is  their  fenfe  of  the  oppofition  given  to  your  Majefly 
by  fome  fadion  of  your  parliament  of  England ;  of  the  injuftice  done  them 
by  thofe  that  govern  here  ;  and  of  the  general  deftrudion,  conceived  to  be  de- 
iigned  againft  the  natives,  that  almoft  the  whole  nation  are  united  into  one 
refolute  body,  to  gain  their  prefervation,  or  fell  their  lives,  at  the  deareft 
rate." 

(5)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.     Clanrick.  Mem.  Eng.  ed.  fol.  180. 

(a)  The  Earl  of  Caftlehaven,  among  other  reafons  innocent   men,  women,  and  chilcren,  better  fubjefls 

for  having  joined  the  confederates   againft   this  adiuj-  than    themlelves;    that    they,    by    all    their    actions, 

nlftraiion,  afllgns  the  following.     "  I   began   to    con-  fhewed  that  they  looked   at  nothing  but  the  extirpati- 

fider,1'  iays  he,  "  the   condition  of  this  kingdom,  as  on  of  the    nation,  the   deftruclion   of  monarchy,  and 

that  the  ftate  did  chiefly  confift  of  inen  of  mean  birth  by  the  utter  fupprellion  of  the  antient   Catholic  reli- 

and  quality  ;  that   moft   of  them   (leered    by   the  in-  gion,  to  fettle  and    eftablifli  puritanifm.     To    thefe," 

fluence  and  power  of  thofe,  who  were  in  arms  againft  adds  his  Lordfhip  "  I  could    be  no    traitor."     Defid. 

the  King;  that  they  had   by  cruel  mafiacring,  hang-  Cmiof.  Hibern.  vol.  ii,  p.  132.     See  Append, 
ing,  and  torturing,  been  the  (laughter  of  thoufands  of 


CHAP. 


162  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE          Bk.  VI. 

CHAP.          III. 

Another  Contrivance  of  the  Juftices  to  hinder  the  Cejfation. 

BUT  the  confederate  nobility  and  gentry  being  foon  after  made  fenfible, 
that  the  words  "  odious  rebellion"  above-mentioned,  were  taken  from 
the  King's  commiflion,  and  inferted  in  the  fafe  conduct  for  the  aforefaid  evil 
purpofe,  were  refolved  to  difappoint  fo  iniquitous  a  defign ;  and  therefore, 
immediately  wrote  to  the  commiifioners  appointed  by  the  King,  "  that  (i)  they 
were  ready  to  appear  before  them,  with  a  reprefentation  of  their  grievances." 
Accordingly,  the  time  and  place  of  meeting,  propofed  by  the  confederate  Ca- 
tholics, which  was  the  i8th  of  March,  at  Trim,  were  agreed  to  by  thefe 
commiifioners.  But  the  confederates  ftill  refenting  the  imputation  of  rebellion, 
though  taken  from  the  King's  commiflion,  thought  it  neceffary  to  "  protcft 
at  the  fame  time  (2),  in  theprefence  of  the  God  of  truth,  that  they  had  been 
neceffitated  to  take  arms,  to  prevent  the  extirpation  of  their  nation  and  re- 
ligion, threatened  and  contrived  by  their  enemies  j  to  maintain  the  rights  and 
prerogatives  of  his  Majcfty's  crown  and  dignity,  and  the  interefts  of  his  royal 
iffue,  and  for  no  other  reafbn  whatever."  And,  indeed,  of  the  fincerity 
of  this  proteftation,  we  (hall  prefently  find  them  giving  unqueftionable 
proofs. 

THE  Juftices  now  perceiving,  that  abttflve  appellations  could  not  provoke  the 
confederates  to  abfent  themfelves  from  the  intended  meeting,  refolved  to  try 
what  cruel  and  perfidious  actions  would  do  (3).  "  For,  on  the  i$th  of  March 
(five  days  before  the  appointed  time)  they  gained  the  confent  of  the  council 
to  an  ad,  which,"  fays  Mr.  Carte,  "  could  only  ferve  to  exafperate  the  con- 
federates, and  produce  a  retaliation,  that  might  inflame  matters  to  fuch  a  de- 
gree, as  to  put  a  flop  to  all  further  treaty.  Sir  Richard  Greenville  had  taken, 
at  Longwood,  Mr.  Edward  Lifagh  Connor  ;  and  in  the  battle  of  Rathconnel, 
on  February  the  7th,  he  had  alfo  taken  one  Dowdal,  another  gentleman 
named  Betagh,  and  one  Aylmer,  fon  of  Garret  Aylmer,  a  lawyer  eminent  in 
his  profeflion,  all  gentlemen  of  confiderable  families.  Sir  Richard,  though 
very  fevere  in  the  profecution  of  the  war,  was  a  man  of  great  fpirit  and 
honour,  and  not  likely  to  violate  the  quarter  he  had  given.  The  Lords  Juf- 
tices, therefore,  wrote  to  him,  that  they  had  occafion  to  examine  faid  prifo- 

ners, 

(i)  Selling's  MSS.  Hid  of  the  Wars  of  Ireland.  (2)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.     Belling,  ib, 

(3)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol,  407. 


Ch.  III.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  163 

ners,  and  ordered  him  to  fend  them  for  that  purpofe  to  Dublin,  under  a  fafe 
guard.  They  figned,  at  the  fame  time,  another  order  to  (a)  Sir  Henry 
Tichbourne,  to  examine  only,  if  thefe  prifoners  were  fo  taken,  and  to  caufe 
them  immediately  to  be  executed  by  the  martial  law." 

BUT  even  this  deteilable  expedient  to  prevent  the  appointed  meeting,  prov- 
ed as  unfuccefsful,  as  the  former.  For,  "  on  the  before-mentioned  1 8th  of 
March  1642,  by  virtue  of  his  Majefly's  commifllon  (4),  the  Earl  of  St.  Albans 
and  Clanrickard,  the  Earl  of  Rofcommon,  Sir  Maurice  Euflace,  and  others, 
the  King's  comrnilfioners,  met  the  commiffioners  of  the  confederate  Catholics 
at  Trim."  Thefe  latter  were  Lord  Gormanftown,  Sir  Lucas  Dillon,  Knight, 
Sir  Robert Talbot,  Bart  JohnWalfh,Efq^nd  others;  at  which  time,  they  produced 
a  remonftrance,  by  the  title  of  a  (b)  Remonftrance  of  the  Grievances  prefent- 
ed  to  his  Majefty,  in  the  name  of  the  Catholics  of  Ireland  (5).  Which  remon- 
ftrance was,  accordingly,  received  in  due  form,  by  his  Majefty's  commiffioners, 
and  by  them  tranfmitted  to  his  Majefty. 

THE  Marquis  of  Ormond,  though  firft  named  in  the  commifllon,  feems  to 
be  the  only  commiffioner,  that  did  not  aflift  at  this  meeting.  His  Lordfhip, 
inflead  of  going  to  Trim  on  that  pacific  bufinefs  (c\  marched  towards  (6  )Rofs, 
with  an  army  of  about  two  thoufand  five  hundred  foot,  and  five  hundred 
liorfe.  In  his  way  thither,  he  took  the  Caftle  of  Timolin  >,  and  although  he 
had  promifed  quarter  to  the  garrifon,  on  account  of  their  gallant  defence, 

Y  2  yet 

(4)  Carte  ubi  fupra.  (5)  See  Append.  (6)  Selling's  MSS. 

(a)  Sir   Henry  Tichburn,  foon   after    made   Lord      vy-council,  that  moft  of  them  defired  to  run  any  for- 
Juftice  on  I'arfons'   removal,  informs   us,  "  that   the      tune,  and  extremity  of  familhing,  rather    than  yield 
ceflation  intended  wat>  fo  diiagreeable  to  the  Irifh  Pri-      unto  it."     Hid.  of  the  fiege  of  Drogheda. 

(b)  This  remonftrance  has  been  already  quoted,  in  1644,  and  then  difmiiTed   without  the  leaft  difproof, 
this  review,  and  will    hereafter   be  quoted  as  authen-  or  even  contradiction,  of  any  of  the  numerous  grie- 
tic  evidence,  as  well  on  account   of  the  fo'einnity  of  vances  it  complains  of ;  and  without   any   refolution, 
its  delivery  and  acceptance,  as  becaufe  of  the   fevere  or  motion,  after  a  debate  of  fo  many  days,  that  bears 
examinations  it  underwent  in  the  IrilT)  Houfe  of  Com-  the  flight  ell  appearance,  either  of  a  cenfure,  or  denial 
nions,  (from  which  all  the  Roman  Catholic  members  of  the  fa fts  it  contains.     See  Append,  to  the  Journals 
had  been  expelled)  from  the  Sth  to  the  i2th  of  April,  of  the  Commons. 

(c)  This  expedition   was  undertaken   by  Ormond,  liament  would  certainly  withdraw   their  fupplies,  on 
at  the  deilre  of  a  committee  of  the  Englifli  parliament,  notice  of  fuch  an  addiefs,  upon  which  the  mips  were 
then  fent  to  diredt  and  fuperintend  the  affairs  of  Ireland,  ftayed  ;  yet    the  bufinefs  was  fo  argued,  as  the  Major 
exprefsly   againtl   the  King's  command.     See  Borl,  Ir.  had  licence  to  proceed  in  his  journey  "  Id.  ib.  fol.  144. 
Rebel,  fol.  142-3.     "  It  being  defired   by  the  officers  "  But   with   this  the  Englim  parliament  was  fo  much 
of  the  army,  on  a  certain  occafion,  that  Major  Wo-  difpleafed,    that  they  for  feme  time,  withheld  thofe 
dowes  might  repair  to   his  Majefty  to   exprefs   their  fcanty  fupplies  which  they  before  ufed  to  fend  them." 
fervice,  this  committee   demonftrated,  that  the  par-  Id-  ib.  fol.  145. 


1 64  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  VI. 

yet  he  fuffered  them  to  be  (7)  cut  in  pieces  by  the  foldiers,  after  they  had  fur- 
rendered  their  arms.  And,  in  his  return  from  Rofs  to  Dublin,  on  the  i8th  of 
March,  (the  day  on  which  the  other  commiflioners  were  receiving  the  remon- 
ftrance  at  Trim)  having  met  and  attacked  an  army  of  the  confederates,  under 
General  Prefton,  he  entirely  routed  it ;  (8)  killing  above  five  hundred  of  their 
men,  among  whom  were  many  officers  and  gentlemen  (d).  The  (9)  Juflices, 
in  a  letter  to  the  Speaker  of  the  Englifh  Houfe  of  Commons,  take  particular 
notice  of  this  aclion,  as  a  fatisfaclory  proof,  "  that  the  King's  commirlion  for 
hearing  the  complaints  of  the  confederate  Catholics,  gave  not  the  leaft  inter- 
ruption to  the  proceedings  of  the  war  (e)  againit  them." 


CHAP.          IV. 

Sir  William  Parfons  dif placed  from  the  Government. 

IN  confequence  of  the  remonftrance  delivered  at  Trim,  his  Majefty  informed 
the  Lords  Juftices(i),  "  That  he  had  given  command,  and  authority  to 
the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  to  treat  with  his  fubjecls  of  that  kingdom,  who  had 
taken  arms  againil  him ;  and  to  agree  with  them  on  a  ceffafion  of  arms  for  one 
year ;  which,  as  it  was  a  fervice  of  very  great  concernment  to  his  Majefty,  and 
his  prefent  affairs  in  both  kingdoms,  fo  he  willed  and  commanded,  that  they 
would  therein  give  the  mofl  effectual  affiftance  and  furtherance  to  advance 
the  fame,  by  their  induftry  and  endeavours,  as  there  fhould  be  occafion." 

NOT 

(7)  Id.  ib.  (8)  Id.  ib.  (9)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  iii. 

(0  Id.  ib. 

(d)  "  And  in  his  return  to  Dublin,"  fays  Mr.  Carte,  "  he  burnt  and  fpoiled  the  enemy's  country,  without 
the  leaft  oppofition."     Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  407. 

(e)  They  obferve,  however,  in    the   fame   letter,  up  houfe,  and    fcattering   their  families,    leaving  fb'll 
that  their  poverty,  and   want  of  all  thing?,  was  fuch,  fewer  to  bear  the   burden.     In   the  end,  therefore," 
"  that  although  the  rebels  were  not  able  ro  overcome  add  they,  "  we  were  enforced  to   fix  on  our  former 
his   Majefty's  army,  and  devour  his  other  good  fub-  way,  and  to  fee  who  had  any  thing  left  him,  untaken 
jects,  yet  both  h;s  army  and  good  fubjcdts   were  in  from  him,  to  help  us ;  and,  although  there  were  but 
danger  to  be  devoured  by  the  wants  of  needful  fup-  few  fuch,  and  fome  of  them  poor  merchants,  whom 
plies  forth  of  England.     And  that  the  miferies  of  the  we  have  now  by  the  law  of  neceffity  utterly  undone, 
officers  and   foldiers  for  want  of  all   things,  even  of  and  difabled  from  being  hereafter   helpful  to  us,  yet 
food,  were  unfpeakable  ;  that,   by  the   infupportable  we  were  forced  to  wreft  their  commodities  from  them." 
burthen  then  laid  on  the  city   of  Dublin,  for  their  Bor.  Hift.  of  the  Iriili  Rebel,  fol.  146-7. 
maintenance,  many  houfekeepers  were  daily  breaking 


Ch.IV.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  165 

NOT  long  after  the  arrival  of  this  order  (2),  Sir  Francis  Butler  landed  from 
England,  with  a  fuperfedeas  for  Sir  William  Parfons's  government,  on  account 
of  his  being  a  principal  oppofer  of  the  intended  ceffation,  and  with  a  commiffi- 
on  to  Sir  John  Borlace,  -and  Sir  Henry  Tichbourne,  to  be  Lords  Jufhces ; 
who,  accordingly,  on  the  ift  of  May,  1643,  were  instituted  in  the  govern-' 
ment.  And  on  the  1 2th  of  the  fame  month,  Major  Warren  and  Sir  Francis 
Butler,  came  to  the  council,  the  Lords  fitting,  and  prefented  a  petition  to. 
the  Lords  Juflices,  accufmg  Sir  William  Parfons  of  high  mifdemeanors,  and 
other  treafonable  matters,  and  requeuing  that  his  perfon  and  goods  might  be 
fecured." 

AFTER  many  needlefs  delays,  and  a  fecond  command  from  the  King,  the 
Lords  Juftices  appointed  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  to  meet  the  commifiioners  of 
the  confederate  Catholics  at  Caftle-Martin,  on  the  23d  of  June,  and  to  enter 
upon  a  treaty  with  them  for  a  ceffation  of  arms.  The  Marquis,  as  we  have 
feen,  had  fhewn  but  little  inclination  to  be  concerned  at  all  in  fuch  a  treaty  ± 
and  he  difcovered  lefs  to  be  inftrumental  in  concluding  it.  For  (3),  on  the 
day  before  he  fet  out  for  Caftle-Martin,  having  caufed  the  principal  Citizens 
of  Dublin  to  be  fummoned  before  the  council-board,  he  delivered  a  motion  in 
writing,  that  "  if  ten  thoufand  pounds  might  be  raifed,  the  one  half  in  mo- 
ney, the  other  in  viduals  j  and  to  be  brought  in  within  a  fortnight,  he  would, 
in  that  cafe,  proceed  in  the  war,  endeavour  to  take  Wexford,  and  break  off 
the  treaty  for  the  ceffation." 

BUT  the  principal  citizens  of  Dublin,  not  being  able  to  advance  that  fum, 
(fuch  was  their  (a)  extreme  poverty  at  that  juncture)  Sir  Henry  Tichbourne,  who, 
upon  the  fuppofition  of  his  favouring  the  ceffation,  was  appointed  Lord  Juflice  in> 
Parfons'  room  (4),  "  moved  the  board,  (there  being  then  one  and  twenty 
counfellors  prefent,)  that  every  one  for  himfelf,  out  of  his  peculiar  means  and 
credit,  fhould  procure  three  hundred  pounds,  which,  among  them  all,  would, 
raife  fix  thoufand  three  hundred  pounds  ;  for  even  with  that,"  fays  Sir  Henry 
himfelf,  "  he  (the  Marquis)  offered  to  undertake  the  work,  and,  that  there 
fhould  be  no  further  mention,  of  a  ceffation  among  them.  But  this  motion  of 

mine," 

(2)  Id.  ib.  vol.  i.  (3)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  i.  (4)  Hift.  of  the  fiege  of  Drogheda. 

(a)  Temple  informs  us,  "  That  when,  in  the  begin-  fhould  arrive  from  England,  they  returned  this  anhyer, 
ning  of  the  infurre&ion,  the  Juftices  fent  for  the  after  a  mcft  ferious  confutation,  and  veryfolemn  de- 
Mayor  and  Aldermen  of  Dublin,  and  laid  before  them  bate  among  themfelves,  that  they  were  not  able  to 
the  high  neceflities  of  the  ftate,  defuing  to  borrow  a  furnifh  above  forty  pounds,  and  part  of  that  was  ro 
confiderable  fum  of  money  for  the  prefent,  which  they  be  brought  in  in  cattle."  Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Rebel, 
undertook  to  repay  out  of  the  next  treafure,  that  p.  47. 


1 66  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.VI. 

p 

mine,"  proceeds  he,  "  finding  no  (&)  place,  the  ceflation  began  to  be  treated 
on,  and  was  in  fmcerity  of  heart,  as  much  hindered,  and  delayed  by  me,  as 
was  in  my  power."  Such  was  the  zeal  and  fidelity  of  one  of  his  Majefty's 
chofen,  and  principal  minifters,  then  in  the  government  of  Ireland ! 


C      HA      P.          V. 

His  Majefty  s  Commijfioners  meet  thofe  of  the  Confederate  Catholics,  to  treat  of 

the  deflation. 

ON  the  23d  of  June,  1643,  the  ( i )  commiflioners  of  the  confederate  Ca- 
tholics prefented  themfelves  before  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  in  his  tent, 
near  Caftle  Martin,  in  the  prefence  of  divers  Colonels,  Captains,  and  other 
officers  of  his  Majefty's  army,  his  Lordfhip  fitting  in  his  chair  covered,  and 
the  Irifh  commiifioners  {landing  bare-headed.  After  feveral  paffages  between 
them,  all  tendered  in  writing,  the  latter  gave  his  Lordfhip  a  copy  of  the  au- 
thority they  had  received  from  the  fupreme  council  of  the  confederate  Catho- 
lics at  Kilkenny,  in  thefe  words. 

"  WHEREAS  (2)  his  Majefty's  moft  faithful  fubjeds,  the  confederate  Ca- 
tholics of  Ireland,  were  enforced  to  take  arms,  for  the  prefervation  of  their 
religion,  for  the  defence  of  his  Majefty's  juft  prerogatives  and  rights,  and  for 
the  maintainance  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  their  country,  laboured  to  be 
deftroyed  by  the  malignant  party  ;  and  whereas  his  Majefty  in  his  high  wif- 
dom,  and  in  his  Princely  care  of  his  faid  fubjecls,  welfare  and  fafety,  and  at 
their  humble  fuit,  that  his  Majefty  might  be  gracioufly  pleafed  to  hear  their 
grievances,  and  vouchfafe  redrefs  therein,  did  direct  there  fhould  be  a  cefTa^ 

tion 

(i)  BorLHift.  of  the  Irifh  Rebel.  (2)  Id.  ib. 

(b)  There  is  an  odd  paflage  in  Borlace,  which  garments,  and  apparel,  upon  the  dirrrefled  Protefhnts 
fhews  the  extremely  neceffitous  condition  ot  the  Pro-  in  Ireland  ;  in  reference  to  which,  the  igth  of  Scp- 
teftants  of  Ireland,  about  this  period,  more  than  any  tember  following,  the  Lord  Mayor  of  London  order- 
thing  elfe  I  have  any  where  met  with.  Upon  the  Eng-  ed,  that  thofe  cloaths  fhouid  be  brought  to  Yorkfhire- 
Jifli  parliament's  neglecting  to  fend  them  any  part  of  hall  in  Blackwell-hall,  to  be  ready  for  flipping  them 
that  money  which  had  been  fubfcribed,  and  paid  in,  for  Ireland,  and  a  vafl:  fupply  was  brought  in  ;  (cha- 
in England,  folely  for  their  relief  (and  which,  as  we  rity  never  fo  much  manifefting  its  companion,  as' in 
have  feen,  they  perfiviioufly  employed  againft  the  that  cafe,)  which  afterwards  was  entrufted  to  a  rc- 
Kinghimfelf)  "  Yet,"  fays  my  author,  "  that  foine-  verend  perfon,  who  difcharged  his  tuift  with  fingular 
thing  might  feem  to  be  done,  there  was  an  order  of  prudence  and  integrity,  though,  as  to  the  army, 
the  Commons  houfe  of  parliament,  the  3d  of  Auguft,  thefe  cloaths  never  reached,  or  were  intended."  Hift 
1642,  that  the  minifters  about  the  city  of  London  of  the  Irifh  Rebel,  fol.  120. 
Should  be  defired  to  exhort  the  people  to  bellow  old 


Ch.V.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  167 

tion  of  arms,  and  thereupon  did  direct  the  Right  Honourable  the  Marquis  of 
Ormond,  to  treat  of,  and  conclude,  the  faid  ceffation  with  the  faid  confede- 
rate Catholics ;  know  ye,  that  the  Supreme  council,  by  the  exprefs  order  and 
authority  of  the  faid  Catholics,  by  them  conceived  and  granted  in  their  ge- 
neral affembly  at  Kilkenny,  on  the  2dth  day  of  the  laft  month  of  May ;  and 
in  purfuance  of  the  faid  order  and  authority,  repofmg  fpecial  truft  and  con- 
fidence, in  the  wifdom,  circumfpedion,  and  provident  care,  honour,  and 
iincerity  of  our  very  good  Lords,  Nicholas  Lord  Vifcount  Gormanftown, 
Donogh  Lord  Vifcount  Mufkerry,  and  our  well-beloved  Sir  Lucas  Dillon, 
Knight,  Sir  Robert  Talbot,  Bart.  Terlagh  O'Neal,  Efq;  GeofTry  Brown,  Efqj 
Ever  Macgennis,  Efqj  and  John  Walfh,  Efqj  have  conftituted,  appointed, 
and  ordained  the  faid  Nicholas  Lord- Vifcount  Gormanftown,  Donogh  Lord 
Vifcount  Mufkerry,  &c.  our  commiffioners,  and  do,  by  thefe  prefents,  give 
and  grant  to  our  faid  commiffioners,  or  any  five,  or  more  of  them,  full  power 
and  authority  to  treat,  with  the  faid  Lord  Marquis  of  Ormond,  of  a  ceffation 
of  arms,  for  one  whole  year,  or  fhorter,  and  to  conclude  the  fame  for  the  time 
aforefaid,  upon  fuch  terms,  conditions,  or  articles,  as  to  the  commiffioners 
afore  faid,  in  their  judgments,  confciences,  and  difcretions,  fhall  be  thought 
fit,  and  expedient  j  by  thefe  prefents  ratifying,  and  confirming  whatever  act, 
or  ads,  our  faid  commiffioners  (hall  do,  or  execute,  concerning  the  faid  cef- 
fation. Given  at  Kilkenny,  the  2$d  of  June,  1643. 

MOUNTGARRET, 
CASTLEHAVEN,  AUDLEY, 
MALACH,  Archiepifc.  Tuamenf. 
FLEMING,  Archiepifc.  Dublinienf. 
MAURIT  de  RUPE  et  FERMOY, 
NETTERVILLE, 
NICHOLAS  PLUNKETT, 
EDMUND  FITZMORRICE, 
PATRICK  DARCY, 
ROBERT  LYNCH, 
RICHARD  BELLING." 


CHAP, 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  VI. 

CHAP.          VI. 

The  Ceffation  at  loft  concluded. 
^ 

UT  a  difference  ariiing  upon  two  points,  viz.  ( i )  the  diffolution  of  the 
prefent  Irifh  parliament,  and  liberty  to  ufe  hoftilities  againft  all  fuch 
perfons,  as  fhould  appear  in  arms  againft  either  party,  (which,  the  commif- 
fioners  of  the  confederate  Catholics  were  ordered  to  infill  upon,  and  the  Mar- 
quis of  Ormond  peremptorily  refufed,)  caufed  the  treaty  to  ,be  adjourned  to 
the  following  month. 

ON  E  reafon,  among  many  others  for  infixing  on  the  diffolution  of  that  parlia- 
ment, was  (2),  "  its  having  expelled,  by  an  arbitrary  order,  all  thofe  members 
who  had  been  indicted  in  the  illegal  manner,  and  by  the  iniquitous  means 
already  mentioned ;  and  its  afterwards  having  paffed  another  order,  that  no 
perfons  Ihould  fit  either  in  that,  or  any  future  parliament,  till  they  had  taken 
the  oath  of  fupremacy."  By  the  the  fi  rft  of  thefe  orders,  forty-fix  members  were 
expelled,  and  their  places  fupplied  (3),  "  by  clerks,  foldiers,  ferving  men,  and 
others  not  legally,  or  not  at  all  chofen  or  returned ;  and  by  the  laft,  a  much 
greater  number,  unexceptionable  (4),"  fays  Warner,  "  in  all  refpects,  but  that 
of  their  religion  (a)" 

THE  other  point  was  infilled  upon,  from  a  well-gounded  fufpicion,  that  the 
Scottifh  forces  in  Ulfter,  that  had  taken  the  covenant,  and  received  their  pay 
from  the  Englilh  parliament  now  in  open  rebellion  againft  the  King,  would 
reject  the  ceffation,  as  they  foon  after  actually  did.  And  of  the  reafonablenefs 
of  that  fufpicion,  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  himfelf,  was  then,  probably  con- 
vinced, from  his  knowledge  of  their  difpofition,  and  circumftances ;  at  leaft, 
on  the  8th  of  March  following,  he  certainly  was  fo,  when  he  told  Lord  Dig- 
^7  ($)'  "  tnat  tne  foldiers  and  common  people  in  that  quarter,  were  fo  deeply 
infected,  that  he  had  little  hopes  they  could  be  unanimoufly,  or  in  any  con- 
iiderable  number,  drawn  to  ferve  the  King  againft  the  rebels  in  England  or 

Scotland ; 

(i)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.  (2)  Warner's  Irifh  Rebel,  p.  211.  (3)  Remonft.  from  Trim. 

(4)  Ubi  fupra.  (5)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  256. 

{a)  "  His  Majetty  on  this  occafion,  afterwards  had  been  invaded  by  that  order,  as  well  as  to  give 
ordered  the  Lord  Lieutenant  to  call  before  him  the  fome  fatisfaftion  to  the  Roman  Catholics,  who  were 
Speaker  and  members  of  the  houfe,  and  require  them  thereby  aggrieved  in  a  point  which  they  had  moft  at 
to  vacate  that  order,  there  being  no  law  ot  ftatute  in  heart,  and  on  which  depended  all  their  hopes  of  re- 
feree in  Ireland  to  fupport  the  fame.  This  was  an  drcfs  either  of  prefent,  or  future  grievances."  Carte's 
a<5l  neceflary  to  vindkate  his  own  prerogative,  which  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  $23. 


Ch.VI.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  169 

Scotland  j  of  the  new  Scots,"  adds  he,  "  your  Lordfhip  fees  there  is  no 
hope,"  and  yet,  even  at  this  juncture  (as  we  fhall  hereafter  fee)  when  thefe 
forces  were  guilty  of  frequent  breaches  of  the  ceifat ion  then  concluded,  and 
did  at  lalt  openly  reject  it,  he  refufed  to  join  with  the  confederates,  or 
even  to  countenance  them  by  his  authority,  to  make  juft  reprifals  upon 
them. 

DURING  this  adjournment  of  the  treaty,  a  fmaU,  but  iif  intended,  incident 
had  like  to  have  fruftrated  all  hopes  of  its  fucceis  (6).  One  Captain  Farrer, 
in  the  goverment's  fervice,  had  been  taken  prifoner  by  the  confederates  ;  while 
one  Synott,  a  Captain  among  the  confederates,  was  in  the  fame  condition 
with  the  government.  The  Lords  Juftices  and  Council  deli  ring  to  have  Far* 
rer  exchanged  for  Synott,  directed  the  following  notice  to  the  fupreme  coun- 
cil of  the  confederates.  "  We,  the  Lords  Juftices  and  Council,  do  declare, 
if  Captain  Farrer  be  forthwith  releafed  by  the  rebels,  and  fafely  fent  hither, 
that  forthwith,  upon  his  coming  fb  releafed,  we  will  give  order  for  the  releaf- 
ing  Synott,  lately  employed  as  captain  among  the  rebels,  out  of  prifon,  the 
jailor's  juil  dues  being  firft  paid  j  and  will  then  permit  him  to  depart  freely, 
without  interruption." 

THE  following  fpirited  anfwer  {hews,  how  highly  the  confederates  refented 
this,  (as  they  deemed  it)  new  infult  on  their  loyalty. 

"  WE  (7)  do  not  know  to  whom  this  certificate  is  directed  ;  for  we  avow 
ourfelves,  in  all  our  actions,  to  be  his  Majefty's  loyal  fubjects.  Neither  fhall 
it  be  fafe,  hereafter,  for  any  meffenger  to  bring  any  paper  to  us,  containing 
other  language,  than  fuch  as  fuits  with  our  duty,  and  the  affections  we  bear 
to  his  Majefty's  fervice ;  wherein  fome  may  pretend,  but  none  fhall  have  more 
real  defires,  to  further  his  Majefty's  mterefts,  than  his  Majefty's  loyal  and 
obedient  fubjects, 

MOUNTGARRET,  MUSKERRY,  &c." 

SHORTLY  after  the  fending  of  this  anfwer  (8),  Sir  William  Parfons,  Sir  Adam 
Loftus,  Sir  Robert  Meredith,  and  Sir  John  Temple,  Privy-counfellors,were  charged 
before  the  council,  by  the  Lords  Dillon  and  Wilmot,  Sir  Faithful  Fortefcue, 
and  others,  with  having  by  divers  ways  and  means,  abufed  the  truft  repofed 
in  them  by  his  Majefty,  in  their  feveral  offices  and  employments ;  and  with 
having  traiteroufly  endeavoured  to  withdraw  his  Majefty's  army  in  Ireland, 
from  his  obedience,  to  fide  with  the  rebels  in  England.  "  Upon  this  charge, 

Z  they 

(6)  Selling's  MSS.  (7)  Id.  ib.  Borl.  Ir.  Rebel.  (8)  Cart.  Orra.  vol.  r. 


170  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  VI. 

they  were  all  impHfoned  in  the  caftle  of  Dublin.  But  we  find  (9),  "  That 
they  were  fo  dear  to  thofe  Englilh  rebels,  and  fo  highly  valued  by  them,  that 
they  avowed  them  for  theirs,  by  offering  in  exchange  for  them,  three  of  the 
King's  chief  commanders,  whom  they  had  prifoners  at  London." 

THE  King  had  often  and  earneftly  preiTed  the  Lords  Juftices,  to  conclude 
this  ceffation,  as  the  only  vifible  means,  by  which  his  diftrefied  army  in  Ire- 
land could  be  relieved,  or  himfelf  fupplied  in  England,  or  Scotland,  with 
thofe  additional  forces,  of  which  he  then  flood  in  the  greateft  need ;  but,  not 
till  after  the  receipt  of  his  (10)  fifth  letter  of  September  yth,  1643,  were  his 
commands,  in  that  refpec\,  obeyed.  And  thus,  at  length,  on  the  I5th  of 
that  month,  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  and  the  Irifli  commiffioners  ( 1 1),  ilgned 
the  inftrument  of  the  ceffation  at  Sigginftown  j  which,  being  confirmed  by  the 
Lords  Juftices  and  Council,  wras  notified,  by  proclamation,  to  the  whole  king- 
dom ;  the  commiffioners  of  the  confederate  Catholics  infilling,  all  along,  on 
their  title  of  dutiful  and  loyal  fubjedts,  which  no  confideration  whatever  could 
make  them  forego. 


C      H      A      P.          VII. 

The  Advantages  of  the  Ceffation  to  his  Mcyeftys  Army. 


AN  D,  in  truth,  the  confederates,  by  confenting  to  this  ceffation,  (as 
both  armies  were  then  circumftanced,)  gave  an  undeniable  proof  of 
their  having  highly  merited  that  title.  Sir  Philip  Percival,  Commiffary  General 
of  the  provifions  of  the  King's  forces,  declared,  in  a  memorial  which  he  after- 
wards gave  into  the  Englifh  parliament,  "  that  ( i )  both  the  ftate,  and  the 
army  were,  at  that  juncture,  in  the  greateft  diftrefs ;  that  the  ftores  in 
Dublin  had  no  manner  of  victuals,  many  times  for  one  day ;  that  the 
foldiers  would  not  move  without  money,  fhoes,  and  ftockings;  for  want 
of  which,  many  had  marched  barefooted,  and  had  bled  much  on  the 
road ;  and  that  others,  through  unwholfome  food,  had  become  difeafed 
and  died. 


(9)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  271.  (10)  Borlace  Irifli  Rebellion, 

(u)  Carte's  Ormond,  vol.  i. 

(i)  Carte's  Ormond,  vol.  i.  fol.  156. 


Ch.VIF.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  171 

"  TH\T  the  Irifh,  all  this  while  (a),  fubfifted  very  well,  carrying  their 
cattle,  efpecially  their  milch-eows,  with  them  into  the  field. 

"  THAT  the  ftate  at  Dublin  had  no  money  in  the  treafury ;  fometimes 
wanting  means  even  to  bury  their  dead  commanders  j  that,  before  the  cefYa- 
tion  was  concluded,  the  government's  army  was  fo  oppreffed  with  wants,  and 
their  neceffities  were  fo  great,  befides  the  difcontent  of  the  officers,  that  there 
was  no  need  of  any  other  enemy,  than  hunger  and  cold,  to  devour  them 
fuddenly. 

"  THAT  the  confederate  Catholics  had,  all  this  time,  three  armies  on  foot 
in  Leinfter,  well  furniihed  with  necerffaries,  and  ordnance ;  and  that  they  had 
perfect  intelligence  of  this  diftrefs  of  the  ftate,  and  the  condition  of  the  Englifh 
forces,  knowing  the  prevailing  ftrength  of  their  own  armies/' 

• 

THE  Lords  Juftices  and  Council,  in  a  letter  of  the  8th  of  May,  1643,  con- 
feffed,  "  that  they  then,  found  the  royal  army  fufYering  under  unfpeakable 
extremities  of  want  of  all  things  neceffary  to  the  fupport  of  their  perfons,  or 
maintenance  of  a  war ;  and  that  they  had  no  vifible  profpe<5t,  by  fea  or  land, 
of  being  able  to  preferve  the  kingdom  for  his  Majefty,  from  utter  deftruclion 

of  the  remnant  of  his  good  fubjedts  there." 

• 

BUT  they  \vere  now  to  be  relieved  from  this  extreme  diftrefs,  by  thofe 
very  men,  whom  they  had  hitherto  confidered,  and  treated,  as  their  worft  and 
moft  implacable  enemies.  For  the  confederate  Catholics  freely  (b)  obliged 
themfelves  on  the  conclufion  of  this  treaty,  to  pay  to  the  Marquis- of  Ormond 
thirty  thoufand  pounds,  for  the  prefent  fubfiftence  of  his  Majefty's  army.  .And, 
in  order  to  "  vindicate  (2)  themfelves  from  the  calumny,  that  was  raifed 
againft  them,  as  if  they  were  rebels,,  and  had  refolved  to  throw  off  the  King's 

Z  2  government, 

(2)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i. 

(a.).  Sir  Philip  Percival  was   fo   far  from  being  in-  RatclifF  told  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  on  that  occafion, 

timed  to  favour  the  Irifh  in  this  reprefentation  of  their  "  that,  had    he  not  been   recommended  by  his  Lortl- 

cifcumftanc<?s,  or'  in  any  other  refpeft,  that   he  was  fliip,  he  would  have  pafled  at  court  for  a  round  head." 

one  of  ihofe  agents,  that  had  been  fent   to  the  King  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  316.     This  Sir  Philip  Per- 

by  the  Proteftants  of  Ireland   to  oppofe  the  ceffttion.  cival  foon  after  joined  the  ErgiiiTi  rebels. 
And  he  did  fo  TJrulenH/  oppofe  it,  that   Sir  George 

.(b)  "  Ormond's  demand  for  a  fupply  for  mainte-  but  declared  their  intention  to  grant  his  Majefty  a  free 

nance  of.  the  King's  forces,  was  not  warranted  by  his  gift,  on   the  conclufion  of  the  truce."     Lei.  Hi' ft. 'of 

commiffion  to  hear  their  grievances  ;  the  confederates  Ireland,  vol.  iii.  p.  206, 
refufed  to  bind  themfelves  by  any  previous  ftipulation, 


172  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OP    THE  Bk,VI. 

government,  they  further  engaged,  to  tranfport  feveral  thoufands  of  their 
beft  men  to  Scotland,  to  re-inforce  his  Majefty's  army  there ;  which  engage- 
ment they  afterwards  performed,  with  great  honour  to  themfelves,  and  not 
lefs  advantage  to  his  Majefty's  fervice. 


C      H      A      P.          VIII. 

The  Cejfation  violated  by  his  Maje fly's  Forces  in  Ulfter. 

TH  E  ceflation  was  fcarce  fooner  publifhed,  than  reje&ed  by  the  Scots 
in  Ulfter,  ftill,  nominally  at  leaft,  under  the  Marquis  of  Ormond's  com- 
mand. For,  upon  the  firft  notice  of  it,  the  Englifh  parliament  ( I ),  "  fent 
them  frefh  fupplies  of  money,  arms,  and  provifions  ;  with  orders,  on  their  ar- 
rival, to  denounce  fire  and  fword  to  all  that  fhould  embrace  it,  and  to  march 
in  a  body,  with  all  neceflary  provifions,  towards  Dublin." 

BUT  thefe  Scots  did  not,  it  feems,  wait  for  the  parliament's  orders.  For 
we  find  the  fupreme  council  complaining  to  the  Lords  Juftices,  on  the  1 5th  of 
October,  that  (2)  *4  the  Scots,  who,  not  long  before,  had  come  over  in  great 
numbers  to  Ireland,  had,  by  the  (laughter  of  many  innocents,  without  dif- 
tinclion  of  age,  or  fex,  poflefled  themfelves  of  large  territories  in  the  North  ; 
and  that,  fince  the  notice  given  them  of  the  ceflation,  they  had  continued 
their  former  cruelties,  upon  the  perfons  of  weak,  and  unarmed  multitudes." 
Wherefore,  they  humbly  propofed  to  their  Lordfhips,  "  that  thefe  violators 
of  the  ceflation,  and  fecret  enemies  of  his  Majefty,  might  be  profecuted  by 
the  joint  power  of  all  his  Majefty's  good  fubjecls,  of  what  nation  foever  •,  and 
that,  while  the  fuccours  for  his  Majefty  were  in  preparation,  their  own  pro- 
ceedings againft  them,  might  no  way  be  imputed,  as  a  defire  to  violate  the 
ceflation." 

BUT  this  propofal  being  rejected  by  their  Lordfhips,  and  the  hoftilities  of 
the  Scots  ftill  continuing  and  increafing,  a  ftop  was,  for  a  while,  put  to  thofe 
fupplies,  which  the  confederate  Catholics  had  engaged  to  fend  to  the  King ; 
a  great  part  of  them  now  becoming  abfolutely  neceflary  for  their  own  de- 
fence. Lord  Inchiquin  was  fenfible  of  this  impediment,  when  he  told  the 
Marquis  of  Ormond,  in  a  letter  from  Oxford,  February  1643  (3),  "  that  tho* 

the 

(i)  Lord  Dlgby's  Let.  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  Cart.  vol.  ili.     (2)  Belling's  MSS.  Borl,  Ir.Reb.  f.  176. 
(3)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  244. 


CH.IX.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  173 

the  Irifh  were  extremely  relied  on,  yet  he  feared,  they  were  unable  to  do 
more  than  defend  themfelves  from  the  Scots,  who,  he  doubted,  would  prove 
dangerous  rebels  to  his  Majefty."  And  Lord  Digby  alfo,  writing  to  the 
Marquis  about  the  fame  time  (4),  "  made  no  queftion,  but  that  the 
Irifh,  in  cafe  they  were  rid  of  their  apprehenfions  of  the  Scots  in  Ulfter, 
would  engage  thoroughly,  riumeroufly,  and  entirely  in  his  Majefty 's  fer- 
vice." 

THE  Marquis  of  Ormond  was  himfelf  confcious,  that  the  increafing  hofti- 
lities  of  the  Scots  for  a  while  prevented  the  confederates  from  fending  the 
promifed  fupplies  to  his  Majefty ;  though  he  afterwards  charged  them  with 
their  delay  in  the  performance,  as  a  breach  of  their  engagement.  For,  ex- 
cufing  himfelf  to  Prince  Rupert  (5),  "  touching  the  procuring  of  arms,  and 
ammunition  from  them,  for  the  fervice  of  his  Majefty's  fhips  under  his  com- 
mand, he  told  him,  that  he  had  little  hopes  of  prevailing  with  them ;  and 
that  they  were  not  very  much  to  blame,  the  Scots  being  yet  in  Ireland  in 
great  numbers,  and  frefh  reports  coming  daily,  that  they  would  not  only 
begin  the  war  with  them  in  England  afreih,  but  endeavour  to  impofe  the  tak- 
ing of  their  covenant  on  the  people  of  Ireland,  by  force  of  arms  (a)" 


HAP.          IX. 


The  Covenant  brought  into  Ireland-,  further  Breaches  of  the  Cejfation  by  the  Scotch 

and  Englijh  Forces. 

*  |  ^HE  Englifh  parliament  having,  on  the  25th  of  September,  1643,  with 
JL      great  folemnity,  taken  the  covenant,  difpatched  on  the  4th  of  Novem- 
ber following,  Captain  Owen  O'Connolly,  the  famous  difcoverer  of  the  Irifh 
rebellion,  with  letters  to  all  the  Britifh  Colonels  in  Ulfter,  "  recommending  to 
them  the  taking  of  the   fame  ( i ),  and  the  carrying  on   the  war  againft  the 
Irifh;  and  affuring  them  of  fufficient  fupplies  for  their   maintenance,  upon 
complying  with  thefe  conditions."     And  this  commiffion  did  O'Cbnnolly  un- 
dertake to  execute,  altho'  he  knew,  that  the  King  had  on  the  9th  of  the  fore- 
going 

(4)  W.  ib.  (s)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  (i)  Cart.  Orni.  vol.  i.  fol.  487. 

(a)  In  another  letter  he  fays,  "  I  have  with  much  ed  and  exhaufled  by  war,  makes  me  doubt  their  fup- 

earnettnefs  prefiVd  the  Irifli  for  fome  confiderable  pay-  plies  will  be  flow  and  fmall."       Carte's  Orm.  vol.  iii, 

ment  of  their  arrears  ;  but  their  preparations  for  their  rtil.  31  5. 
own  defence,  and  the  poverty  of  the  kingdom,  waft- 


i74  HISTORICAL-REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.VI. 

going  month,  declared  by  proclamation,  "  that  covenant  to  be  a  traiterous, 
and  {editions  combination  againft  him,  and  againft  the  eftablifhed  religion  and 
Jaws  of  the  kingdom."  This  man  had  now  entered  into  all  the  meafures  of 
the  Englifti  rebels  (a);  and  was  (2)  Toon  after  made  a  Colonel  by  them  j 
hut,  about  the  year  1  649,,  he  was  killed  in  an  engagement,  by  Colonel  John 
Hamilton. 

AFTER  the  landing  of  O'Connolly,  "  all  the  Scotch,  and  moft  of  the  Eng- 
IHh  officers  in  Ulfter,  took  the  covenant  ;  altho*  the  Marquis  ofOrmond  had, 
by  the  King's  command,  lent  down  a  proclamation  aga-inft  it,  which  the  Co- 
lonels of  the  regiments  under  his  command  there  did  not  publiih,  for  fear,  as 
they  pretended,  of  Major  General  Monroe.  The  inhabitants  of  the  North 
wefe  now  become  Ib-  violent  for  the  covenant,  that  they  even  (b)  refufed  main- 
tenance to  fuch  of  the  foldktrs,  as  would  not  take  it." 


now,'  evenxthofe  EnglHh  officers,  and  foldiers  in  Ulftcr,  (who  had  fub- 
mitted  to  the  ceffation)  were  prevailed  on  to  promife  Major  General  Monroe, 
that,  whenever  he  marched  out  againft  the  Irifh,  they  would  join  him  in  the 
expedition  (3);  and  of  the  juftice  of  this  union,  againft  fuch  an  enemy,  they 
declared  themfelves  fatisfied  in  their  conlciences.  "  Accordingly  (4),  on  the 
3Oth  of  June,  the  two  combined  armies,  making  about  10,000  foot,  and  1000 
horfe,  (tho'  neither  Owen  O'Neil,  nor  the  Earl  of  Caftlehaven.  the  two  Irifh 
Generals  in  that  province,  did  fufped  in  the  leaft,  that  either  the  old  Scots, 
or  the  Englifh  under  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  would  march  againft  them, 
in  breach  of  the  ceflation,)  fent  out  feveral  parties  into  Weftmeath,  and  Long- 
ford, which  burnt  the  country,  and  put  to  the  fword  all  the  country  people 
that  they  met." 

Major  General  Monroe's  ingratitude  and  perfidy  were,  in  every  refped, 
equal  to  his  cruelty.  This  appeared  by  his  behaviour  to  the  Earl  of  Antrim, 
foon  after  his  arrival  in  Ireland.  fct  Mr.  Archibald  Stuart,  chief  agent  to  that 
Earl,  had  (5)  railed,  in  the  beginning  of  the  troubles,  about  eight  hundred 
men,  a  great  part  of  them  the  Earl  of  Antrim's  tenants  and  dependents,  near 
Ballymenagh  j  and  with  them  fecured  that  part  of  the  county  of  Antrim  ; 

notwithftanding 

(2)  Id.  ib.  (3)  Id.  ib.  fol.  495.  (4)  Id.  ib.  (5)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  188. 

(a)  He  had  gotten,  for  the  firft  difcovery  of  this  confpiracy,  500!.  and  200!.  per  ann.  from  the  Englifh 
parliament.     Borl.  Hift.  of  the  Rebel,  fol.  55. 

(t>)  "  They,  whoever  appeared  moft  attached  to  the  Royal  caufe,  now  caught  the  popular  contagion,"  (of 
the  covenant.)    Lei.  ubi  fupra,  vol.  iii.  p.  203. 


Ch.X.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  175 

notwithftanding  which,  this  Major  General,  with  two  thpufand  five  hundred 
Scots,  marched  about  the  middle  of  April,  1 642,  into  that  country,  where  he 
made  a  prey  of  above  five  thoufand  cows,  burnt  Glenarm,  a  town  belonging 
to  the  Earl  of  Antrim,  and  wafted  that  nobleman's  lands.  The  Earl  came,  in 
the  latter  end  of  April,  to  his  feat  at  Dunluce,  a  ftrong  caftle  by  the  fea  fide»j 
and  after  his  arrival  there,  found  means  to  fupply  Colerain,  which  had  been 
blocked  up  by  the  Iriih,  and  was  reduced  to  extremity,  with  an  hundred 
beeves,  fixty  loads  of  corn,  and  other  provifions,  at  his  own  expence.  He  had 
offered  Monroe  his  fervice  and  affiftance  for  fecuring  the  country ;  in  the 
peace  of  which,  he  was  greatly  interefted,  by  reafon  of  his  large  eftate,  the 
rents  of  which  he  could  not  otherwife  receive.  Monroe  made  him  a  vifit  at 
/Dunluce,  where  the  Earl  received  him  with  many  exprefTions  of  gladnefs,  and 
had  provided  for  him  a  great  entertainment ;  but  it  was  no  fooner  over,  than 
the  Major  General  made  him  a  prifoner,  feked  the  caftle,  and  put  the 
reft  of  the  Earl's  houfes  into  the  hands  of  the  Marquis  of  Argyle's  men." 

THE  continuation  of  the  before-mentioned  outrages  of  the  Scots  in  Ulfter,  in 
.breach  of  the  ceffation,  caufed  Lord  Digby  to  write  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond, 
in  July  1 644.,  "  That  (6)  the  growing  diforders  of  the  kingdom  imported  a  greater 
neceility  of  peace  with  the  Iriih,  and  of  an  union  againft  thofe  traitors  of  the 
covenant,  fo  much  more  dangerous,  than  any  other,  as  they  were  firmly  linked 
vvith  the  rebels  in  England." 


CHAP.  X. 

The  Revolt  of  Lord  Inchiquin.  . 

ABOUT  this  time,  died  Sir  William  St.  Leger,  Lord  Prcfident  of  Mun- 
fter  j  and  the  King  having  (i)  appointed  the  Earl  of  Portland  to  fucceed 
him  in  that  charge,  Lord  Inchiquin,  who  was  married  to  Sir  William's  daugh- 
ter, and  had  folicited,  and  expeded  that  Prefidentfhip  after  his  father-in-law's 
deceafe,  was  now  fo  much  incenfed  by  the  difappointment,  that  he  was  eafily 
perfuaded  by  (2)  Lord  Broghill,  to  reject  the  ceffation,  and  receive  the  Englifh 
parliament's  commilTion  for  the  Prefidentfhip  of  Munfter,  in  oppofition  to  the 
King's  appointment.  "  In  (3)  this  capacity,  he  performed  many  confiderable 
fervices  for  that  parliament,  taking  great  ftore  of  plunder  from  the  Irifh,  and 

not 

(6)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  335.  (i  J  Id.  ib.  vol.  i.  fol.  512.  (2)  Ludlow's  Mem.  vol.  i. 

(3)  Id  ib. 


176  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  VI. 

not  fparing,"  fays  Ludlow,  "  his  own  kindred  j  but  if  he  found  them  faulty, 
hanging  them  up,  without  diflindion." 

But  one  of  his  moil  memorable  fervices  on  this  occafion,  was,  his  barbarous  ex- 
ploit at  Caihel  (4.)  -y  "  where,  having  brought  together  an  army,  and  hearing  that 
many  priefts  and  gentry  thereabouts  had  retired  with  their  goods  into  the 
church  of  that  city,  he  ftormed  it,  and  put  three  thoufand  of  them  to  the  fword, 
taking  the  Prieils  even  from  under  the  altar/' 

AT  the  fame  time,  that  he  himfelf  deferted  the  King's  fervice(5),  he  per- 
fuaded  his  brother,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Henry  O'Brien,  to  deliver  up  Ware- 
ham  to  the  Englifh  parliament,  and  to  come  away,  with  his  whole  regiment, 
to  Ireland.  This  Lieutenant-Colonel  was,  afterwards  (6),  taken  prifoner  by 
the  confederates,  and  in  great  danger  of  an  unhappy  end,  in  revenge  for  a 
Roman  Catholic  Dean,  whom  his  brother  had  lately  caufed  to  be  hanged,  and 
for  his  own  crime  in  delivering  Wareham  to  the  parliament.  But  Lord  Caftle- 
haven,  alleging  that  for  this  very  reafon  he  ought,  for  a  teftimony  of  their  own 
loyalty,  and  of  their  deteftation  of  his  breach  of  truft,  to  be  fent  as  a  prefent 
to  the  King,  to  be  punifhed  as  his  Majefty  fhould  fee  fit,  he  was  faved  from 
prefent  execution,  and  afterwards  exchanged." 

THOUGH  Inchiquin's  difappointment  was  the  real  caufe  of  his  defeclion, 
yet  he  pretended  another,  and  more  extraordinary,  reafon  for  it  to  the  Mar- 
quis of  Ormond,  viz.  "  An  (7)  information  he  had  received,  from  fome  Eng- 
lifh women,  of  a  common  talk  of  fome  of  the  Irifh,  that  they  defigned  to  feize 
Cork ,"  and,  upon  this  frivolous  pretence,  he  drove  all  the  magiftrates,  and 
Catholic  inhabitants  out  of  that  city  ;  as  alfo  out  of  Youghall,  and  Kinfale,  al- 
lowing them  to  take  no  more  of  their  goods  with  them,  than  (8)  what  they 
could  carry  on  their  backs,  feizing  all  the  provifions,  and  effeds  in  their 
houfes."  Lord  Digby,  by  his  Majefly's  command,  recommended  thefe  dif- 
treffed  people  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond's  care.  "  The  King,"  fays  he  (9), 
"  is  very  fenfible  of  their  fad  condition,  and  will  not  foon  forget  the  inhuma- 
nity of  that  Lord." 

BUT  Inchiquin,  in  order  to  engage  his  officers  and  foldiers  in  the  fame  mea- 
fures  he  had  embraced  himfelf,  caufed  an  ( i  o)  oath  to  be  adminiftered  to  them, 
by  which  they  obliged  themfelves  to  endeavour  the  extirpation  of  Popery,  to 
carry  on  the  war  againft  the  Irifh,  notwithftanding  any  command,  proclama- 
tion, 

(4)  Id.  ib.  Caftlehaven's  Memoirs.  (5)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  513.  (6)  Id.  ib.  fol.  529. 

(7)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  (8)  Id.  ib.  vol.  i.  (9)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  353.  (10)  Selling's  MSS. 


Ch.XI.  CIVIL   WARS   IN    IRELAND.  177 

tion,  or  agreement,  to  the  contrary ;  and  to  fubmit  to  no  peace,  or  conditions 
with  them,  but  by  confent,  and  allowance  of  King  and  parliament,  This 
was  then  a  favourite  mode  of  expreflion  with  thofe  who  fought,  in  the  King's 
name,  againft  his  perfon. 

C      H      A      P,          XI. 

The  Confederates  fend  Supplies  to  the  King. 

HO  W  much  foever  the  King  has  been  cenfured (a),  for  employing  his 
Irifh  Catholic  fubjects,  againft  his  Engiifh  and  Scottifh  rebels,  (even  by 
thofe,  who  had  actually  reduced  him  to  that  neceffity)  his  Majefty's  good  opi- 
nion of  their  courage  and  fidelity,  was  certainly  well  grounded.  Lord  Byron, 
in  a  letter  from  Chefter,  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  January  3Oth  1643, 
requiring  fupplies  from  Ireland  (i),  "  wifhed  they  were  rather  Irifh,  than 
Engiifh ;  for  that  the  Engiifh  he  had  already,  were  very  mutinous ;  and  be- 
ing," fays  he,  "  for  the  moft  part  this  countrymen,  are  fo  poifoned  by  the 
ill-affected  people  here,  that  they  grow  very  cold  in  this  fervice."  And,  in- 
deed, that  this  preference,  in  favour  of  the  Irifh,  was  juft,  and  reafonable, 
appears  from  hence,  that  fuch  of  the  Engiifh  Proteftant  forces,  as  were  com- 
manded over  on  that  duty  (2),  "  went  with  fuch  reluctance,"  fays  Borlace, 
"  as  the  fharpeft  proclamations,  of  which  there  were  feveral,  hardly  reftrained 
them  from  flying  their  colours,  both  before  and  (b)  after  their  arrival  in  Eng- 
land." But  with  how  much  fpirit  and  alacrity,  the  Irifh  crowded  into  that 
fervice ;  and  what  wonders  they  performed  in  it,  fhall  be  prefently  related, 
from  unqueftionable  authority. 

BUT  there  now  arofe  a  new,  and  more  fubflantialimpediment  to  the  tranf- 
miffion  of  thefe  fupplies  by  the  confederates  (3),  "  from  the  Irifh  coafts  being 

A  a  infefted 

(i)  Carte,  Leland,  &c.  (2)  Hift.  Irifli  Rebel,  fol.  177.  (3)  Cart.  Orrri.  vol.  i.. 

(a)  "  It  was  Lord  Inchiquin  above-mentioned,  that  firft  moved  the  King  to  fend  for  the  forces  of  Ii eland 
into  England."     Borl.  Hift.  Irifh  Rebel,  fol.  203. 

(1)  "  They  deferted  to  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax,  notvvithftanding  their  foiemn  Oath;  and   numbers   of  them 
Were  perfuaded  to  lake  arias  for  the  parliament."  •  -Lei.  Hift,  Irel.  vol.  Hi.  p.  216, 


i7S  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  VI. 

infefted  by  fwarms  -of  (c)  rebel-fhips,"  whofe  commanders  fhewed  no  mercy 
to  fuch  of  the  Royal  party,  as  had  the  misfortune  to  fall  into  their  hands.  For 
"  of  (4)  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  whom  the  Marquis  of  Or mond  had  about 
this  time  fent  to  Britiol,  and  who  happened  to  be  taken  by  Captain  Swanley, 
commander  of  a  parliament  ihip,  feventy,  betides  two  women,  were  inhu- 
manly thrown  over  board,  on  pretence  that  they  were  Irifh."  This  ftruck  a 
juft  terror  into  all  'the  neighbouring  ports,  and  fcarce  a  fhip  durft  ftir  out  of 
the  harbour.  Shortly  after,  however,  feveral  hundred  Irifh  ventured  off  to 
his  Majefty's  affiftance ;  "  and  on  the  third  day  of  their  failing  (5),  having  taken 
a  Scotch  vefTel,  with  about  fifty  Kirk-minifters,  deputed  to  preach  up,  and  ad- 
minifter,  the  covenant  in  Uliler,  inftead  of  retaliating  Captain  Swanley's 
late  inhumanity,  they  contented  themfelves  with  only  making  them  pri- 
fouers." 

Ox  the  1 6th  of  May,  1644,  the  Earl  of  Antrim  acquainted  the  Marquis  of 
Ormond,  that  (6)  "  he  had  then,  for  three  months  paft,  maintained  by  his 
Own  credit,  and  that  of  his  friends,  at  leaft  two  thoufand  men,  ready  to  be 
fhipped  oiF,  waiting  for  their  arms  and  provifions ;  which,  he  feared,  would 
not  come  (b  ioon  as  expected,  while  the  parliament  fhips  were  fo  thick  oa 
that  coaft  (d)" 

YET  fo  great  was  that  Lord's  zeal  for  his  Majefty's  fervice,  and  fo  little  did 
rhe  Irifh  fear  the  danger  then  attending  it,  that  on  the  27th  of  the  followiiv^ 
month,  he  wrote  again  to  the  Marquis  (7),  "  that  he  had  fent  off  about  fix- 
tcen  hundred  men,  being  as  many  as  the  fhips  could  conveniently  hold,  com- 
pletely armed  by  his  own  {hilts,  belides  fifteen  hundred  pikes ;  and  that  he 
had  difcharged  feven,  or  eight,  hundred  men,  for  'want  of  {hipping."  But 
his  Lordfhip  feems  to .  have  fhifted  fo  well  afterwards,  that  we  find,  by  a 
letter  of  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  July  I7th  following,  "  that  (8)  the  num- 
ber of  men  then  embarked  by,  him  (Antrim)  from  Waterford  and  other 

places, 

(-0  Ormond's  Let.  Carr  Colleft.  of  liis  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  48.       (5)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.       (6)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii. 
(7)  Id.  ib.  (8)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  ful.  328. 

(c)  The  M;irquis   of  Omond  hinifelf,  in  a  letter  trenclieroufly  furpjifed   Belfaft,  arid   altcniptcd  orher 
to  the  ArchbifliOp   of  York,  May  27th,   1644,  men-  Engliib  garrifons ;   fo  that,  until  thefe   feas  be  cleated, 
tions  thefe  two  great    impediments   to  the  tranfmiflion  and    the  danger    of  the  Scots  over,  Anglefcy  can  ex- 
«f  the  IriHi  fupphes.     "   In  addition  to  other  difncul-  pe*Sl  little  indeed,  or  no  fuccour  out  of  Irtland."    Cart, 
tics,"  fays  he,  "  we  are  here  threatened  with  an  in-  ColJec.  of  Orig.  Papers,  vol.i.  p.  48. 

vafion  of  the  Scots   out  of  the   North,   who   have 

(d)  "  T  ?m    forrv,"  fays  Secretary  Nicholas,  in  a  ficult ;  and  that  there  is   no  poiTibility  for   the  King 
letter  to  the  Marquis   of  Ormond,  May  aoth,  1644,  fuddenly  to  fet  forth  and  maintain  fuch  a  guard  upon 
"  that   the  paflage  ,to  and    from   Ireland,  is,  by  the  the  Irifh  coaft,  as   to  fupprefs    their   forces  by   fea." 
Englifli  rebels'  Shipping  on  that  coaft,  rendered  fo  dif-  Carte's  Collect,  of  Oim.  Orig.  Papers. 


Ch.  XL  CIVIL    WARS    in    IRELAND.  170 

places^  amounted  to  two  thoufand  five  hundred,  well  armed,  and  vidualed  for 
two  months." 

LORD  Clarendon's  high  encomiums  on  this  nobleman's  zeal,  and  a&ivity  in 
the  King's  fervice;  and  on  the  valour,  fidelity,  and  wonderful  fuccefs,  of 
thefe  Irifh  in  promoting  it,  is  the  more  remarkable,  as  it  is  well  known,  that 
his  Lordfhip  was  not  at  all  biafTed,  by  any  partial  affection  to  either  of  them  (9). 
"It  cannot  be  denied,"  fays  he,  "  that  the  levies  the  Marquis  of  Antrim  made, 
and  fent  over  to  Scotland  under  the  command  of  Colkitto,  were  the  founda- 
tion of  all  thofe  wonderful  ads,  which  were  performed  afterwards  by  the 
Marquis  of  Montrofs.  They  were  fifteen  hundred  men,  very  good,  and  with 
very  good  officers  >  all  fo  hardy,  that  neither  the  ill  fare,  nor  the  ill  lodging,  in 
the  Highlands,  gave  them  any  difcouragement.  They  gave  the  firft  oppor- 
tunity to  the  Marquis  of  Montrofs  of  being  in  the  head  of  an  army,  that  de- 
feated the  enemy,  as  often  as  they  encountered  them.  After  each  victory, 
the  Highlanders  went  always  home  -with  their  booty ;  and  the  Irifh  only  ftaid 
together  with  their  general.  And  from  this  beginning,  the  Marquis  of  Mon- 
trofs grew  to  that  power,  that  after  many  battles  won  by  him,  with  much 
{laughter  of  the  enemy,  he  marched  vidorioufly  with  his  army,  till  he  made 
himfelf  maftcr  of  Edinburgh,  and  redeemed  out  of  the  prifon  there,  the  Earl 
of  Crawford,  Lord  Ogilvy,  and  many  other  noble  perfons,  who  had  been 
taken  and  fent  thither,  with  a  refolution  that  they  fhould  all  lofe  their  heads  ; 
and  the  Marquis  of  Montrofs  did  always  acknowledge,  that  the  rife  and  begin- 
ning of  his  good  fuccefs,  was  due,  and  to  be  imputed,  to  that  body  of  the 
Irifh,  which  had  in  the  beginning  been  fent  him  by  the  Marquis  of  Antrim ; 
to  whom,  the  King  had  acknowledged  the  fervice,  in  feveral  letters  of  his 
own  hand-writing." 

IT  is  therefore  no  wonder,  that  we  find  Lord  Digby  fo  frequently  impor- 
tuning the  Marquis  of  Ormond  ( i  o),  "  to  ufe  all  poffible  means  to  affift,  and 
encourage,  the  Earl  of  Antrim,  and  his  forces,  in  the  fervice  of  Scotland ; 
whereof  the  Kings  party,"  fays  he,  "  find  fuch  admirable  efFeds  in  England." 
nor,  on  the  other  hand,  is  it  at  all  flrange,  that  in  order  to  prevent  their  com- 
ing into  England,  the  parliament  of  that  kingdom  pafTed  that  cruel  ordinance 
of  the  24th  of  Odober,  1644(11),  "  that  no  quarter  fhould  be  given  to  any 
Irifhman,  or  Papift  born  in  Ireland,  that  fhould  be  taken  in  hoflility  againft 
the  parliament,  either  upon  the  fea,  or  in  England,  or  Wales." 

(9)  Clarendon's  Life  written  by  himfelf,  vol.  ii.  p.  246.     See  Append,  (10)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  iii. 

(i  i)  Boil.  Ir.  Rebel,  fol.  178.     See  Hughe's  Abridgment. 

A  a  2  CHAP, 


i8b  HISTORICAL-REVIEW    or    THE  Bk.  VI. 


C      H      A      P.          XII. 


The  Confederates  prefs  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  to  take  the  Command  of  their 

Forces. 


H  E  hoftilities  daily  committed  on  the  confederates  by  Monroe  in  UI~ 
fter,  Sir  Charles  Coote  in  Conaught,  and  by  Inchiquin  in  Mimfter,  in 
breach  of  the  ceflati  on,  caufed  them  to  repeat  their  moft  e'arneft  requeft  to 
the  (a)  Marquis  of  Ormond,  now  (b)  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  that  he 
would  condefcend  either  to  take  the  command  of  their  forces  upon  himfelf,  or  to 
permit  them  to  employ  them  againft  thofe,  now  his  Majefty's  open  and  de- 
clared enemies.  They  were  the  more  importunate  in  this  requeft,  as  they 
were  privately  afTured,  that  orders  of  that  kind  had  been  already  fent  to  his 
Excellency  j  for  his  Majefty  had  promifed,  that  the  (c)  Marquis  fhould  join 
with  them,  particularly  againft  the  Scots  in  Ulfter,  when  a  peace,  or  ceffation, 
was  concluded  (i)  ;  "It  being  underftood,"  fays  Lord  Digby  on  this  occafion, 
"  that,  if  the  Scots  fubmitted  not  to  it,  they  fhould  then  be  declared  againfi, 
as  common  enemies." 

THE  Marquis  himfelf  was  fully  fenfible  of  the  rebellious  difpouYion  of  thefe 
Scots.  He  even  owned  (2),  "  that  he  doubted  not,  but  that,  when  they  were 
all  able,  they  would  endeavour  to  be  mafters  of  all  the  harbours,  and  other 
places  of  confequence,  in  the  kingdom,  on  pretence  of  fecuring  them  againft 
Papifts,  and  malignants."  Soon  after  this,  he  acquainted  the  Earl  of  Clan- 

rickard 

(i)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  ill.  fbl.  346.     Letter  to  Ormond.  (2)  rb.  vol.  iii.  fol.  327. 

(a)  Who  was  fully  fenfible  of  the  heinoufnefs  of  lion,  that  the  fame  fhould  be  kept,  is  bound  by  ho- 
that  breach.     For,  in  a  letter  to  Colonel  Mathews,  fo  nour,  and  all  laws,  to  maintain  it  with  all  his  power  ; 
foon   after  its  conclufion,  as  December   J4th,  1643,  from  whence  it  doth  follow,  that  all  who  fhall  oppofe 
he  fays,  "   his  Mnjefly  having  agreed  thereunto  (the  it,  muft  oppofe  themfelves  againft  his   power  and  au- 
ceiTaiion)  and  publifhed  to  the  world  by  his  proclaina-  thority."     Carte's  Oan.  vol.  iii.  fol.  218. 

(b)  "  On  the  2  i  ft  of  January,   1643,  Janies  Marquis  of  Ormond  was  folemnly  in  Chrift-church,  Dublin, 
fvvorn  Lord  Lieutenant,  with  general  acceptance."     Borl.  Hift.  of  the  Irifti  Rebel,  fol.  180. 

(c)  The  King  himfelf  in  the  poftfcript  of  a  letter  the  ceiTation  for  a  year  ;  for  which  you  fhall  promife  the 
to  Ormond,  in  December  1644,  fays  on  this  occafion,  Irifh,  if  you  can  have  it  no  cheaper,  to  join  with  them, 
"  I  have    thought   to   give  you   this   further   order  againft  the  Scots,  and  Inihequin."   Relig.  Sacr.  Carol. 
(which,  T  hope,  will  prove  needlefs)  to  feek  to  renew 


Ch.  XII.  CI  V  I  Ir  W  A  R  S   IJT  I  R  E  L  A  N  D:.  igi 

riekard(3),  "  that  he  had  difcovered  a  confpiracy,  whereby  Drogheda  firft, 
and  by  confequence,  Dublin,  was  to  have  been  put  into  their  hands."  On 
the  other  fide,  he  confeffed,  that  by  accepting  the  command  of  the  confede- 
rates' army  (4),  "  he  might  have  drawn  their  dependence  upon  him,  and  been 
able  to  difpofe  of  their  forces,  according  to  his  Majefty's  pleafure,  for  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  fervice,  either  in  Ireland,  or  elfewhere ;  that  he  was  allured,, 
the  confederates,  in  cafe  of  his  compliance,  would  provide  the  King's  army 
then  m  his  charge ;  but  that,  if  he  refufed,  they  might  conceive  they  wer& 
not  obliged  to  it,  having,  as  they  alleged,  paid  (d)  all  that  was  promifed,  or 
been  damnified  by  his  party,  in  more  than  remained  due,  fmce  the.  cefTation." 
He  (5)  knew,  that  actually,  at  that  very  juncture,  thefe  confederates  were 
preparing  fix  hundred  barrels  of  corn,  and  four  hundred  beeves,  for  his  army; 
and  in  fhort,  that  all  his  hopes  of  fubfiftence  then  depended  upon  them,  and 
that  a  breach  with  them,  for  which  they  did  not  want  a  colour,  might  have 
liopt  that  fupply." 

YET,  in  oppofition  to  all  thefe  motives  of  duty,  necefiity,  and  convenience, 
his  Excellency  alleged,  as  his  principal  reafon  for  not  complying  (6),  "  that  if 
he  agreed  to  either  of  the  ways  defired  by  the  Irifh  -,  that  is,"  fays  he,  "  if  I 
take  the  charge  of  their  army  upon- me,  or  denounce  immediately  an  ofFenfive 
war  againft  the  Scots,  not  ten  Proteftants  will  follow  me ;  but  rather  rife  as 
one  man,  and  adhere  to  the  Scots  (7).  Nay  u  he  was  confident,  heihould,  in, 
that  cafe,  be  fuddenly  and  totally  deferted  by  the  Proteftants." 

AFTER  fuch  a  reprefentation  of  the  different  difpofitions  of  the  Proteftants 
and  Catholics  of  Ireland  at,  that  diftracled  period,  and  by  fo  impartial  and 
competent  a  judge  and  witnefs,  who  can  entertain  the  leaft  doubt,  but  that 
the  latter  were  really,  and  the  former  only  nominally,  his  Majefty's  loyal 
fubjecls. 

AND  indeed,  not  only  the  confederate  Catholics,  but  even  feveral  other 
noblemen  of  the  kingdom,  entirely  unconnected  with  them,  prefied  earneftl}% 

for. 

(3)  Cart  Orm.  vol.  ill.  ful.  370.  (4)  I'd.  ib  vol.  ill   fol.  522.  (5)  Id.  ib.  vol.  j. 

(6)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  323.  (7)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  323., 

(d)  The  confederates  had  affined  Daniel  O'Neal,  308.     OH  occaficn  of  this  Gentleman's  death,  in  1669, 

a  Colouel   in  the  King's  fervice,  whom  OrmoncLhajd  King  .Charles  in  a  letter  of  that  date,  to  his  fitter,  the 

fent  to  them  on  this  occafion,  '*  that   though  by  the  Dutchefs  of  Orleans,  fays,  "  Poor  O'Neal  died   this 

agreement  in  writing,  his  Excellency  was    to  receive  afternoonof  an  ulcer  in    h'Sgirs;  he  WBS  as  hooeft  a 

30,000!.  yet,  to  their  agents,  or  cornmiilioners,  who  man  as  ever  lived  :  I  am  fur e  I   have  left  a  good  fer- 

treared  with  him,  he  engaged  his  honour,  that  15,000!.  vant  by  it."     Sir  JohuDalryirp  Mem.  Append,  vol.  ii. 

fliould  make  fatisfaflion/'      Caite's  Gnu.  voK  iii.  fol.  p.  3^.: 


HISTORICAL   REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.VI. 

for  a  declaration  of  hoftilities  againft  thefe  violators  of  the  Deflation.  The 
Earls  of  Thomond  and  Clanrickard,  and  the  Lords  Dillon,  Taaffe,  Ranalagh, 
Fitzwilliams,  and  Howth,  jointly  urged  the  neceffity  of  that  meafure  in  an 
affecting  memorial,  addreffed  to  his  Majefty ;  wherein,  after  having  reprefent- 
ed  (8)  "  their  diftracled  condition,  expofed  to  the  mercy  of  two  powerful 
armies,  the  one  of  the  confederate  Catholics,  (if,"  fay  they,  "  they  were  dif- 
pofed  to  make  any  invafion  upon  us)  and  the  other  of  the  Scotch-covenanters, 
and  fuch  as  adhered  unto  them,  who  by  burning,  fpoiling,  and  committing  of 
cruel,  and  hoftile  ads,  had  broken  the  ceffation,  and  caft  off  all  obedience  to 
his  Majefty's  government ;  they  humbly  propofed,  that  the  Lord  Lieutenant, 
and  Council,  might  be  commiffioned  to  proceed  in  the  articles,  and  conditions 
of  (e)  peace,  with  the  moderate  and  well  affected,  on  both  fides ;  and  that,  in  re- 
gard the  Scotch-covenanters,  and  their  adherents,  did  refufe  to  pay  obedience  to 
his  Majefty's  government,  they  might  be  fpeedily  declared  enemies,  and  his 
Majefty's  power  employed  for  the  fupprefTmg  of  them  -,  to  which  the  confe- 
derate party,"  added  they  "  who  kept  the  ceffation,  would  doubtlefs  give  their 
beft  affiftance." 


HAP.          XIII. 


King  fends  Ormond  a  Commijfion  to  conclude  a  Peace  with  the  Con- 
federates. 

ON  the  26th  of  July,  1644,  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  received  a  commi£- 
fion  from  his  Majefty,  to  conclude  the  peace  mentioned  in  the  above 
memorial  with  the  confederate  Catholics,  upon  fuch  conditions,  as  fhould 
appear  to  him  juft  and  honourable.  In  the  treaty  for  that  purpofe,  which  was 
not  begun  till  the  6th  of  September  following,  the  confederates  infixed,  as  they 
had  before  done  in  the  treaty  for  a  ceffation,  upon  (a)  the  diffolution  of  the 

prefent 

(P)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  Jli.  fol.  322. 

(e)  The  Marquis  of  Ormond  had  before  this  time,  received  a  comaiiifion  to  conclude  a  peace  with  the  con- 
federate Catholics. 

.(a)  "  On  account  of  its  being  determined  ty  the  Jrifli  commlflioners  propofed,  "  tliat  the  Scots  in  Ul- 

deatn    of   Lord    Deputy   Wand  ford,    in    1640,    find  fter,  who  Ind  violated  (he  ccfTtUT),  and  all  ihofe  that 

of  the  illegal  order    made   by  it  fince,   Augnil   7ih,  adhered  to  them,  fhould  be   proclaimed  traitors;  but 

1641,  excluding  Roman  Catholics   from  the  Houfe."  this  propofal  was  likewiie    rejected.''     Id,  ib.  vol.  ill. 

Carte's  Onn.  vol.  i.  fol.  5  i  7.     In  this  treat}'  alib,  the  fol.  3 19. 


Ch.  XIIL  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  183 

prefent  parliament,  and  the  calling  of  anew  one;  and  upon  the  repeal  of 
the  penal  ilatutes  againft  the  exercife  of  their  religion. 

FOR  their  firil  demand,  they  had  now  much  better  grounds,  than  when" 
they  treated  for  a  ceiTation  of  arms,  for  they  had  fi nee  learned,  that  his  Ma- 
jefty,  in  a  letter  of  the  2d  of  July,  1643,  directed  to  the  Lords  Juftices,  and 
Marquis  of  Ormond  himfelf,  had  commanded  them  ( i ),  to  "  afTure  the  Irifh, 
in  his  name,  that  he  was  gracioufly  inclined  to  dilTolve  the  prefent  parliament, 
and  call  a  new  one,  between  that  and  the  2oth  of  November  following  ;  and 
to  take  a  courfe  to  put  all  thofe,  that  (hould  be  chofen  members  of  faid  parlia- 
ment, into  fuch  a  condition,  as  that  they  fhould  not  be  prejudiced  of  their 
liberty  of  afli'fting,  fitting,  and  voting;  in  faid  parliament." 

AND,  'with  refped  to  the  repeal  of  the  penal  ftatutes,  the  Marquis  of  Or- 
mono,  himfelf  owned  (2),  "  that  the  confederates  had  been  allured,  by  divers, 
and. by  fome  as  from  the  King,  that  his  Majefty.  would  not  ftick  at  it;  Lord 
Taaffe  and  Mr.   Erent   affirming,    that    they  had  command  from   the  King . 
to  give  them  that  afiii ranee:    And  that  generally,  all  who  came  from  court, 
declared,  that  it  was  not  only  his  Majefty's  fenfe,  but  held  reafonable  by  moft, 
of  his  fervants  on  that  fide,  whether  of  the  army,  or  others." 

To  thefe  two  points,  however,  his  Excellency  could,  by  no  means,  be  per- 
fuaded  to  agree.  Their  firft  propofal  of  calling  a  new  parliament,  he  abfo- 
lutely  rejected,  tho'  he  knew,  that  the  prefent  parliament  was  irregular  and 
illegal  (3).  "  Their  new  parliament," '  lays  he,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Digby, 
on  this  occafion,  "  is  to  be,  at  no  hand,  admitted."  And  how  obftinately  he 
perilled  in  refullng  the  repeal  of  the  penal  ftatutes,  notwithstanding  his  en- 
larged powers  to  grant  it,  will' hereafter  appear.  In  fhort,  he  fcems  to -have, 
all  along,  concealed  his  own  fettled  averfion  to  the  peace,  under  the  pretence  (4) 
'  of  taking  with  him,  in  that  great  work,  the  advice  of  the  Privy-council •" 
in  which,  neverthelefs,  he  owned,  "  that  his  Majefty  had  not  a  ruling  num- 
ber;" it  being,  as  we  have  feen,  compofed  of  men,  already  predetermined 
againft  even  a  ceffation  with  the  confederate  Catholics,  almoit  upon  any 
terms. 

(0  Borl.Hift.  of  the  Irirti  Rebel.  (2)  CarteVOnn.  vol.,iii,-fol.  430,  (j)  Id.  ib. 

(4)  Id.  ib.  vol  iii.  fol.  340, 


i&4  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OP    THE          Os.  VI. 


CHAP.         XIV. 


The  Treaty  of  Peace  adjourned. 

THUS  was  the  treaty  adjourned,  from  the  6th  of  September  to  the  loth 
of  January   following;    and  afterwards,    by  means  of  the   fame  di£ 
agreement   in    the    two    points    above-mentioned,    to    the    zoth   of  April, 
1645. 

ON  occafion  of  this  laft  adjournment,  Lord  (a)  Clanrickard  told  his  Excel- 
lency (i),  "  that  if  the  confederates'  commiflioners  fhould  then  depart  in  that 
unfettled  condition,  he  was  confident,  it  would  not  be  in  the  power  of  any, 
the  beft  affecled,  to  prevent  a  fudden  and  irrecoverable  breach.  And  freely," 
adds  his  Lordfhip,  "  to  declare  my  own  opinion,  if  thefe  commiflioners  have 
fo  moderated  their  proportions,  as  is  reported,  that  they  will  inflft  on  no  ma- 
terial demand,  but  that,  without  which  neither  themfeives,  nor  any  of  that 
religion,  can  fecurely  enjoy  the  liberty  of  confcience,  or  live  either  with  ho- 
nour, or  fafety ;  to  break  upon  fuch  a  point,  may  prove  much  to  the  difTcrvice 
of  his  Majefty," 

As  a  further  incitement  to  the  fpeedy  conclufion  of  this  peace,  LordDigby 
had  informed  his  Excellency,  in  February  1644(2),  "  that  the  Scottiih  com- 
miflioners at  London,  having  gained  a  tyranny  over  the  Englifh,  were  the 
only  hinderers  of  peace,  and  mofl  fierce  in  the  point  of  Ireland,  as,"  adds  he, 
"  they  had  reafon  j  for' in  this  treaty,  a  clear  difcovery  is  made,  that  Ireland 
is  wholly  given  up  to  them,  by  the  clofe  committee  of  ftate." 

His  Majefty,  in  a  letter  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  of  the  1 8th  of  the  fame 
month,  thus  emphatically  exprefles  himfelf,  on  the  fubjed  of  this  treaty  (3). 
"  A  peace  with  the  Irifh  is  moft  neceflary  to  my  affairs  in  England ;  wherefore, 
I  command  you  to  difpatch  it  out  of  hand.  And  I  do  hereby  promife  them, 

#nd 

(i)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  351.  (2)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  382.  (3)   Carte's  Or m.  vol.  iii. 

.(a)  The  very  extraordinary  merit   nnd  fervices  of  proportionable  reward   and  encouragement  for   them, 

this  Lord,  tho5  a  Roman  Catholic,  are  univerfally  al-  But  it  iliall  be   my  work,  and  an  hard  one  ir  will   be, 

lowed.     Tlie  Marquis  of  Ormond,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  his  M.ijcfty  and  the  prefcnt   times   confidered,  to   find. 

Digby,  fays,  "   the  Earl   of  Clnnrickard's  merits  and  out  what  will  bed  fit  and  j  leak  him."     Carte's  Orn». 

abilities  are Tucb,  that  I  cannot  readily  adiife  of"  any  •vol.  iii.  fol.  289. 


Ch.XIV.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  18$ 

and  command  you  to  fee  it  done,  that  the  penal  laws  againfl  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholics (hall  not  be  put  in  execution,  the  peace  being  made,  and  they  remain- 
ing in  their  due  obedience.  And  further,  when  the  Irifh  give  me  that  afTif- 
ance,  which  they  have  promifed,  for  the  fuppreffion  of  this  rebellion,  and 
I  fhall  be  reftored  to  my  rights,  I  will  confent  to  the  repeal  of  them  by  a 
law." 

IN  fhort,  fo  impatiently  did  the  King  defire  and  orge  the  conclusion  of  this 
peace  with  the  confederates  upon  the  terms  above-mentioned,  that  he  dif- 
patched  another  letter  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  on  the  2yth  of  the  fame 
month  of  February,  wherein  we  find  thefe  remarkable  words.  "  I  (4)  do, 
therefore,  command  you  to  conclude  a  peace  with  the  Irifh,  whatever  it  coft. 
And  tho'  I  leave  the  management  of  ~  this  great  and  necefTary  work  entirely  to 
you,  yet  I  cannot  but  tell  you,  that  if  the  fufpenfion  of  Poinings  ad  for  fuch 
bills  as  fhall  be  agreed  on  between  you  there,  and  the  prefent  taking  away  the 
penal  ftatutes  againft  the  Papifts  by  a  law,  will  do  it,  I  (hall  not  think  it  a 
hard  bargain,  fo  that  freely,  and  vigoroufly,  they  engage  themfeives  in  my 
afliftance  againil  my  rebels  in  England  and  Scotland  j  for  which  no  condi- 
tions can  be  too  hard,  not  being  againfl  confcience." 

YET,  notwithftanding  thefe  enlarged  powers,  and  repeated  commands,  to 
gratify  thefe  confederates  in  a  matter  fo  reafonable  in  itfelf,  and,  in  its  confe- 
quences,  fo  effential  to  his  Majefty's  fervice,  the  Marquis,  at  his  next  meeting 
with  their  commiffioners  in  April  164.5,  thought  fit  to  difmifs  them,  not  only 
xlifcontented,  but  altogether  hopelefs,  in  that  refpecl.  For,  befides  his  per- 
fitting  in  the  refufal  of  thefe  conditions,  and  his  denying  that  he  had  received 
any  fuch  inftruclions,  as  are  contained  in  his  Majefty's  letter  of  the  27th  of 
February  now  mentioned  (of  (5)  which  inftruclion,  however,  Lord  Taaffe,  Mr. 
Burke,  and  Mr.  Brent,  who  had  lately  feen  the  King,  had  given  them  intelli- 
gence) he  was  hardy  enough,  even  to  tell  his  Majefty,  in  his  anfwer  to  that 
letter  (6),  "  that  he  treated  with  thefe  commiffioners,  in  fuch  a  manner,  and 
gave  them  fuch  anfwers,  as  might  let  them  conjecture,  that  he  had  directions 
to  the  contrary  (b)." 

(4)  Id.  ib.  (5)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.fol.  430.  (6)  Id.  ib. 

(fb)  The  reafon  nfngned  by   him  for   this  proceed-  quarters  by  traffic,  and  by  connivance  at  the  fhifts  I 

ing,  is  pretty  extraordinary,  and  feems  to  have  added  make)  would  have  been  taken  from  us  ;  which  might 

the  fin  of  ingratitude  to  that  of  difobedience.     "  If  I  have  produced  fo  great  and  fudden  inconvenience,  as 

had  not  done  this,"  fays  he,  in  the' fame  letter,  "  the  would  have  denied  me   the   fliort   time  now  left  me 

treaty  would1  immediately  have  been  broken,  and  the  moft  humbly  to  beg,  and  receive  his  Majefty's  com- 

greateft  part  of  curfubfiftence,  (which  is  from  their  mands."  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii. 

Bb  CHAP. 


i86  HISTORICAL    REVIEW   OF    THE  Ek.  VI, 


HAP.          XV. 


The  Earl  of  Cianrickard  expoftulates  with  Ormond  upon  his  loft  Anfwer  to  the 

Confederates'  CommiJ/ioners. 

BU  T  his  Excellency  being  now  confcious,  that  he  had  railed  fome  ill  hu- 
mours in  the  general  aifembly  at  Kilkenny,  by  his  late  anfwers  to  their 
commiflioners  in  Dublin,  prevailed  on  the  Earl  of  Cianrickard  to  make  a  jour- 
ney thither,  in  order  to  appeafe  them.  That  nobleman  was  a  Roman  Catho- 
lic, and,  therefore,  fuppofed  to  have  fome  influence  on  the  members  who 
compofed  that  aftembly.  In  his  letter  from  Kilkenny,  May  26th  1645,  he 
told  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  (i),  "  that  the  anfwers  he  was  pleafed  to  give  in 
Dublin,  to  the  propofitions  of  the  confederates'  commiflioners,  had  been  re- 
ported to  the  aiTembly,  and,  as  he  was  informed,  very  favourably  reprefented, 
and  all  entertained  with  appearance  of  good  fatisfaclion ;  but  that  the  part 
which  concerned  religion,  being  refer ved  for  the  laft,  was  very  fadly  received. 
And,  indeed,  my  Lord,"  adds  he,  "  the  truth  is,  I  find  little  probability  of 
perfuading  a  fettlement  of  peace,  if  the  penal  laws,  for  fo  much  as  lays  a  pe- 
nalty, or  incapacity,  upon  them  for  the  exercife  of  their  confciences,  be  not 
repealed  j  and  I  muft  freely  acknowledge,  I  do  not  apprehend  where  lies  the 
difficulty  of  that  work,  or  why  men  of  judgment  of  the  King's  party  in  ei- 
ther kingdom,  that  defire  or  expect  alfiftance  from  them,  fhould  be  offended 
at  it  j  and  this  I  am  very  probably  affured  of,  that  if  the  repeal  of  thefe  laws 
was  now  granted,  a  peace  might  be  fuddenly  concluded,  with  the  ready  and 
fincere  affections  of  the  beft  of  the  whole  nation,  to  hazard  the  uttermofl  of 
their  lives  and  fortunes  in  his  Majefty's  fervice." 

BUT  to  all  fuch  reprefentations,  counfels,  or  commands,  from  whatever 
quarter  they  came,  his  Excellency's  conftant  anfwer  was  (2),  "  that  the  Irifh 
Privy-council  would  never  agree  to  fuch  conceffions ;  and  that  it  would  be 
very  dangerous,  if  poffible,  to  make  a  peace  without,  or  againft,  the  advice 
of  that  council ;  that  the  Englifh,  and  Proteftants  in  Ireland,  would  certainly 
difobey  it,  if  the  council  difallowed  it ;  that  he  found  by  experience,  that  fur- 
ther than  they  faw  his  Majefty's  directions  for  it,  they  would  not  confent  to 
any  thing  of  favour  to  the  Irifh  ;  and  in  fhort,  that  fome  of  them  were  nega- 
tive in  things  reafonable,  and  confented  to  by  the  King  in  England."  But 

how 

(i)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  (2)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  430. 


Ch.XVI.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  187 

hcnv  frivolous,  and  inexcufable  muft  this  apology  appear,  when  it  is  confider- 
ed,  that  fo  long  before  as  [3]  "  December  1644,  his  Majefty  had  fent  him  a 
power,  to  fequefter  from  the  council-board,  fuch  members  of  it,  as  he  did  not 
approve  of."  And  (a)  certainly,  if  his  Excellency  ever  made  ufe  of  that  power, 
it  was  only,  by  what  now  appears,  in  an  exchange  of  bad  Counfellors  for 
worfe. 

BUT, in  order  to  remove  this, and  all  other  pretended  obftacles  to  the  conclufion 
of  the  peace,  the  King,  in  a  letter  of  October  22d  1645,  told  his  Excellency  [4], 
"  that  if  he  could  procure  the  concurrence  of  the  council,  it  would  be  fo  much 
the  better ;  but  that  the  Irifh  peace  was  of  fuch  abfolute  nec^fity,  that  no 
compliments,  or  particular  refpects  whatever  muft  hinder  it.  Wherefore," 
adds  his  Majefty,  "  I  abfolutely  command  you,  and  without  reply,  to  execute 
the  directions  I  fent  you  the  27th  of  February  laft;  giving  you  leave  to  get 
the  approbation  of  the  council,  fo  as,  and  no  otherwife,  than  by  feeking  it 
you  do  not  hazard  the  peace,  or  fo  much  as  an  affront,  by  their  foolifti  refufal 
to  concur  with  you."  But  even  this  laft  peremptory  command  of  his  Majefty 
proved  equally  ineffectual  with  all  the  former. 


C      H        A      P.          XVI. 

Ormond  treats  privately  with  the  Scots  in  Ulfter. 

STRANGE  as  this  conduct  of  his  Excellency  may  appear  to  thofe,  who 
have  been  always  taught  to  consider  him  as  a  mirror  of  loyalty  to  Charles  I. 
even  in  his  rnoft  depreft,  and  forlorn  ftate ;  their  wonder  will  certainly  in- 
creafe,  when  they  know,  that  he  was,  all  this  while,  privately  foliciting  that  King's 
greateft  enemies  in  Ireland,  to  join  all  their  forces  with  his,  in  order  to  renew  the 
war  againft  thofe  confederate  Catholics,  with  whom  he  was,  by  his  Majefty's 
reiterated  commands,  publickly  negociating  a  peace.  This  appears  evidently  from 
a'fecret  correfpondence  between  his  Excellency  and  one  Galbraith,  a  Major 

B  b  2  in 

[5]  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.  fbl.  522.  [4]  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  431. 

(a)  '"  A  power  was  at  that  time  fent  him,  not  only  to  fequefter  from  the  Council-board  difaffefted  perfons, 
but  aifo,  to  remove  and  change  the  governors  of  counties,  cities,  cailles,  and  ions  at  his  plcaturc." 
Car.e,  ib. 


i88  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  VI. 

in  the  Ulfter  army,  which  had  commenced,  and  was  carrying  on  (a),  ever 
iince  the  month  of  January  1644.  The  Marquis's  fccret  propofal  of  this  new  al- 
liance [i],  "  was  joyfully  received  by  the  chiefs  of  both  the  Scotch  and  the 
En^lifh  armies,  in  that  province  ;  and  Monroe  himfelf  was  (b)  fully  affected 
that  way."  [2]  This  Monroe  had  juft  before  received  a  commitfion  from  the  Eng- 
lifh  parliament,  under  their  new  broad  feal,  to  command  in  chief  all  the 
Englilh  as  well  as  Scotch  forces  in  Ulfter ;  and,  in  virtue  of  that  commiflion, 
had  taken  Belfaft  by  furprife,  turned  out  his  Majefty's  garrifon,  and  replaced 
them  with  one  from  the  parliament. 

BUT,  as  thefe  officers  had,  it  feems,  been  told  [3],  "  that  his  Excellency 
had  an  innate  malice  againft  the  Scots  in  general,  his  friend  Galbraith,"  in  order 
to  accelerate  this  new  alliance,  "  advifed  him  [4],  to  write  a  letter  with 
his  own  hand,  directed  to  Colonel  Monroe  now  mentioned,  in  which  he  was 
to  take  notice,  that  he  underftood  there  were  fome  evil  inftruments,  who  la- 
boured to  poffefs  all  Scots,  that  he  entertained  an  implacable  prejudice  againft 
them ;  and  that  he  fent  that  his  juft  and  neceffary  apology,  to  vindicate  him- 
felf, againft  fuch  fecret  wounds ;  and  that  all  of  them  might  be  perfuaded  of 
the  flncerity  of  his  affection  for  that  nation,  and  of  his  endeavours  to  ferve 
every  of  them,  with  his  beft  offices  of  friendfhip." 

WE  have  already  obferved,  that  his  Excellency  had  difcovered  a  confpiracy, 
"  whereby  Drogheda  firft,  and,  by  confequence,  Dublin,  was  to  be  put  into 
the  power  of  thofe  Scots,  or  at  leaft,  into  the  obedience  of  the  Englilh  parlia- 
ment." It  feems,  this  confpiracy  was  "  concerted,  and  carried  on,  by  fome  ill- 
affeded  perfons,  active  in  intelligence  with  (c)  Monroe."  On  that  occafion, 

the 

[i]  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  385.  [2]   Cart.  Onn.  vol  i.  [3]  IJ.  ib.  Galbraith's  Letter. 

UJ  M.fc- 

(a)  Ormond  nad  received  a  letter  on  this  fubjefl  from  Galbraitli,  dated  the  2§t\\  of  January,   1644.     See 
Carte's  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  585. 

(I)  Galbraith,  in  one  of  his  letters  to  the  Mnrquis  whereof,"  adds   he,  "  when  I  gave   them  hopes,  as 

of  Ormond,  on  this    occafion,  fays,  "  That    he  had  from  the  mouth  of  a  confident  of  your's,  they  weie 

met  moft  of  the  officers  of  the  old  Britifli,  and    found  overjoyed,  and  approved  ihe  cautions  I  Ihewed  them," 

in  all  an  earneft  defire,  that  the  war  ihould  be  carried  Car:e,  ib.   vol.  iii. 
en,  with  the  Mirquis's  allowance,  and  concurrence  ; 

(c)  The  confpirators'  agreement  with  Monroe,  was,  fuccours  from  ihe  parliament,  he  fliould  have  half  the 

"  That  ihey  fliould  feize  the  town,  and  plunder  and  plate,  jewels,  money,  and  goods,  of  the  Papifb,  that 

turnout  all  the  Papifts,  and  fuch   as   would   not   ad-  were  to  be  plundered,  except  bedding,  corn,  and  other 

hereto  them;  and  that  they   would   keep  the  entire  things   neceflary   for   the   garrifon.     Monroe^  readily 

command  of  the  place  to  themfelves.     Bur  that,  if  he  clofed  with   this  propofal."     See  Carte's  Onn.  vol.  >, 

would  affift  them  with  his  forces,  till  they  received  fol.  525. 


Ch.XVL  CIVIL    WAR.S    IN    IRELAND.  jfy 

the  Marquis  told  Galbraith  (5),  "  that  by  letters  from  Ulfter,  he  found  it 
was  mifunderftood,  that  all  the  Scots,  ferving  in  Ireland,  were  in  that  confpi- 
racy,  or  fo  far  miftrufted,  that  they  were  under  a  great  cloud  of  fufpicion." 
But  after  having  obferved,  how  difficult  it  was  to  ftop  the  mouths  of  the  com- 
mon people,  "  he  confidently  affirmed,  that  their  nation  had  loft  no  jot  of 
efteem  or  truft,  in  the  more  confiderate  fort,  by  it  j  and  that  it  fhould  be 
found,  that  no  rigour,  beyond  neceffity,  in  order  to  his  prefervation,  had 
been,  or  fhould  be  ufed."  This  {hewed  an  apt  difpofition  in  his  Lordfhip,  to 
follow  his  friend  Galbraith's  advice,  to  acquit  himfelf  to  the  Scots  in  the  man-^ 
ner  pcefcribed.  Whether,  or  no,  he  adually  did  fo,  does  not  appear  ;  but  cer- 
tain it  is,,  that  in  all  his  letters  to  the  King's  friends,  he  exprefTed  very  different- 
fcntiments of  thefe  people,  from  what, are  here  recited;  and,  particularly,  in. 
one  written  to  the  King  himfelf,  in  January  1645,  while  this  fecret  treaty 
was  carrying  on,  he  told  his  Majefty  (6),  "  That,  through  an  almoft  general 
defection  in  the  Northern  army,  Colonel  Chicefter  was  no  longer  able  to  ferve 
him  there  (d)? 

ON  the  other  hand,  he  was  frequently  and  pofltively  aftured  by  his  noble  friendy 
Lord  Clanrickard,  that  the  loyalty  of  the  confederate  Catholics  was  fuch,  (at  the 
very  time  that  he  v»*as  thus  negociating  their  ruin)  (7),  "  That,  if  the  impe- 
diments to  the  peace  were  once  removed,  they  would  foon  fatisfy  his  Excellency. 
of  their  real,  earn  "ft,  defire,  to  be  employed  in  his  Majefty's  fervice ;  and  that 
the  difficulty  would  be  rather,  to  keep  back  the  multitude  of  forward  fpirits, 
that  would  prefs  into  that  expedition." 

(5)  Id.<vb.  (6)  Cart,  Orni.  vol.  iii.  fo\.  442.  (7)  Id.  ib.  fol.  413. 

(d)  And  fo  long  before,  as  July  1644,  he  told  were  ab!e,  they  would  endeavour  to  be  matters  of  all 
Lord  Digby,  ns  we  have  already  obferved,  "  thnt>he  the  harbours,  and  other  places  of  ccnfequence  in  the 
could  not  doubt,  but  that,  when  the  Scots  in  Clfier  kingdom."  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii. 


CHAP. 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.VL 


H      A      P.          XVII. 


The  Earl  of  Glamorgan  arrives  in  Ireland. 

?  |  H  H  E  King,  finding  that  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  would  not  conclude  a 
peace  with  the  confederate  Catholics,  upon  thofe  equitable  terms,  which 
he  had  fo  often  ordered  him  to  grant  them,  difpatched  the  Earl  of  Glamorgan 
to  Ireland,  with  a  private  commiirion  for  that  purpofe ;  a  nobleman,  whofe 
zeal  for  his  Majefty's  fervice  could  be  exceeded  by  nothing,  but  his  attach- 
ment to  his  religion,  which  was  the  Roman  Catholic  \a\. 

UPON  this  Earl's  firft  arrival  at  Kilkenny,  Lord  Mufkerry  acquainted  the 
Marquis  of  Ormond,  from  thence,  with  the  bufmefs  he  came  about,  in  gene- 
ral terms.  To  which  his  Excellency  anfwered  (i),  "  That  he  knew  no  fubject 
in  England,  upon  whofe  favour,  and  authority  with  his  Majefty,  and  real, 
and  innate,  nobility,  he  could  better  rely,  than  upon  Lord  Glamorgan's  j  nor 
any  perfon,  whom  he  (Ormond)  would  more  endeavour  to  ferve,  in  thofe 
things,  which  that  Lord  fhould  undertake  [h]  for  his  Majefty's  fervice." 

THIS  anfwer  Lord  Mufkerry  communicated  to  the  general  afTembly,  then 
fitting  at  Kilkenny  ;  as  an  indication,  that  his  Excellency  was  difpofed  to  fup- 
port,  or  at  leaft,  would  not  di  fa  vow  any  agreement  they  fhould  make  with 
Glamorgan.  Upon  which  prefumption,  the  afTembly  refolved  to  conclude  a 
public  peace,  for  civil  matters,  with  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  on  his  own 
^ferms ;  after  they  had  made  a  private  one  with  that  Earl,  for  matters  of 

religion  j 

(i)  Carte's  Ormond,  vol.  iii. 

[a]  "  The  Earl  of  Glamorgan  had  fpent  one   hundred  thou^nd   pounds,  in  railing,  providing,  and   main- 
taining forces  for  the  King,  in  the  firft  year  of  the  rebellion."     Cart.  Onn.  vol.  i.  fol.  553. 

£3]  "  If  the  particular  inftru&ions,  or  commiflions  defeat  the  King's  hopes  offuccour,  by  cbflru&ing  trie 

.  granted  to  Glamorgan,"  f;>ys  D  ;dor  Leland  on  occa-  Jrifh  peace.     To  this  thev  attributed  every  delay,  and 

lion  of  this  anfwer    to  •  Lord  Mufkerry,  "  were   not  when  the  feizuie  of  the  King's  cabinet  at  Mafeby,  dif- 

communicated  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  it  appears,  at  covered   his  private   inductions  to   Crnvnd    to   con- 

'eaft,  from  this  warmth  of  recommendation,  that  he  elude  a  peace,  whatever  it  iiii^lu  cofl,  they  were  en- 

confidered  the  Earl  as  a  perfon  duly  auihorifed  to  treat  raged,  and  printed  the   letter  with    fcveit-  an'madver- 

with  the  Irilli.     The  Irifli  confidered  Ormond   as  fe-  fions  on   the   Marquis,"       Hilh   of  Ireland,  vol.  iii, 

cretly  difafTe&ed,  and  iri  conjunction  with  the  Prefby-  p.  253. 
terian  council,  (as  they  called  them,)  determined  to 


Ch.XVIL  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  191 

religion;  which  laft  they  foon  after  did,,  about  the  latter  end  of  Auguft, 
1645- 

THE  government's  determined  opposition  to  a  peace  with  the  Irifh,  on  any- 
tolerable  terms,  made  it  abfolutely  necefTary,  to  keep  this  larl  tranfadion  fe- 
cret.  But  a  copy  of  Glamorgan's  treaty  having  been  jVJ  accidentally  found, 
foon  after  its  conclufion,  it  was  tranfmitted  to  the  Engliih  parliament,  and 
by  them  made  public.  And  Lord  Digby,  who  was  then  in  Dublin,  fearing  that 
the  [d]  Urge  conceifions,  in  point  of  religion,  which  the  confederate  Catholics 
had  obtained  by  that  peace,  might  alienate  the  aTeclions  of  his  Majeftys  Pro- 
teftant  fubjecls  in  both  kingdoms,  did,  in  concert  with  the  Lord  Lieutenant, 
fummon  the  Earl  of  Glamorgan  before  the  council ;  where  they  confidently 
accufed  him  of  having  either  forged,  or  furrepticioufly  obtained  his  Majefty's 
commiffion ;  upon  which,  on  the  26th  of  December,  that  Earl  was  commit- 
ted [e]  clofe  prifoner  to  the  caftle  of  Dublin.  About  the  fame  time,  the  King 
was  prevailed  upon,  publickly  to  difavow,  in  a  meffage  to  both  Houfcs  of 
the  Englifh  parliament,  Glamorgan's  commiffion,  and  thereby,  made  void 
the  peace,  lately  concluded  with  the  confederate  Catholics,  in  virtue  of  it. 

IN  what  light  we  are  to  confider  his  Majefty's  public  difavowal  of  Glamor- 
gan's commiilion,  may,  I  think,  partly  be  gathered  from  his  difpatch  to  the 
Lord  Lieutenant  and  Council  of  Ireland  on  that  occafion ;  wherein,  among 
Other  things,  he  fays  (2),  "  The  truth  is,  that  the  preffing  condition  of  my 

affairs, 

(2)  Carte  ubi  fupr^. 

[c]  "  fn  the  pocket  of  Malacbias  O'Kelly,  Titular  Archbifliop  of  Tuam,  when  he  was  killed  near  Slrgo." 
Carte's  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  553. 

[</]  "  The  confederates,  for  the  prefenr,  had  receded  from  the  demand  of  an  aft  of  parliament  for  fecuring 
the  poilcflions  of  the  clergy,  as  difncult,  and  prejudicial  to  his  Majefty."  Lei.  Hift.  of  Jrel.  vol.  iii.  p.  268. 

[e]  "  When  Glamorgan's  Jmprifonment  was  known  his  impnfonirent ;  and  neiiher  that  expedition,  nor 
to  the  confederates  at  Kilkenny,  that  event  put  them  the  treaty  of  peace  (with  Oimond)  could  go  on,  till  he 
into  n  terrible  confternauon.  v^ome  cried  out  to  arms  was  ar  liberty."  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  562.  But,  it 
and  were  immediately  for  befieging  Dublin,  to  fet  him  feenis,  Chefter  wns  loft  by  the  delay  of  fending  theie. 
free.  The  council  laboured  to  cool  the  flarne,  but  three  thoufand  Irifh  to  its  relief,  occafioned  by  Gia- 
vvere  forced  to  fubmit  to  the  calling  of  a  new  aflembjy  morgan's  imprifonment  ;  for  Sir  Edward  Walker  in- 
in  an  inconvenient  time.  They  wrote  to  the  Lord  fotms  us,  ''  that,  had  not  the  defigned  relief  from 
Lieutenant,  preffing  Glamorgan's  releafe,  as  abfolute-  Ireland  been  ftopt,  by  the  accufation  and  impiifon- 
ly  necelTary  for  the  relief  of  Chefter,  then  befieged,  ment  of  the  Earl  of  Glamorgan,  that  place  !iad  not 
and  in  great  diftrtfs ;  for  which  fervice,  three  thou-  fo  foon  fallen  into  the  rebels  hands  ;  and  might  pof- 
fand  men  were  ready  to  embark,  and  nothing  want-  fibly  have  been  the  bafis  of  a  new  fortune  to  bis  Ma- 
ing  but  the  fiiips,  for  which  Glamorgan  had  contract-  jefty."  Hift.  Difcouri.  fol.  151. 
cd,  to  tranfport  them.  That  all  was  at  a  ftand  by 


HISTORICAL    RE  V  I  E  W    o  F    -THE  Bk  VI. 

affairs,  obliging  me  to  procure  a  peace  in  Ireland,  if  it  might  be  had  on  any 
terms  fafe  to  my  honour,  and  confcience,  and  to  my  Protettant  fubjeds  there  ^ 
and  finding  alfo,  that  the  faid  peace  could  not  be  gained,  but  by  fome  fuch 
indulgence  to  the  Roman  Catholics,  in  point  of  freeing  them  from  the  penal- 
ties impofed  upon  the  exercife  of  their  religion,  as  although  juflly,  and  duly, 
I  might  grant,  yet  haply,  in  a  public  tranfaction,  could  not  be  without  fome 
fcandal  to  fuch  !  of  my  good  fubjeds,  as  might  be  apt  to  be  wrought  upon  by 
their  arts,  who  did  continually  watch  all  opportunities  to  blaft  the  integrity 
of  my  actions  ;  T  thought  fit,  over  and  above  my  public  power,  to  allure  the 
faid  Roman  Catholics,  in  a  lefs  public  way,  of  the  faid  exemptions  from  the 
penalties  of  the  laws  ;  and  of  fome  fuch  other  graces,  as  might,  without  ble- 
mifli  to  my  honour  and  confcience,  and  without  prejudice  to  my  Proteftant 
fubjecls,  be  afforded  them.  With  the  knowledge  of  thefe  fecret  inftmclions 
to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  I  thought  fit  to  acquaint  the  Earl  of  Glamorgan, 
at  his  going  to  Ireland  ;  being  confident  of  his  hearty  affection  to  my  fervice  ; 
and  withal,  knowing  his  ihtereft  with  the  Roman  Catholic  party  to  be  very 
confiderable,  I  thought  it  not  unlikely,  that  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  might 
make  good  ufe  of  him,  by  employing  that  intereft,  in  perfuading  them  to  mo- 
deration, and  to  reft  fatisfied  upon  his  (Glamorgan's)  engagement  alfo,  with 
thofe  above-mentioned  concefllons  ;  of  which,  in  the  prefent  condition  of  af- 
fairs, Ormond  could  give  them  no  other  but  a  private  affurance  ;  and  to  that 
end,  it  was  poflible,  I  might  have  thought  to  give  unto  the  faid  Earl  of  Gla- 
morgan fuch  a  credential,  as  might  give  him  credit  with  the  Roman  Catholics, 
in  cafe  Ormond  fhould  find  occafion  to  make  nfe  of  him,  either  as  a  further 
affurance  of  what  he  (Ormond)  fnould  privately  promife  ;  or,  in  cafe  he  fhould 
judge  it  necelfary  to  manage  thefe  matters,  for.  the  greater  confidence,  a  part 
by  him  (Glamorgan)  of  whom,  in  regard  of  his  religion  and  intereft,  they  might 
be-  lefs  jealous 


If]  "  At  the  very  time  of  the  King's  public  letter  to  retted,  thnt  the  execution  of  any  fentence-»gamft  lu'm 

lh<?  Lord  Lieutenant  and  Council,  orderingamong  other  fhould  be  fufpended.     And  he  ftill  contrived  to  convey 

things,  Lord  Digby's  charge  againft  Glamorgan  fhould  fecrctly  to  Glamorgan,  repeated  a'fTurahces  of  his  con- 

be  thoroughly,  and  diligently  pro'ecuted  ;    hebyano-  fidence  and   friendlliip."     Lei.   Hift.   of  Irel.  vol.  iii. 

-iher  letter  to  the  Marquis  of  Qtmond,  prirstdydi-  p.  274. 


C  HAP. 


Ch.  XVIII.  cltVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND. 


HAP.         XVIII. 


Glamorgan  now  freed  from  his  Confinement,  treats  with  the  Nuncio  Renuccini; 

Ormond's  Opinion  of  that  Proceeding. 

(i)  the  30th  of  the  fame  month  of  December,  the  Earl  of  Glamor* 
r  gan,  having  fent  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  the  original  counter-part  of 
the  articles  of  his  peace  with  the  confederate  Catholics,  was  fet  free  from  his 
clofe  confinement,  but  ftill  remained  a  prifoner  in  the  caflle,  having  only  the 
liberty  of  the  houfe,  until  his  Majefty's  further  pleafure  was  known.  And 
fhortly  after,  his  Lordfhip  was  enlarged,  upon  his  own  recognizance  of  twen- 
ty thoufand  pounds,  and  that  of  (2)  the  Earl  of  Kildare,  and  the  Marquis  of 
Clanrickard,  of  ten  thoufand  pounds  each,  to  appear  on  thirty  days  notice. 
Soon  after  his  enlargement,  he  went  to  Kilkenny,  where  he  (hewed  (3)  the 
utmoft  zeal  to  bring  the  confederate  Catholics  to  agree  to  the  terms  of  peace 
offered  by  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  the  defeds  of  which,  in  the  article  of  re- 
ligion, were  to  be  fupplied  by  himfelf." 

THE  Nuncio  Renuccini,  who  fome  fhort  time  before,  had  (a)  arrived  from 
Rome,  and  had  gained  confiderable  influence  on  the  Irifh  foldiery,  the  com- 
mon people,  and  even  on  the  general  affembly,  was  then  at  Kilkenny.  With 
him  the  Earl  of  Glamorgan  had  chiefly  negociated,  when  he  wrote  to  the 
Marquis  of  Ormond  from  thence  (4),  "  that  fince  the  high  pod  his  Excellen- 
cy held,  and  the  difference  of  religion,  would  not  permit  him  to  engage  open- 
ly, he  was  of  opinion,  it  would  not  be  improper  to  delegate  that  office  to 
others,  to  whom  if  he  would  join  himfelf,  he  doubted  not,  but  in  a  few  days, 
and  even  hours,  he  fhould  obtain  whatever  ihould  be  thought  reafonable  and 
honourable." 

C  c  IN 

.(0  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  56*.  (2)  Id.  ib.  (3)  Id.  rb. 

(4)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii. 

(a)  Lord  Caftlehaven  tells  us,  that,  "  coming  near  the  confederate  Cathol'cs,  'PJunkcr's  frigate  took  fire, 

the   coaft,  he   was    cbacx-d   by   a   parliament    frigate,  to  quench  which,  he  was  forced  to  lye  !>y,  and  in  the 

commanded    by  or>€  'Plunket  $    and   thar,  as   he   was  main  liine,  rhc  Nuncio  got  to  fhore."     Memoirs. 
reidy  10  lay  him  on  board,  u>  the  great  misfortune  of 


i94-  HISTORICAL    REVIEW   or    THE  Bk.VI, 

Lsr  anfwer  to  this  letter,  his  Excellency  told  him  (5),  "  that  his  afFedtions, 
and  interefts,  were  fo  tied  to  his  Majefty's  caufe,  that  it  would  be  madnefs 
in  him  to  difguft  any  man,  that  had  power,  and  inclination  to  relieve  his 
Majefty,  and  the  fad  condition  he  was  in ;  and  therefore,  that  his  Lordfhip 
might  fecurely  go  on,  in  the  way  he  propofed  to  himfelf,  to  ferve  the  King, 
without  fear  of  interruption  from  him,  or  fo  much  as  enquiring  into  the  means 
he  worked  by  (£)."  Such  encouragement  to  proceed  in  his  treaty  with  a 
perfon,  who  thought  he  could  not  make  too  high  demands,  in  the  article  of 
religion,  is  furely  an  authentic  proof,  that  his  Excellency  was,  by  this  time 
at leaft,  convinced,  that  Glamorgan's  commiffion  was  not  either  forged  by 
himfelf,  or  furreptitiouily  obtained. 

BUT,  leaft  any  doubt  fhould  remain  on  that  head,  I  fhall  produce  part  of 
two  letters  from  his  Majefty  to  that  Earl,  which  clearly  demonftrate  the  rea- 
lity of  his  commiftion,  and  which  are  ftill  to  be  feen  in  the  Britifh  mufeum,  in 
his  Majefty's  own  hand-writing  (6).  In  the  firft  of  thefe  letters,  which  is 
dated  February  3d,  1645-6,  a  folicitude  is  plainly  expreffed,  left  refentment 
of  the  ill  ufage  that  had  been  given  to  his  Lordfhip,  fhould  provoke  him  to 
difcover  the  whole  fecret.  "  In  a  word,"  fays  his  Majefty,  "  I  have  com- 
manded as  much  favour  to  be  fhewn  to  you,  as  may  pofTibly  ftand  with  my 
fcrvice,  orfafetyj  and,  if  you  will  yet  truft  my  advice,  which  I  have  com- 
manded Digby  to  give  you  freely,  I  will  bring  you  fo  off,  that  you  may  be  ftill 
nfeful  to  me,  and  I  fhall  be  able  to  recompence  you  for  your  affeclion.  If 
not,  I  cannot  tell  what  to  fay;  but  I  will  not  doubt  your  compliance,  fince  it 
fo  highly  concerns  the  good  of  all  my  crowns,  my  own  particular,  and  to 
make  me  have  ftill  means  to  fhew  myfelf  your  affured  friend, 

CHARLES  R. 

. 

THE  other  letter  is  dated  the  28th  of  the  fame  month,  when  his  Majefty 
knew,  that  the  Earl  either  was,  or  would  foon  be,  at  liberty ;  and  was 
fent  by  Sir  John  Winter,  his  Lordfhip's  coufin-german,  and  a  Roman  Ca- 
tholic, 

"  HERBERT, 

(5)  Id.  ib.  (6)  See  Warner's  Hift.  Irifti  Rtbd. 

(b)  "  This  anfwer  of  the  Marquis  ofOrmond  feems  inconfiftent  with  a  real  perfuafion,  that  Glamorgan 
was  not  duly  authorifed  to  treat  with  the  confederates."    Lei,  Hill.  Irel,  vol.  iii.  p.  276, 


Ch.XlX.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND,  195 

tc  HERBERT, 

I  AM  confident,  that  this  honeft,  trufty  bearer,  will  give  you  good  fati& 
faction,  why  I  have  not,  in  every  thing,  done  as  you  defired.  The  want  of 
confidence  in  you  being  fo  far  from  being  the  caufe  thereof,  that  I  am  every 
day  more  and  more  confirmed  in  the  truft  that  I  have  of  you.  For  believe 
me,  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  any,  to  make  you  fuflfer  in  my  opinion  by  ill 
offices.  But  of  this,  and  divers  other  things,  I  have  given  Sir  John  Winter 
fo  full  inftrudions,  that  I  will  fay  no  more,  but  that  I  am  your  mofl  afliired 
friend  (<?), 

CHARLES  R. 

I  SHALL  add  nothing  more  on  this  fubjeft,  but  that  we  find  in  the  Nun- 
cio's memoirs  (7),  "  that  the  Earl  of  Glamorgan  left  with  the  confederate 
Catholics,  the  original  of  his  commifTion  to  treat  with  them,  in  his  Majefly's 
own  hand." 


CHAP.          XIX. 

Peace  concluded  with  the  Marquis  of  Ormond. 

TH  E  imprifonment  of  the  Earl  of  Glamorgan,  and  the  King's  difavowal 
of  his  commiffion,  were  two  incidents,  that  greatly  favoured  Renuc- 
cini's  defigns.  That  prelate  had  brought  to  the  confederates  pretty  large  fup- 
plies,  and  much  larger  promifes  (i).  His  entrance  into  Kilkenny  on  horfe- 
back  under  a  canopy,  was  as  folemn  and  magnificent,  as  both  clergy  and 
laity  could  make  it.  When  he  came  to  the  place,  where  the  council  fate,  he 
was  placed  in  a  chair  not  far  from  Lord  Vifcount  Mountgarret,  prefident  of 
the  council.  After  fome  paufe,  he  prefented  the  Pope's  brief  to  the  prefident ; 
which  being  publickly  read,  he  made  an  oration  to  the  afTembly,  and  con- 
cluded it  with  letting  them  know  three  things,  which  were  principally  given 

C  c  2  him 

(7)  Enquiry  into  the  fhare  which  Charles  L  had  in  Glamorgan'*  treaty,  0.107. 
(0  Belting's  MSS. 

(c)  "  Tliat  Glamorgan  did  flill   enjoy   the  Royal  him  of  the  continuance  of  his  friendfln'p,  and  promifes 

favour  and  confidence  in  a  very   high  degree,  there  is  to  make  good  ail    his  inftru&ions   to    him,  and  the 

dirett,  and  pofnive  proof  in  thofe  letters  extant  among  Nuncio."     Lei.  Hill,  of  If  el.  vol.  iii.  p.  285.  Note. 
Karieian  manufciipfs,  in   which    Charlts  afflues 


the 


196  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE          Bk,  VL 

him  in  command  by  his  Holinefs.  The  firft  was,  to  endeavour  the  propaga- 
tion of  the  Catholic  religion,  the  fecond  to  conferve  the  Catholics  in  union 
among  themfelves,  and  the  third,  to  cherifh  in  them  the  allegiance  due  to 
their  lawful  fovereign.  He  could  not,"  adds  my  (2)  author,  who  was1  prefent, 
"  have  ended  his  diicourfe  more  to  the  fatisfaclion  of  all  that  heard  him,  thaa* 
by  mentioning  the  fubjecls'  duty  towards  their  King,  and  his  having  it  in 
charge  to  cherifh  it.  For  it  was  collected  from  thence,  that  he  was  willing 
they  fhould  bury  the  memory  of  their  pail  fufFerings  in  the  bleffings  of  an1 
happy  peace.  But' in  the  fequal,  we  fhall  find,  how  little  conformity  there 
was  between  his  proceedings  and  his  profeifions." 

AT  this  time,  however,  he  was  held  in  the  higheft  efteem,  and  veneration, 
by  the  confederate  Catholics;  and,  as  their  hopes  of  obtaining  liberty  of  con- 
icience,  which  were  all  centered  in  Glamorgan's  peace,  were  now  at  an  end, 
by  the  King's  difavowal  of  it,  they  readily  accepted  the  Nuncio's  offers,  of 
what  he  then  called  aid  and  protection,  but  what  was  fbon  after  changed 
into  dominion  and  controul.  That  this  acceptance  was  a  matter  rather  of 
neceffity,  than  choice,  appears  from  their  conduct  towards  a  former  agent 
from  Rome,  in  which  they  fhewed  little  inclination  to  fubmit  their  tempDral 
concerns  to  a  fpiritual  iuperintendency.  For  when,  foon  after  the  ceffation 
was  concluded,  Petrus  Francifcus  Scarampi,  fent  upon  the  fame  bufinefs 
by  Pope  Urban  VIII.  (3),  "  came  to  Limerick,  attended  by  fome  twenty  horfe, 
the  gates  were  fhut  againft  him,  and  a  compliment  fent  him  by  the  magi£ 
t rates,  that  they  were  forry  he  had  undertaken  fo  tedious  and  troublefome  a 
journey,  at  fo  unfea.fonable  a  time,  when  all  the  city  were  bufily  employed  in 
matters  of  great  coniequence,  in  chofmg  of  magiftrates  for  the  enfuing  year, 
and  in  applotting  their  firft  payment  of  the  thirty  thoufand  pounds,  with 
which,  upon  the  ceffation,  they  had  agreed  to  fnpply  his  Majefty's  army,  on 
which  account,  they  could  not  give  him  fit  attendance  -,  but  they  offered  to 
lodge  him  a  mile  off  the  city,  and  to  let  him  know  the  next  day  their  refo- 
lution  concerning  his  admittance.  But  the  agent  replied,  that  if  they  were 
not  at  leifure  to  receive  him  then,  he  would  not  attend  their  leifure  the  next 
day,  and  fo  went  away  (a)." 

BUT 

(2)  ib.  (3)  Clanricfc.  letter  to  Qrmond,  Mem.  Engl.  ed.  Carte's  Orni.  voK  iii. 

(«)  Lord  Orrery,  in  Ins  anfwer  to  Peter  Walfh,  Roman  Catholic  fubjefts  living  under  Proteftnnf  go- 

cite:s  a  bull  of  Pope  Urban  VIII.  dated   the  z8rh   of  vernments.     Walfti,  with  good  rtafon,  fufpefts    ihis 

May,  1643,  (the  time  Scarampi  arrived    in  Ireland,)  bull  to   have  been  forged,  as  he  eoukf  not   find   upon 

encouraging,  and  exciting   the    confederates,  by   par-  enquiry,  that  the  original   was  ever  feen  by  any  one. 

dons,  indulgences,  &c.  to  continue  the  war    againft  But,  even  fuppofing  it  real  and  genuine,  it  proves  the 

the  King's  forces,  as  a    proof  of  the    dangerous  in-  direct  contrary   of  what  his  Loidfliip  has  produced  it 

fluence  which  Popes  have   had,  in  fuch  cafes,  oo  for,  as  it  did  not  in  the  leaft  hinder,  QI  retard  the  trea- 


Gh.XIX,  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  197 

BUT  the  confederates  growing  weary,  foon  after,  of  Renuccini's  haughtinefs, 
and  defpotifm ;  and  being  allured  betides,  that  the  King  would,  when  he  had 
it  in  his  power,  make  good  his  engagement  to  -thenr  by  Glamorgan,  privately 
refolved  to  conclude  the  peace  with  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  which  related 
chiefly  to  civil  matters,  on  his  own  terms  j  in  order  to  enable  his  Majefty,  by 
fending  him  powerful  fupplies,  to  renew,  and  confirm  Glamorgan's  treaty  with 
them,  concerning  matters  of  religion.  "  But  (4)  although  the  Nuncio  was 
extremely  averfe  to  Ormond's  peace,  as  containing  no  fatisfadtory  concefTiorr 
in  fpirituals ;  yet. he  was  far  from  defiring  that  the  promifed  fupplies  (hould  be 
withheld  from  his  Majefty.  The  method  he  propofed  was  (5),  "  That  the- 
cefTation  fhould  be  ft  ill  continued,  and  affiftance  fent  to  the  King,  in  the  fame, 
manner,,  as  if  the  peace  had  been  concluded  (b)" 

PURSUANT  to  the  above  refolution,  the.general  afTembly,  which  met'  on 
the  6th  of  March  1645(6),  difpatched.  Lord  Mufkerry,  and  other  commit 
fioners,  to  Dublin,  to  conclude  the  peace  with  the.  Marquis  of  Ormond;  and... 
accordingly,  it  was  there  concluded  on  the  2.8th  of  the  fame  month. 

AT  the  fame  time,  with  the  articles  of  peace,, was  figned  a  conditional  ob- 
ligation, or  defcafance  (7),  "  whereby  the  confederates  engaged  to  tranfport 
ten  thoufand  foot  into  England  or  Wales,  well  armed  and  provided,  by  April 
the  ift  ;  and  fourthoufand  more  by  May  ift  following,  to  be  muftered,  view- 
ed, and  allowed,  by  fuch  perfons,.  as  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  fhould  appoint. 
And,  in  cafe  the  faid  forces  were  not  fent,  at  the  times  appointed  (unlefs 
hindered  by  the  blocking  up  of  harbours,  contrary  winds,  or  other  reafon- 
able  caufe,  to  be  allowed,  as  fuch,  by  the  Marquis  of  Ormond)  thefe  articles 
were  to  be  of  no  effecT:,  and  each  party  difengaged,  as  if  they  never  had  been 
agreed  upon." 

(4)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  1  (5)  Id.  ib.  (6>  Id.  ib.,  (7)  Id.  ib. 

ty  of  reflation,  which  the  confederates  chearfulJy  great  wants  and  dillrefles  of  his  Majefly's  army  at  that' 
concluded  with  ihe  Marquis  of  Ormond,  in  Sep'tem-  juncture  ;  while  their  own  was  in  good  condition,  and 
her  following  ;  although  they  very  well  knew  the  enjoyed  great  plenty. 

(1)  The.Nuncio,  .though  he  oppofed  Ormond's  peace,  yet  exhorted  the  confederates  iu  the  mean  time,  !»t 
prolong  the  ceffaticin,  and,  to  fend  theii  forces  for  the  relief  of  Cbeftet."     Lei.  ubifupra,  p.  2-5. 


^HISTORICAL   UBVEW    OF   THE  Bk.  VI, 


••*C      H      A      P.          XX. 


The  Conclufion  of  the  Peace  too  long  deferred, 

*"  i  ^HUS  was  the  peace  at  length  concluded;  but  too  late  for  the  principal 
J|^  end  of  it,  his  Majefty's  affiftance  in  England,  or  Wales.  For  the  Eng~ 
lifh  rebels  were,  by  this  time,  grown  fo  powerful  in  all  thofe  places,  where 
the  fupplies  from  Ireland  might  propofe  to  land,  that  there  was  not  a  fecure 
fpot  left  (i)  for  their  defcent,  nor  any  hbrfc  on  that  fide,  to  countenance  their 
landing,  norevenafafe  retreat  for  them,  after  they  were  landed;  fo  that  to 
fend  them  away,  as  matters  then  flood  with  the  King,  would  be  only  expofmg 
ib  many  men  to  inevitable  deftruclion  (2).  "  The  fupreme  council,  however, 
immediately  (a)  iffued  warrants,  to  have  four  thoufand  men  drawn  out  of  the 
ftanding  forces  of  Leinfter  and  Munfter,  and  two  thoufand  more  from  the 
other  provinces ;  prefixing  a  day  for  their  being  at  Bally  ha  fke,  arid  PafTage, 
places  commodious  for  their  embarkation.  And  they  gave  out  commifllons  for 
levying  the  remaining  four  thoufand,  which  were  to  be  tranfported  in  a  fe- 
cond  miffion;  having'laid  embargoes  on  all  veflels  in  the  river  of  Waterford, 
and  in  the  harbours  of  Wexford,  and  Dungarvon.  And  as  no  induftry," 
proceeds  Mr.  Belling,  "  was  omitted  on  their  part,  fo  there  was  not  any  oc- 
cafion,  fince  the  beginning  of  the  war,  wherein  the  council  found  more 
prompt  obedience  to  their  commands,  or  more  hearty  willingnefs  in  the  peo- 
,ple,  to  bear  any  charge,  that  might  conduce  to  the  advancement  of  it." 

BUT  the  King  himfelf,  on  account  of  the  unhappy  fituation  of  his  affairs, 
••  in  the  places  now  mentioned,  thought  fit  to  countermand  this  embarkation. 
For,  in  a  letter  to  nhe  Marquis  of  Ormond,  March  26th,  (two  days  before 
the  conclufion  of  the  peace)  he  told  him  (3),  <v  that  his  condition  was  then 
very  fad  and  low,  by  the  late  difbanding  of  his  army  in  the  Weft;  which," 
adds  his  Majefty,  "  if  fuccours  of  foot  had  arrived  in  time  out  of  Ireland, 
might  have  been  preventeB,  to  our  moft  certain  advantage.  That  he  thought 

fit 

(i)  Id.  ib.  Selling's  MSS.  (z)  Selling's  MSS.  (3)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ill.  fol.  451. 

(a)  Lord    EXigby,  in  a    letter,  from    Kilkenny,  to  as   apprehending  thrmfelves    fent   to   fncrifice,  unJefs 

the  Marquis  of  O.mond,  Ap  il  jd,  1646,  afl'ured  him,  there  might  be  foine   more  certainty  of  a  A  cure  land- 

"  That  the  fupreme  council  of   the  confederate    Ca-  ing  place  for  them,  on  the  orher  fide  ;  \vherein,"  adds 

iholics  undertook,  with  great  chearfulnefs,  to  furnifh  his  Lordfhip,  ''  as  we  have  reafon   to   believe  things 

his  Lordfhip  with  all    he  defired,  and  in   the  way  he  ftand  on    the  other    fide,  I  cannot  fay  but  they  have 

defircd  ;  but   that  the  men  and  officers  were  daunted,  reafon."     C'art.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  456. 


Ch.  XX.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  199 

fit  to  advertife  him  thereof,  that  he  might  flop  the  fending  over  foot,  which 
would  be  loft,  if  they  fhould  come,  he  having  no  hor/e,  nor  ports  in  his  power 
to  fecure  them."  And,  in  another  letter  to  Lord  Digby,  of  the  fame  date, 
which  he  defired  him  to  communicate  to  Ormond,  he  fays  (4),  "  forces  from 
Ireland,  unlefs  they  were  much  greater  than,  he  believed,  could  be  fent  him 
from  thence,  would  do  him  more  harm  than  good ;  yet  that  he  much  defired 
that  the  peace  there  was  made.  But  that  Ormond  fhould  flop  any  forces 
from  coming  over,  and  employ  them  for  the  reducing  of  that  kingdom  into 
a  perfeft  obedience;  by  which,"  fays  he,  "  it  is  poflible,  it  may  pieafe  God 
rneto  the  other  two  j  or  be  a  fafe  retreat 

(4)  Id.  ib.fol.  452. 


AN 


A   -N 


HISTORICAL    ^ND    CRJTtfCAL 

R     E      V      I      E 


OF      THE 

CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND, 

B      O      O      K          VII. 

C      H      A      P.          I. 

,The  Confederates  ftill  'prefs  the  Marquis  q/*  Ormond  to  take  the  Command  of  their 
Forces  upon  him  againft  the  Violators  of  the  Ceffation. 

THE  Marquis  of  Ormond  ftill  continued  the  ceflation  with  the  confe- 
derate Catholics,  as  a  meafure  abfolutely  neeeffary  for  the  fubfiftencc 
•of  his  army;  and  the  confederate  Catholics,  in  hopes  that  the  peace  would 
be  foon  (a)  proclaimed,  patiently  bore  that  army's  frequent  breaches  of  it. 
But  thefe  breaches  now  became  fo  very  grievous,  and  extenfive,  efpecially  in 
Ulfter,  that  the  fupreme  council  renewed  their  intreaties  to  his  Excellency, 
"  to  (i)  unite  his  forces  with  theirs,  in  order  to  refill  the  attempts  of  the  Scots 
of  Tyreconnel,  and  other  parts  of  Ulfter,  his  Majefty's  now  open  and  avowed 
enemies  j  and  fo  to  manage  the  war,  that  the  fervice  might  not  fuffer,  thro' 
the  want  of  due  correfpondence,  for  the  little  time  the  entire  fettlement  of 
the  kingdom  was  fufpended.  They  informed  him,  that  they  had  received 

Intelligence, 

(i)  Selling's  MSS.  Carte. 

(a)  "  It  was  privately  affirmed  to  me  with  fome  con-  whole  kingdom  would  declare  themfelves  to  be  folely 

fidence,"  fays  the  Earl  of  Clanrickard,  in  a    leiter  to  and    entirely    under    your    Lordfhip's    government." 

Ormond,  May  iith,   1646,  "  that  upon  your  Lord-  Cart.  Onn.  vol.  iii.  fol.  466. 
ihip's  publication  of  the  peace,  tbe  generality  of  the 


Ch.l  HISTORICAL    REVIEW,    &c;  201 

intelligence,  that  Monroe,  with  a  numerous  army,  was  going  to  fall  upon 
Newryy  Dundalk,  and  other  maritime  towns  within,  his  Excellency's  quar- 
ters; and  that  the  Scots  of  Tyreconnel,  were  gathering  in  a  body  of  three 
thcmtand  foot,  and  five  hundred  horfe,  to  invade  Conaught,  where  they  were 
fure  to  be  joined  by  Sir  Charles  Coote's  forces."  They  added,  "  that  if  his  Ex- 
cellency would  agree,  that  they  might,  on  all  fides,  fight  to  clear  the  kingdom 
of  the  (b)  common  enemy,  their  councils  in  civil  and  military  matters,  fhould 
be  managed  by  his  advice.  And  the  council  having  underftood,  that  the  want 
of  money  to  prepare  for  the  field,  was  what  chiefly  retarded  this  conjunction, 
they  prom  i  fed  to  fend  his  Excellency  (2)  three  thoufand  pounds  j  two  thou- 
fand  of  which,  they  foon  after  fcnt  him." 


the  conclufion  of  the  peace  (3),  "  pramifes  of  mutual  affiftance,  (in  cafe 
either  of  their  quarters  were  attacked  before  the  time  appointed  for  the  pub- 
lication of  the  articles)  had  paiTed  between  the  confederates  and  the  Lord 
Lieutenant,  who  promifed  to  engage  in  aclual  fervice,  where  it  was  necef- 
fary,  and,  as  he  fhould  find  himfelf  enabled,  would  further  profecute  thofe,. 
that  fhould  not  fubmit  to  the  peace,  as  enemies  and  rebels  to  his  Majefty,  in 
fuch  a  way,  as  he  fhould  judge  moft  for  his  Majefty's  fervice."  But  he  now 
told  them,  in  anfwer  to  their,  above-mentioned  felicitations  (4),  "  thaiv 
indeed,  he  underftood  very  well  the  neceffity  of  an  union;  but  that  he  might 
not  joi-n  with  any  party  not  deriving  authority  from  his  Majefty;  that  nothing 
further  could  be  done  towards  a  union,  till  the  articles  of  peace  were  pub- 
lifhed,  about  which,  he  had  not  yet  received  his  Majefty's  pleafure,  nor  had 
they  performed  the  engagements  made  at  figning  them." 

THE  chief  of  thefe  engagements  was,  as  we  have  already  feen,  the  fending 
off  ten  thoufand  of  the  confederates'  forces  to  the  King's  affiftance  in  Eng- 
land,  or  Wales;  which  was,  on  many  accounts,  impracticable,  precifely  with- 
in the  time  ftipulated  by  the  articles.  If  his  Excellency  had  not  yet  received  his 
Majefty's  (c)  order  of  the  26th  of  March  before-mentioned,  for  flopping  thefe 
forces,  he  certainly  could  be  no  ftranger  to  the  reafons,  which  induced  him  to  fend 
it.  With  thefe  reafons,  Lord  Digby  had  acquainted  him  (d),  five  os  fix  days 

D  d  after 

(2)  Belting's  MSS.  Cart.  Or-ra.  vol.  i.  fol.  567.  (3)  Cart.  O;m.  vol.  i. 

(4)  Id.  ib.  voh  i.  fol.  571. 

(1)  "  It  is  true,"  lays  Lord  Di-gby,  in  a-  letter  to      rates)  againft  the  Scots,  when  a  peace,  or  cefiatlon, 
Oruiond  oir  this  occafion,  •'  thai  his  Majefty  did  pro-      Ihould  be  concluded."    Cart.  Orm.  vol.  Hi.  fol.  346. 
;nife,  that  you  ihouid  join  with  them  (the  confede- 

(c)  He  received  it  AprH  25th,  1646.    Carte's  Orm,  vol.  i.  fol.  567. 

(d)  April  3d,  1646. 


HI  S.  T  OH  I C  A  L    R  E  VIEW    OF   rr  n  TL          Bk."  VII. 

after  the  conclufion  of  the  peace;  and  the  Marquis  of  Ormond-  himfelf, 
four  [e]  days  after  that,  -informed  the  King  £5.],  "  that  he  had  Tent  to  Lord 
Byron,  to  know.the  ftate  of  North- Wale&,  and  whether  three  thoufand  men, 
for  whom- there  was -(hipping,  might  be  ufeful,  and  fafely  difpofed  of  there. 
And  that,  although  the  time  for  fending  off  the  fupplies-was  elapftd,  for  want 
of  fhipping,  yet  he  was  confident,  the  men  had  been,  and -were  ftill  ready." 
And  LordDigby,  at  the  fame  time,  afllired  the  Marquis  [6],  "  that  he  found 
in  thefe  men,  fuch  an  univerfal,  not  only  difpofition,  but  paffion,  to  be  un- 
der his  Excellency's  government,  that  he  thought  it  would  be  impoflible  for 
any  to  hinder  them  from  it,  almoft  upon  any  terms." 


C      H      A      P.          II. 


- 
•~Lord  Clanrickard  expoftulates  with  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  on   his  Refufal  'to 

join  the  Confederates,  and  to  proclaim  Sir  Charles  Coote  a  Rebel. 

HIS  Excellency's  juftly  admired  friend,  the  Earl  of  Clanrickard,  once 
more  acquainted  him,  about  this  time[i],  "  that  he  was  privately  im- 
portuned, to  fecond  the  fpeedy,  publication  of  the  peace,  with  his  humble  ad- 
drefTes  and  perfuafio,ns  to  his  Lordfhip;  that  he  was  himfelf  of  opinion,  that 
iFfome  fuch  courfe  was  not  foon  taken,  the  kingdom  would  be  fuddenly,  and 
totally  ruined;  that  all  accefs  to  his  Majefty,  to  know  his  further  pleafure, 
or  to  give  him  a  -right  information  of  the  ftate  of  his  affairs,  was*  then  made 
impoffible;  that  the  confederates,  in  order  to  what  was  required  of  them,  had. 
provided  fhipping  for  tranfportation,  and  drawn  a  coniiderable  body  of  men 
to  the  Tea-fide,  whether  to  -the  juft  number,  was,  he  thought,  too  nice  a 
fcrutiny  in  them  diftracled  times;  that  it  then  appeared,  there  was  no  army 
of  the  King's  to  join  with  them  near  thofe  places,  to  which  they  were  to 
guide  their  courfe;  nor  any  harbour  left,  to  fecure  their  landing;  and  tr/at 
their  going  would  only  be  the  deftruclion  of  fo  many  men,  and  nothing  of 
alfiftancc  or  prefervation  to  his  Majefty?' 

i 

ALL  this  while,  hoftilities  were  daily  committing  on  the  confederates,  by 
the.parliamentarian  forces  in  Ulfter  and  other  .parts,  and  even  by  thofe  of  his 

Majeny  s  . 

[5]  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  459  J6]  Id.  ib.  vol.  in.  [i]  Id:'ib.  vol.  Hi.  fot.  465. 


'[e]  AfJtil  7tb,  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol'.  459. 


Cfi.  IT.  G  I  V  I  L    W  A  R  S    IK    IRELAND? 

Majefty's  army,  in  breach  of  the  ceflktion.  Lord  Clanrickard  himfelf  had 
been  frequently  affaulted  by  Sir  Charles  Coote,  within  the  limits  of  his  go- 
vernment, without  being  able  to  obtain  redrefs  from  the  Lord  Lieutenant, 
and  Council.  In  a  letter  to  his  Excellency,  on  that  occafion,  he  told  him  [2], 
'•  that  it  did  fomewhat  difturb  and  perplex  his  thoughts,  to  obferve  thofe, 
whom  he  conceived  himfelf  bound  in  duty  to  oppofe,  having  all,  or  mofl  of 
them,  taken  the  covenant,  afTumed  power  and  government,  contrary  to  his  Ma- 
jeffy's  authority,  and  quite  oppofite  to  his  Royal  grants  to,  others,  conftant 
violators  of  the  ceffation,  and  frequent  invaders  of  his,  and  his  adherents 
eftates;  and,  if  he  was  not  much  miftaken,  fuch  as  rather  expoded  fubmif- 
fion  from  their  fovereign,  than  fhewed  any  inclination  to  fubmit  to  him,  did 
flill  feem  to  be  accounted  loyal  fubjeds,  and  within  the  compafs  of  obedience 
to  his  Excellency's  government ;  and  that,  by  implication,  the  breach  of  the 
cefTation  did  feem  to  be  allowed  them,  at  leaft,  not  corrected."  After  which, 
his  Lordfhip  proceeds  to  fay,  with  a  fpirit  fuitable  to  his  great  integrity,  and 
honour  [3],  "  being  now  reduced  into  the  condition  I  am,  give  me  leave  to 
call  upon  your  Excellency  and  the  flate,  even  in  the  King's  behalf,  a^nd  for 
juftice  fake,  that  Sir  Charles  Coote,  who  commands,  in  chief  the  forces  here, 
under  the  title  of  Lord  Prefident  of  Conaught,  may  be,  fortwith,  declared 
and  proclaimed  a  rebel  and  a  traitor,  according  to  his  deferts,  and  all  fuch,  as 
hereafter  ;affift,  or  adhere  unto  him;  for  the  matter  hath  now  proceeded  fo 
far,  as,  certainly,  thefe  attributes  mufl  be  fixed  either  upon  him  or  me;  par-?  - 
don  me,  if  I  fhould  further  affirm,  upon  your  Excellency." 

'    1   i    ^  "^ ~tf*  "^B 

BUT  with  neither  of  thefe juft  requefts  of  his  truly  noble  friend,  could  the 
Marquis  of  Ormond  be  perfuaded  to  comply ;  not  with  that  for  proclaiming 
the  peace,  becaufe,  as  he  pretended  [4],  "  having  received  intelligence,  that 
the  King  was  gone  to  the  Scots'  army,  he  conceived  that  change  of  thing's 
there  might  occafion  fome  alteration  in  his  refolutions,  as  to  the  manner  he 
fhould  propofe  for  his  Majefty's  fervice,  and  the  fettlement  of  the  .kingdom." 
But  as  his  Excellency  had  been  apprized,  long  before,  by  Lord  Digby,  fecre- 
tary  Nicholas,  and  by  the  King  himfelf  [5],  "  that  the  Scots  were  the  greateft 
oppofers  of  the  Irifh  peace,  having  all  along  entertained -hopes,  that  Ireland 
fhould  be  given  up  to  them,"  what  e lie  could  he  have  expeded  from  "  that 
change  of  things,"  but  that  they  would  compel  his  Majefty,  as  they  foon  after 
did,  to  fend  him  pofitive  orders,  to  forbear  all  further  proceedings  in  it  ?  And, 
what  further  demonilrates  the  weaknefs,  and  infincerity,  of  that  excufe  is,  that  his 

D,d  2  Excellency 

'.  - 

mt 

[z]  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  iii.  ful.  463.  [3]  Id.  ib.  [4].  Id.  ib.  vol.  in,  fol.  468.  .' 

[5]  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  Colleft  of  Orm.  Orig. -Papers. 


-04  TITS  T  O  R I  C *A  L    REV  IE  W  <o  F    T  H E          Bk.  V!!, 

Excellency  was,  .at  the  fame  time  (a),  "  well  fatisfied,"  as  "Lord  Clanrickard  told 
him  (6),  "  that  the  King  was  Hill  defirous  of  the  peace,  though  he  failed  of 
the  fupplies  at  the  time  appointed/' 

As  for  his  proclaiming  Sir  Charles  Coote  and  his  adherents,  traitors  and 
rebels,  his  Excellency  would  not  venture  to  do  it,  without  the  confent  of  the 
Council  (7),  "  by  whofe  advice,  he  affected  to  be  guided  throughout,  in  car- 
rying on  the  work  of  peace  5"  though  Lord  Digby  had  before  informed  him., 
"  that  the  King  underftood,  Bnd  did  promife,  that  his  Excellency  fhould  join 
his  forces  with  thofe  of  the  confederates,  when  a  peace,  or  ceffation  fhould 
fee  concluded,  agahift  all  thofe,  who  violated  or  oppofed  either."  But  his  Ex- 
cellency knew,  that  the  Majority  of  that  council  were  Sir  Charles  Coote's  real, 
though  fecret,  adherents ;  and  therefore  could  not  expert,  that  they  would 
con&Kt  to  an  a£t,  implicitly  condemning  themfelves. 


C      H      A      P.          HI. 

\ 

The  King  is  frevaikd'on  by  tte  Scots  to  forbid  Ormond  to  proceed  in  the  Peace 

with  the  Confederates. 

THE  Scottish  army  "having,  by  many  deceitful  promifes,  gotten  the  King 
•into  their  hands,  kept  him  under  the  clofeft,  and  moft  irkfome  reftraint. 
Lord  Digby,  in  a  letter  from  Paris,  June  I  yth,  1  646,  told  the  Marquis  of 
Ormond  (  i  ),  "  that  the  Scots  were  likely  to  make  ufe  of  the  King's  perfon, 
only  to  force  him  to  what  they  armed  at  wkh  the  parliament  ;  infomuch, 
that  he  was  to  coniider  his  Majefly  among  them,  in  {hew  and  formality,  treated 
as  a  King,  "but  really  worfe  than  a  j>riibner  ;  for  that,  befides  the  guards 
iabout  him,  and  ftrid  obfervation  of  his  perfon,  he  had  no  kind  of  liberty  of 
}mind,  as  all  power  of  expreffing  any  thing,  but  what  they  would  have  him, 
Was  taken  away  ;  not  a  perfon  being  permitted  about  him,  by  whom  he  could 
either  receive,  or  tranfmit  any  thing,  to,  or  from,  thofe  whom  he  would  have 

to 

(6)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  Hi.  fol.  474.  (7)  Caite's  Orm.  vol.  iii. 

(i)  Id.  ib.  vol.  SH. 


y^That  he  was  then  fatisfied  that  the  King  was  vol.  i.  fol.  567.      And  Clanrickard's  letfer    to   him, 

ftill  defirous,  that  the  peace  with  the  confederates,  telling  him  that  his  Excellency  was  farisfied  that  fuch 

fhould  be  be  conchided,  appears  from  Ormond's   hav-  was  his  Majefty's  define,  is  dated  the  3d  of  June  fol- 

ing  received  his  Majefty's  letter,  wherein  he  exprefles  lowing.     Id.  ib.  vol.  iii. 


Ch.  III.  CIVIL   WARS    IN    IRELAND.  205 

to  know  his  mind.  This  only,"  adds  his  Lordfhip,  "  we  have  had  the  hap- 
pinefs  to  know  from  him,  when  he  forefaw  the  condition  he  was  likely  to  be 
in,  that  he  defired,  that  the  Prinee  his  fon,  the  Qjieen,  and  all  his  faithful 
fervants,  fhould  jointly  govern  themfelves,  according  to  what  they  fhould 
judge  to  be  the  true  interefts  of  his  crown  and  pofterity ;  and  not  according  to 
what,  from  his  forced  condition,  might  outwardly  be  made  appear  as  his  plea- 
fure.  And  I  am  confident,"  proceeds  his  Lordfhip,  "  if  there  be  a  poflibility 
of  conveying  any  thing  of  fecret  to  you,  your  Lordfhip  will  receive  his  exprefi 
pleafure  to  this  effect." 

AFTER  this,  as  if  he  dreaded  an  event,  which,  though  unknown  to  him, 
had  then  recently  happened,  he  adds  (2),  "  My  greatefl  fear  is,  leaft  before 
my  return  to  you,  the  King  fhould  have  been  forced  by  the  Scots,  to  fet  an 
embargo  upon  the  peace  of  Ireland *  but,  tho'  he  have,  I  hope  you  will  be  able 
to  keep  things  fair,  till  I  come ;  and  that  then,  having  received  fuch  further 
afTurances,  as  I  fliall  be  able  to  give  you,  .of  the  King's  condition,  of  the 
Queen  and  Prince's  refolutions,  and  of  the  grounds  laid  to  .carry  them  through, 
no  fuch  embargo  will  be  any  hindrance  to  you,  to  purfue  vigoroufly  that 

courfe,  which  you  fhall  judge  prudent,  jufl,  and  honourable." 

i 

IF  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  did  not  receive  this  letter  on  the  24th  of  that 
month,  when  the  King's  order,  forbidding  him  to  proceed  in  the  peace  (3), 
arrived ;  (which  might,  I  own,  have  been  the  cafe)  yet  he  certainly  knew, 
from  his  own  recent  experience,  that  his  Majefty  was,  then,  in  the  condition 
of  a  prifoner  with  the  Scots,  and  not  fuffered  to  fend  to,  .or  receive  from,  his 
friends  any  difpatches,  but  fuch  as  they  had  both  feen  and  approved  of.  For 
his  Excellency  and  the  Council,  having  fome  time  before  (4),  twice  demanded 
a  fafe  conduct,  from  Major  General  Monroe,  for  one  of  their  meffengers,  who 
was  to  pafs  by  way  of  Scotland,  with  letters  to  the  King,  they  were  both 
times  peremptorily  refufed.  This  refufal  was  given  about  the  7th  of  June, 
and  on  the  i  ith  of  the  fame  month,  the  Scots  in  England  compelled  his  Ma- 
jefty  to  fign  an  order  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  to  forbear  all  further  pro- 
ceedings in  the  peace  with  the  confederates ;  which  order  was  tranfmitted  to 
his  Excellency,  by  the  Scots  committee  in  Ulfter,  with  evident  marks  of  an 
intended  affront  to  his  Majefty's  authority  in  -his  Lordfhip's  perfon ;  for  they 
not  only  fent  him  the  King's  letter  with  (5)  the  feal  broken,  declaring  in  their 
own,  which  inclofed  it,  that  no  difpatch  from  his  Excellency  and  the  Council, 
fhould  be  permitted  to  pafs,  unlefs  they  were  made  acquainted  with  it's  con- 
tents, 

(2)  ib.  (3)  Cart,  Ornv  (4)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii,  fo!.  480.  (5)  Id.  ib. 


206  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OP    THE  Bk. VIP. 

tents,  but  they  alfo  omitted  giving  the  (b)  Marquis  of  Ormond  his  title  of  Lord 
Lieutenant,  either  in  the  body,  or  fuperfcription  of  their  letter.  Yet  this  fo 
grofsly  affronted  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  and  Council,  .who  had  frequently  difo- 
beyed  his  Majefty's  free  and  pofitive  commands,  to  conclude  'this  peace  with 
the  confederates,  did  now,  all  at  once,  moft  readily  comply  with  this  con- 
ftrained  order,  fo  difrefpe£tfully  fent  them,  to  forbear  all  further  proceedings 
in  it. 


H      A      P.          IV. 


Lord  Digby  arrives  in  Dublin  and  caufes   the  Peace  with  the  Confederates  to  bs 

proclaimed. 

BUT  that  vifible  alacrity,  with  which  the  Lord  Lieutenant  and  Council 
obeyed  this  inhibiting  order,  was  fuddenly  damped,  by  the  arrival  of 
Lord  Digby  in  Ireland,  on  the  4th  of  the  following  month ;  who,  upon  hear- 
ing of  it,  and  of  their  prompt  compliance  with  it,  wrote  to  his  Excellency  (i)', 
*'  that  having  received,  by  an  exprefs,  the  knowledge  of  his  Majefty's  condi- 
tion, and  of  his  pofitive  pleafure  in  the  weightieft  of  his  affairs,  and  particular- 
ly, thofe  of  the  kingdom  of  Ireland,  he  was  commanded  to  fignify  the  fame,  as 
Secretary  of  State,  to  his  Excellency.  • .  Your  Excellency  therefore,"  proceeds 
lie,  "  is  to  take  notice,  that  his  Majefty,  having  upon  moft  pofitive  engage7 
ments  of  the  Scots,  both  unto  himfelf  and  the  crown  of  France,  by  the  French 
agent  refiding  with  the  Scots,  received  afTurances  from  them  in  three  points, 
namely,  that  they  would  not  endeavour  to  force  his  conference  ;  that  they 
would  give  a  fure  retreat  amoiig  them  to  all  his  faithful  fervants,  and  adhe- 
rents; and  laftly,  that  they  would  endeavour,  by  treaty,  or  by  force,  to  rc- 
ilore  him  to,  and  cftablifh  him  in,  his  juft  rights  ;  put  himfelf  voluntarily  into 
their  hands:  but  fince,  he  hath  found  them  fo  far  from  performing  any  part  of 
their  engagement,  that  they  have  ufed  him,  according  to  his  Majefty's  own 
expreHion,  barbarouily ;  and  have  made  him,  from  the  time  of  his  laft  faid 
difpatch,  which  was  the  2  d  of  June,  a  prifoner  of  the  ftricleft  kind;  having 

not 

(i)  Id.  ib. 

(1)  The   Lord    Lieutenant  .and    Council,  in   their  give  them  clear,  and  unintercepted   wsvs  of  addref; 

anfwer  to  the  -cots  committee  in   Ulfter  on  this  occa-  to  his  Majefty,  they  hoped  to  give  him  fit  accounts  of 

fiorr,  obferve,  "  that  they  found  fo  litde  hope  of  re-  all  his  commands  directed  to  us  the  Lord  Lieutenant  j 

ceiying    his   Majefty's  tree    pleafure,  touching  his  af-  which  title,  by  the  way,  we  hoJd  fit  to  obferve  unto 

fairs  and  fervants  in  Ireland,  that  they  had  great  caule  you,  his  Majefty  is  pleafed  to  give   us,  though   you, 

to  fear  even  the  fafety  of  any  iv.eiTenger  of  truft  they  in  the  feveral  letters  dired-led  by  you  unto  us,  are  not 

fhould  fend  ;  that,  as  foon  as  it  fcould  pleafc  God  to  pleafed  fo  to  ftile  us."    Cart.  Oriu.  vol.  iii.  fol.  490. 


Ch.  V.  CIVIL    WARS    i  :i    IRELAND.  207 

not  only  chaced  from  him  the  only  perfon  that  accompanied  him  thither,  but 
alfo  fet  forth  a  proclamation  of  death  againft  any  who  had  ferved  him  during 
thcfe  troubles,  that  fhould  prefume  to  come  amongft  them  ;  infomucb,  thai 
his  Majefty  declares,  that  he  hath  no  poifibility  left  him,  either  of  receiving 
any  knowledge  of  his  own  affairs,  but  as  his  enemies  (hall  reprefent  them,  or 
any  advices  from  his  faithful  fervants ;  much  lefs  to  exprefs  his  pleafure  to 
them,  in  any  way,  but  what  they  (hall  force  from  him.  And  that,  having 
with  much  {kill  and  difficulty,  obtained  that  fecret  means  of  expre'Iing,  in 
fhort,  his  fad  condition,  and  his  will  and  pleafure  thereupon,  the  Qneeu 
and  Prince,  and  all  his  faithful  fervants  were  to  underftand  that,  as  the  lafl 
free  direction  they  were  to  receive  from  him;  and  that  they  fhould,  in  all 
things,  purfue,  and  caufe  to  be  puffued  fteadily,  thofe  orders,  that  he  had 
given  before  this  time  of  his  unfree  condition ;  and  that,  in  all  things  wherein, 
he  had  not  given  directions,  while  he  judged  himfelf  free,  the  Prince  his  foil 
fhould  give,  from  time  to  time,  fuch  orders,  as  fhould  be  judged  beft  for  the 
advantage  of  his  crown,  and  interefts,  without  being  diverted  from  it  by  any 
thing,  that,  in  his  prefent  reftraint,  might  be  either  furreptitioufly,  or  violent- 
ly got  from  him.  That  particularly,  for  the  bufmefs  of  Ireland,  he  had, 
while  he  was  free,  redoubled  unto  his  Excellency  fuch  pofitive  orders,  for  the 
conclufion  of  the  peace,  upon  the  terms  exprefTed  to  him  by  his  Excellency, 
fmce  the  mutual  figning  of  the  articles,  that  he  was  confident  it  would  be  pro- 
claimed, before  his  Lordfhip  could  be  back  in  Ireland." 


H      A      P.          V. 


Lord  Digby  injtfts  on  the  proclaiming  of  the  Peace. 

ON  the  28th  of  July  1646,  to  fatisfy  the  council  on  this  occafion,  Lord 
Digby  tirew  up  and  figned  a  declaration,  wherein  after  repeating  what 
has  been  mentioned  in  the  above  letter,  concerning  his  Majefty's  .having  re- 
doubled his  pofitive  orders  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  to  perfect  the  peace 
with  the  confederates,  and  his  own  expectation,  that  it  would,  therefore,  have 
actually   been   proclaimed  before  his   arrival  in  Ireland;  he  added,  that(r), 
'  finding,  inftead  thereof,  a  flop  fet  upon  the  fame,  by  occafron  of.  a  letter 
dated  from  Newcaftle  the  nth  of  June,  fuperfigned  Charles  Rex,  and  attefted 
Lanerick ;  and  knowing,  by  his  Majefty's  free  expreffion  of  his  will  and  plea- 
fure, and  of  his  refolutions    and  defigns  in  the  whole  ftate  of  his   affairs, 

how 

(i)  Cart,  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  491, 


2o8  HISTORICAL    REVIEW   OF    THE          Bk.  Vtl. 

how  contrary  to  his  free  judgment  and  will,  the  fame  letter  of  the  1 1  th  of 
June  is,  and  how  deftructive  to  all  the  foundations  laid  by  his  Majefty,  for 
the  recovery  of  his  own,  his  crown's  and  pofterity's  rights,  whether  by  way 
of  a  good  accommodation,  or  of  war,  any  obedience  to  the  faid  letter  in  putting 
a  ftop  to  the  peace  of  this  kingdom,  expected  by  his  Majefty,  would  be ;  I  do, 
according  to  my  duty,  and  as  Secretary  of  State,  upon  certain  knowledge  of 
his  Majefty's  refolution,  and  as  I  will  anfwer  it  with  my  life, 

"DECLARE  unto  his  Excellency,  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  and  Council  of  his 
Majefty' s  kingdom  of  Ireland,  that  the  faid  letter  of  the  nth  of  June,  is  either 
a  furreptitious  letter,  or  a  forced  one  from  his  Majefty ;  procured  by  fome 
falfe  information  of  the  ftate  of  his  affairs,  and  moft  contrary  to  what  I  know 
to  be  his  free  refolution,  and  unconftrained  will  and  pleafure.  And  I  do  fur- 
ther declare,  with  the  fame  folemnity,  and  engagement  of  my  life,  that,  if 
the  peace  of  Ireland  fhall  not  be  prefently  concluded,  the  hinderers  of  it  are 
the  occafion  of  fubverting,  and  deftroying,  the  main  foundation  refolved,  and 
laid,  by  his  Majefty,  for  the  recovery  of  his  own,  his  crown's,  and  pofterity's 
rights,  as  aforefaid,  whether  by  way  of  accommodation,  or  war ;  for  the  pre- 
venting of  which  irreparable  mifchief,  if  there  fhould  be  the  leaft  danger 
thereof  by  the  fcruples  of  any,  I  will  freely  take  the  whole  matter  upon  myfeif, 
to  anfwer  to  his  Majefty,  as  his  Secretary  of  State,  with  my  life  for  this  de- 
claration of  his  will.  And  I  do  offer  myfeif  to  be  detained  as  a  prifoner,  where 
the  Lord  Lieutenant  ihall  appoint,  until  fuch  time  as  his  Majefty  fhall  be  at 
liberty  to  exprefs  freely,  and  publickly,  unto  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  (after 
private  letters  received  from  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  and  myfeif )  his  uncon- 
ftrained will :  and  then,  if  his  Majefty  (hall  not  juftify  me  to  have  declared  it 
faithfully,  I  fubmit  myfeif  to  fuffer  death.  And  I  defire,  that  this  declaration 
of  mine  be  entered  in  the  council-book,  for  my  juftification,  that  I  have  dif- 
charged  my  duty,  in  cafe  the  mifchiefs  here  fet  down,  fhall  be  occafioned  by 
deferring  the  peace  of  this  kingdom,  upon  the  aforefaid  letter  of  the  eleventh 
of  June.  In  witnefs  whereof,  I  have  hereto  fet  my  hand,  July  28th,  1646. 

DIGBY." 

Tms  declaration  was  accordingly (i)  regiftered  in  the  council-book;  and, 
npon  the  fame  day,  a  proclamation  was  publifhed  ratifying,  and  confirming, 
the  articles  •  of  the  peace  j  and  enjoining  all  perfons  to  obferve,  and  pay  due 
obedience  to  it. 

(i)  Carte's Orm.  vo!.  i. 


CHAP. 


Ch.  VI.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  209, 


CHAP.          VI. 


Owen  O'Neal  and  the  Nuncio  rejett  the  Peace. 

TH  E  Marquis  of  Ormond  feemed  not  more  unwilling  to  have  the  peace- 
proclaimed,  after  it  was  agreed  to,  than  defirous  of  an  occafion  to  dif- 
folve  it,  after  it  was  proclaimed.  Unhappily  for  both  fides,  fuoh  an  occafion' 
foon  prefented  itfelf.  The  peace  had  been  generally  received  by  the  confede- 
rate nobility  and  gentry,  and  by  the  greateft  and  bell  part  of  their  clergy,  con-  - 
form  able,  in  that  refpett,  to  the  eftablifhed  clergy  of  Ireknd ;  who,  in  a  re- 
monftnmce  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant  on  that  occafion,  figned  by  two  Arch- 
bifhops,  nine  Biihops,  and  feventy-feven  clergymen  ( i ),  "  did  moft  heartily 
acknowledge,  that  by  his  Excellency's  very  great  pains  and  labour,  he  had, 
at  laft,  concluded  a  moft  neceflary  peace ;  which  they  humbly  conceived  to 
be  the  only  means  to  continue  the  bleflings  of  religion  and  loyalty  among  them  ; 
and  to  be  the  only  hopeful  way  to  reduce  the  kingdom,  wholely  to  his  Ma- 
jefty's  obedience/* 

BUT  the  Nuncio  Remiccini,  and  General  Owen  O'Neal,  abfolufcely  refufed  • 
to  fubmit  to-  it ;  the  former,  becaufe  there  was  no  provision  made  for,  what  he 
deemed  (a)^  the  free  exercife  of  religion ;  without  which,  the  confederates 
were  engaged  by  their  oath  of  aiTociation,  never  to  conclude  a  peace;  and  the 
latter,  though  on  the  fame  pretence,  yet  in  reality,  becaufe  no  flipulation  was 
made  for  reftoring  him,  and  his  numerous  followers,  to  their  (b)  forfeited 
eftates in  Ulfter.  The  Nuncio  alledged  befides,  that  the  commifiioners,  who 
had  concluded  the  peace,  did  not,  according  to  their  inftrudions,  infift  upon 
the  repeal  of  the  penal  ftatutes  againft  the  Roman  Catholic  religion.  The 
Marquis  of  Ormond  could  not  deny  the  fad ;  but  he  maintained  (2),  "  that 
the  peace,  which  the  confederates'  commhTioners  had  concluded,  by  virtue  of 

E  e  an 

(i)  Borl.  Hift.  of  the  Irifti  Rebel.  (2)  Cart  Orm.  vol.  in. 

(a)  Yet,  "  The  Pope  himfelf,"  fays  Doclor   I  eland,  "  bad   declared,  that   a   connivance  was   all   that 
could  at  prefent  be  rcafonably  demanded."     Hift.  of  Ircl.  vol.  iii.  p.  277, 

(b)  "  Over  and  above  thofe  demands,  whfch  cor.-      refliiution  of  the  great  eflates   in  Uifier,  which   was 
cerned  religion,  to  which  they  feemed  to  adhere  wiih      not  in  'he  power  of  the  crown  to  make."     Boil.  Hift. 
more  than  ordinary    zeal,  and  thereby  drew   a  depen-      of  the  ItiihRcbel.  fol.  31 2-     Clarendon. 

dcncy  of  the  clergy   to  them,  they  iufided  upon  the 


2io  HISTORICAL   "R  E  V  I  E  W    OT    THE  Bk.  Vlf. 

an  authority  derived  from  their  general  affembly,  whether  advantageous,  or 
prejudicial  to  thofe  that  trufted  them,  ought  to  have  been  inviolably  ftuck  to, 
how  blame- worthy  foever  4=hey  might  be  pretended,  for  tranfgrelTing  i nft rue- 
-tions."  This  manner  of  reafoning,  however,  Teems  to  have  been  taken  up 
by  his  Excellency,  only  for  prefent  convenience  ;  for  he  argued  very  different- 
ly on  the  fame  topic  of  iaftruciions,  when,  in  a  former  treaty  with  the  con- 
federates, the  cafe  was  to  be  his  own;  and  when,  in  order  to  juftify  his  re- 
jecting fome  of  their  proportions,  he  told  them  (3),  "  that  if  he  had  exceeded 
his  i^ftruclions,  he  would  have  deluded  thofe  he  treated  with,  with  the  fha- 
dow  of  conceilions ;  for  that  the  fubftance  would  be. loft,  by  his  tranfgreiling 
the  rules  given  him,  in  any  one -particular." 

/CJ   Dti/iv^'^-  .    [• 

BUT  however  tBatimight  have  been,  the  Nuncio's  cafuiftry  differed  mate- 
rially from  that  of  his  Excellency  on  this  occafion  •>  and  therefore,  that  pre- 
late refolved  to  enforce  his  opinion  by  fuch  means,  as,  in  truth,  neither  be- 
longed to,  nor  (c)  became-  his  character,  or  miflloh.  For,  having  called  toge- 
ther, at  Waterrbrd,  fiich-of  the  Iriih  Biihops  and  other  clergy,  as  were  moil- 
ly  under  his  influence,  on  pretence  of  forming  a  fynod  to  fettle  ecclefiaftical 
matters,  they  entered  all  at  once  on  a  debate  concerning  the  lawfulnefs  of  the 
late  .peace;  and  having  foon  determined,  that  all  thofe  who  were  inflrumental 
•in  making  it,  were  for  the  reafons  before-mentioned,  guilty  of  a  formal  breach 
of  their  aiTociation-oath,  they  iffued  an  excommunication  againft  them ;  as 
alfo,  againft  thole  of  their  communion,  who  ftiould  afterwards  adhere  to 
•it;  forbidding,  under  the  fame  penalty,  any  public  dues  to  be  collected  by, 
or  paid  to  fuch  perfons  as  were  formerly  appointed  to  receive  them  ±  and  giving 
encouragement,  at  the  fame  time,  to  the  people  to  refill  any  force  that  might 
'be  nfed  for  that  purpofe.  This,"  fays  Mr.  Belling  (4),  "  of  all  their  commands, 
met  with  the  prompted  obedience  ;  and  men  were  fo  pleafed  with  the  ob- 
fcrvance  of  it,  that,  when  the  clergy  themfelves  had,  foon  after,  formed  a 
new  government,  'by  the  name  <of  the  Council  and  Congregation,  they  found 
much  difficulty  to  bring  the  people  to  open  their  purfes!" 
' 

[5]  Id.  ib.  vol.  in.  fol.  424.  [4]  Bell'ngVMSS. 

(c)  "  The  Nuncio's  violent  meafures  were,  it  feems,  contrary   to  the  inftru&ions   he  had   received  from 
'Rome,  and  made  it  neceflary  foit.itn  to  ferul  an  apology  to  the  IVpe."     Lcl.  hiil.  oflreLYol.  ill.  p.  292.  Note. 


CHAP. 


Ch.VIl  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND,  21! 


r      w 

L>        ri 


A      P.          VII 


The  bad  'Effects  of  the  Clergy's  Proceedings, 

Y  this  fpiritual  weapon  alone,  the  Nuncio  and  his  clergy, .  contributed 
more,,  in  one  week,  to  ^vards  the  defeat  of  the  confederate  aemy,  than 
the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  with  all  his  forces,  had  been  able  to  effedt,  during 
the  whole  preceding  time  of  the  war.  The  caufe  of  religion,  which  is  faid  to 
have  firft  moved  them  to  take  arms,  and,  afterwards,  to  have  united  them  in 
a  regular  and  formidable  body,  was  now  made  an  inftrument  to  fplit  them  in- 
to parties  more  exafperated  againft  each  other,  than  they  were  before  againft 
their  common  enemy.  The  titular  Bifhop  of  Offory  (but  up,  by  an  interdict, 
all  their  churches,  and  haufes  of  prayer,  in  Kilkenny,  the  place  where  their 
general  affembly,  and  fupreme  council,  ufually  met;  upon  which  the  Mar- 
quis of  Ormond  farcaftically  obferved(i),  "  that  they  were  a  ftrange  fort  of 
people,  who,  after  fighting  fo  long  for  liberty  to  open  their  churches,  and 
having  got  it,  fhut  them  up  again,  of  their  own  accord,  and  hindered  their  peo- 
ple to  refort  to  them." 

'  1 1  *  "V  Y 

THE  Nuncio's  violent  meafures,  as  I  have  already  obferved,  were  contrary 
to  the  inftrudions  he  had  received  from  the  court  of  Rome.  By  thefe,  he  was 
(2)  directed,  in  cafe  peace  was  made,  to  do  nothing,  either  by  word,  or  deed, 
to  fhew  that  he  either  approved,  or  difliked  the  fame.  Nay,  there  was  great 
reafon  to  believe,  that  the  peace  concluded  with  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  was 
agreeable  to  his  Holinefs's  fentiments.  For  fome  time  before,  when  Mr.  Bel- 
ling  had  an  audience  of  him  on  that  fubjed,  the  Pope  told  him  (3),  "  It  was 
no  wonder,  if  the  King  thought  it  unfafe  publickly  to  grant  the  Irhli  the 
conditions  they  demanded,  left  it  might  difoblige  his  Proteftant  fubjecls,  and 
that,  therefore,  a  connivance  ought  to  content  them  for  the  prefent." 

THE  terror,  however,  of  this  excommunication  drew  off  great  numbers 
of  the  common  foldiers  j  and  it  fo  far  feared 'General  Prefton  and  his  officers, 
who  had  fubmitted  to,  and  proclaimed,  the  peace  at  the  head  of  his  tree 
that  he  and  his  whole  army,  went  over  to  thefe  militant  ecclefiaftics.     Their 

E  e  2  pleSf 

(0   Cart.  Orm.  vol.  pi.  (2)  Id.  ib.  vol.!..fol.  -? 

(3)  Belling**  MSS.     Carte,  vol.  iii.  fol.  561 . 

w/          °  j  .dr     risfrt'iTji  t< 


«ra  "HISTORICAL  "REVIEW    OF    THE          Bk'.VH. 

;plea  of  the  breach  of  their  (a)  afTociation  oath,  and  of  the  failure  of  their  com- 
miflioners  to  infill  on  the  public  exercife  of  their  religion  according  to  their 
inftruclions,  was  indeed  jplaufible;  -but  they  had  a  much  better  excufe,  in  the 
infecurity  of  that  peace  from  the  King's  before-mentioned  order  of  the  1 1  th 
of  June  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  to  proceed  no  further  in  it;  and  in 
that  order's  not  having  come  to  their  knowledge,  till  after  .it  was  proclaimed. 
But  notwithstanding  this  defection  of  fome  of  the  commanders,  foldiers,  and 
common  people  (4),  "  all  the  confederate  nobility,  and  gentry  (except  a  very 
few  of 'the  latter)  and  all  the  old  Bifhops,  and  regulars,  whofe  milHonary  pow- 
ers were  not  fubordinate  to  the  Nuncio's  authority,  ftill  adhered  to  the  peace, 
in  defiance  of  the  cenfures  denounced  againfl  them  (5)  $  and  the  Nuncio  him- 
^elf,  foon  after,  received  a  fevere  reprimand  from  Rome,  for  having  aded  in 
the  matter  contrary  to  his  inftrudions," 


CHAP.          VIII. 


Marquis  of  Ormond  goes  to  Kilkenny  ',  but  returns  Juddenly  to  Dublin. 

THE  Marquis  cf  Ormond,  having  had  notice  of  thefe  practices  of  tho 
Nuncio  and  clergy  at  Waterford,  went  to  Kilkenny  (i),  "  being  invit- 
-ed  thither,  and  informed,  that  his  prefence  would  Toon  remove  the  caufes,  or 
fupprefs  the  efTeds,  of  the  clergy's   difcontent.     His  Lordfhip  confefTes  (2), 
44  that  he  was  received  there  with  many  expreflions  of  joy  in  the  people,  and 
with  the  refped  due  to  his  Majefty's  Lieutenant;"  but  adds,  "  that  upon  his 
Further  march  into  the  country,  being  refufed   admittance  into  Clonmell,  and 
befides,  informed  that  General  O'Neil,  leading  an  army  of  Ulftermen,  was 
invited,  and  drawn  towards  Kilkenny,  to  hinder  his  retreat,  and  cut  off  the 

guards 

(4)  darend.  Tr.  Rebel.  (5)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  570. 

(i)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  (2)  Id.  ib. 

(*)  In  that  oath,  the  following,  among  other  pro-  to  be  pafTed  therein."     Unkind  Deferter,  &c.  p.  53. 

pofirioni,  was  agreed  to,  viz.  "  That  they  would  not  The  fame  aulhoradds,  "   N7ow,  if  the    faid  commit- 

Confent   to  lay   down  arms,  until   all   the  laws  and  tee  of  treaty  for  concluding  the  peace,  fwerved  from 

ftatutes,  made  fince  the  time  -of  King   Henry  VIII.  any  of  the  rules,  and  inflruclions  given  them  (as,  in- 

w-hereby  any  reftraint,  penalty,  muidl,  or  incapacity,  deed  they  have  done)  what   they   acled,  can  no  way 

•i  other  reduction  what  foever,  is,  or  may  be,  laid  on  oblige  either  the  clergy  or  the  people,  to  their  own 

any  6f  the  Roman  Catholic?,  either  cf  the  clergy,  or  overthrow,  and  deftrudtion.     It  were  a  hard  cafe  for 

Uity,  for  the  exercife  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  a  Common-wealth,  if  perfons  Ky  her  impowered  with 

within  this  kingdom,  and  of  thtir  feveral  functions  ;  trult,  could  bind  it  to  afls   piejudicial,  and  deltruc- 

ftiould  be  repealed,  revoked,  and  declared  void  in  the  five   to   their   prefervalion,    interefts,    and   liberty." 

next  parliament,  by  one,  or  more  ads  of  parliament  Ib.  p.  60, 


CkVIII,  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  at3 

guards  he  had  brought  with  him,  he  haftily  returned  to  Dublin,  full  of  indig- 
nation, and  refentment  at  this  inftance  of  treafon,  perfidy,  and  ingra- 
titude." 

SUCH  was  the  Marquis  of  Ormond's  declared  fenfe  of  this  matter,  which  has 
been  generally,  adopted  by  ail  our  hiftorians.  I  fhall,  however,  take 
the  liberty  to  examine,  whether  the  information  his  Excellency  fpeaks  of  was 
grounded  on  fad: ;  or  whether  it  was  not  rather  contrived,  or  at  leaft,  coun- 
tenanced by  himfetf,  in  order  to  juftify  a  deflgn,  which  he  then  entertained, 
of  renewing  his  treaty  with  the  Scots  in  Ulfter;  and  with  their  now  only  ac- 
knowledged mailers,  the  rebels  in  the  Englifh  parliament 

WHATEVER  faults  General  O'Neil  might  have  had,  ingratitude,  and  (b)  per- 
fidy were  not,  certainly,  of  the  Number.  Mr.  Carte  himfelf,  one  of  his  ac- 
cufers  on  this  occafion,  informs  us,  in  relation  to  a  tranfaclion  fubfequent  to 
this  (3),  "  that  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  had  a  very  advantageous  opinion,  as 
well  of  his  honour,  conftancy,  and  good  fenfe,  as  of  his  military  {kill ;  from 
which,  he  propofed  as  much  advantage  to  the  King's  affairs,  as  he  did  from 
the  force  of  his  troops ;  and  that  he  always  ufed  great  franknefs,  in  his  trea- 
ties with  him." 

His  Excellency  knew,  that  O'Neil  had  publickly  rejected  the  peace,  and 
was  ftill  in  hoflility  againft  him  ;  fo  that,  fuppoling  the  information  true,  and 
that  he  really  defigned  to  cut  off  his  retreat  to  Dublin,  fuch  a  deflgn  could 
not  be  properly  deemed  perfidious  j  or,  indeed,  fo  difhonourable,  in  any  re- 
fped,  as  thofe  frequent  acls  of  rapine  and  cruelty,  committed  on  the  confe- 
derate party  by  forces  under  his  Lordfhip's  obedience,  during  the  ceffation  -, 
which  acts,  infbad  of  being  punifhed,  or  retrained,  were  conflantly  connived 
at,  if  not  encouraged,  by  his  Lordfhip  and  the  council ;  a  proceeding  very 
different  from  that  of  the  general  affembly  of  the  confederate  Catholics,  with 
regard  to  O'Neil ;  whom,  on  account  of  his  oppofition  to  the  peace,  while  it 
was  in  agitation,  they  neglecled,  in  their  appointment  of  generals,  after  its 
conclufion.  And  refentment  of  that  neglect  was  thought  to  have  been 
the  chief  caufe  of  his  hoftile,  and  too  fuccefsful,  endeavours,  to  fruftrate 
all  their  fubfequent  undertakings  for  the  fettlement  of  the  kingdom. 

UNDER 
(3)  ib. 

(b)  "  O'Neil,"  fays  one    of  his  moft  inveterate  Carte,  "  obferved    the  ceflarion  fo  religioufly,  that 

enemies,  "  was  a  man  of  an  haughty  and   pofuive  when  fome  of  the  garrifon  of  Enniflcillen  made  him  an 

humour  ;  and  rather  hard  to  be  inclined  to  reafonable  offer  of  betraying  the  place,  he  would  not  embrace  it, 

conditions,  than  eafy  to  decline   them,  or    break  his  altho'  great  great  preys  had  been  taken  from  the  Irifli, 

word,  when  he  had  confenud."     Borl.  Hift>of  the  in  the   excurfum*  made  by   that  ganifon."       Orm, 

Iriih  Rebel,   fol.  233.    «'  Owen  O'Neil,"  fays  Mr.  vol.  i. 


214  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk  VII. 

UNDER  colour  of  juft  indignation  at  O'Ncil's  fuppofed  defign,  the  Marquis 
of  Ormond,  in  concert  with  the  council,  (foon  after  his  (c)  return  to  Dublin 
from  Kilkenny,)  addrefTed  the  Britifh  parliament,  and  renewed  his  treaty  with 
the  Scots  in  Ulfter,  with  compliments  to  thefe  latter,  which,  whether  fincere 
or  not,  reflected  no  fmall  difhonour  on  his  Excellency  (4).  "  There  now  goes," 
fays  he,  in  a  letter  to  Sir  James  Montgomery,  September  the  1 8th,  "from 
me  and  the  council,  a  difpatch  to  the  old  and  new  Scots,  and  Britifh  officers, 
(in  Ulfter,)  acquainting  them,  that  for  the  prefervation  of  the  kingdom  to  the 
crown  of  England,  we  have  made  an  addrefs  to  the  parliament,  and  defiring, 
in  the  mean  time,  there  might  be,  betwixt  us  here,  fuch  a  correfpondence,. 
as  befits  men,  that  are  certainly  of  one  mind,  however,  through  the  diftem- 
per  of  the  times,  we  may  have  differed  in  our  ways." 


CHAR          IX. 

The  Marquis  of  Ormond  putfaes  his  Treaty  with  the  Covenanters  in  Ulfter. 

- 

IN  vain  did  ]iis  Excellency's  noble  friends,  the  Lords  Clanrickard  and 
Digby,  arTure  him,  on  this  occafion  (i),  "  that  they  ft  ill  found  the  gene- 
rality of  the  Irifh  nobility  and  gentry,  and  others  of  inferior  rank,  very  well 
clifpofed  to  peace ;  that  General  Prefton,  and  his  officers,  were  ftill  well  in- 
clined ;  that  Prefton's  compliance  with  the  Nuncio  was  only  to  preferve 
himfelf,  and  to  get  fuch  a  body  together  as  might  make  him  as  confiderable  as 
Q'Neil;  that  this  body  confiding  of  all  thofe  forces,  which  the  Marquis  had 
moft  reafon  to  hope  well  of,  if  he  might  have  but  private  fatisfadion  for  the 
fecurity  of  religion,  fo  far  as  he  did  underftand  it  to  be  fecured  by  the  articles 
of  the  peace,  but  found  it  indeed  not  to  be,  he  would  join  heartily  with  his 
Excellency."  Thefe  remonftrances,  I  fay,,  made  no  change  in  the  Marquis's, 
and  council's  fettled  pnrpofe,  to  profecute  their  treaty  of  alliance  with  his 
Majefty's  declared  enemies  in  both  kingdoms,. 

As  the  Bilhops,  and  clergy  ailembled  at  Waterford,  found  themfelves  fu£- 
peeled  of  having  put  O'Neil  on  the  fuppofed  defign  of  cutting  off  his  Excellency's 

retreat 

(4)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  566-  '(i)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  507. 

(c)  He  arrived  in  Dublin  from  Kilkenny,  on  the  ijth  of 'September.    Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  566. 


Ch.IX,  CIVIL    WARS  *N    IRELAND. 

retreat  to  Dublin,  one  of  their  body  thought  it  incumbent  upon  him  to  wipe 
away  that  afperfion  (2),  "  by  protefting  folemnly,  before  God  and  his  Angels, 
that  they  were  utter  ilrangers  to  any  fuch  defign  ;  and  that  they  neither  knew, 
nor  expeded,  that  his  Excellency  would  have  fo  fuddenly  returned  to  Dublin." 
And  General  Prefton  alTured  the  Earl  of  Cla.nrickard(3),  "  That,  (inftead  of 
the  Nuncio  and  clergy's  having  given  encouragement  to  O'Neil's  advance)  he 
himfelf  had  been  the  bearer  of  two  different  orders  from  them,  upon  notice 
of  his  advancing  with  his  army,  to  oblige  him  to  retire.  But  that  O'Neil's 
anfwer  was,  •"  that  the  Nuncio  was  but  a  young  foldier,  and  that,  for  his 
part,  he  muft,  and  would  go,  where  his  army  ;might  be  beft  kept  together,  and 
provided  for." 

G-ENERAL  Prefton  himfelf,  was  not  altogether  unfufpecled  by  the  Mar- 
quis, of  having  confpired  with  the  Nuncio  and  clergy,  in  the  defign  of 
intercepting  him.  His  Excellency,  however,  even  in  'his  hafly  retreat  to 
Dublin,  raet  writh  fufficient  reafon  to  acquit  him  of  any  :fuch  defign  (4), 
'  for,  having  difpatched  Major  General  Sir  Francis  Willoughby,  with  a  con- 
iiderable  party,  to  prepare  his  way,  the  Major  General  underftood,  when  he 
came  to  Leighlin-bridge,  that  Colonel  Bagnal,  under  General  Prefton's  com- 
mand, was  pofted  in  the  fort  there,  with  an  hundred  men ;  and  as  he  was 
to  pafs  by  that  fort,  he  fent  two  officers  to  Bagnal,  to  know  whether  he 
might  expect  him  a  friend,  or  an  enemy.  Colonel  Bagnal  returned  a  very 
civil  anfwer,  that  the  pafTage  over  the  bridge  fhould  be  open,  and  that 
he  might  command  any  accommodation  the  caftle  could  afford.  "  The  Ma- 
jor General  found  it  fo  at  his  coming,  and  marching  over  the  bridge, 
rendevouzed  his  men  in  the  plain  field,  where  he  refted  till  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Flower  joined  him  in  the  evening,  with  the  Lord  Lieutenant's  own 
regiment." 

. 

(2)  Unkind  Deferteiy  &c,  ''{5}  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  497.  (4)  Cart  6rm,  vol.  ii. 


' 

: 


- 


CHAP. 


216  HISTORICAL   REVIEW    OF    THE          ^k,  VII. 


CHAP.          X. 


A  new  General  Ajfembly  and  Council. 

IN  the  mean  time,  the  Nuncio's  party  increafed  daily,  and  his  oppofitioa 
to  the  peace  in  proportion  ;  infomuch,  that,  after  having  formed  a  new 
general  aflembly  of  fuch  perfons,  ecclefiaftics  and  others,  as  he  knew  to  be 
moft  attached  to  him,  he  had  the  hardinefs  to  caufe  feveral  eminent  members 
of  the  former  aflembly,  who  had  been  a&ive  in  concluding  the  peace,  to  be 
imprifoned  in  the  calUe  of  Kilkenny.  Among  thefe(i),  were  Lord  Mount- 
garret,  with  his  two  fons,  and  all  the  members  of  the  fupreme  council,  except 
Plunket  and  Darcy.  Sir  Robert  Talbot,  Sir  Pierce  Crofby,  Doctor  Fennel, 
Colonels  Bagnal  and  Wale,  with  feveral  others,  underwent  the  fame  fate  (2). 
This  aflembly  aflumed  the  entire  government  to  themfelves;  and,  r^y  a 
folemn  decree,  on  the  26th  of  September,  appointed  a  new  fupreme  coun- 
cil, confifting  of  four  Bifhops  and  eight  laymen,  commanding  all  the  gene- 
rals to  be  fubjecl  to  their  orders.  The  Nuncio  took  upon  him  to  be  prefident 
of  this  council. 

IT  is,  neverthelefs,  certain,  that  the  Irifli  clergy  did  not  by  thefe  rafh 
proceedings,  deviate  in  the  main,  from  their  real  and  fixed  fentiments  of 
duty,  and  allegiance  to  the  King.  This  appears  from  a  letter  of  the  Nuncio's 
to  Cardinal  Pamphilio,  wherein  he  tells  him  (3),  "  that  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance was  fworn  by  all  the  Bifhops  without  any  fcruple,  and  that  it  was 
fo  thoroughly  rooted  in  the  minds  of  all  the  Irifh,  even  the  clergy,  that, 
if  he  had  in  the  leaft  oppofed  it,  he  would  prefently  have  been  fufpe&ed 
of  having  other  views  befides  thofe  of  a  mere  Nunciature ;  which  without 
any  fuch  handle,  (adds  he)  have  been  already  charged  upon  me  by  the 
difaffeaed." 

VET,  even  in  this  new-modelled  confederacy,  there  wanted  not  fome  ftre- 
nuous  advocates  for  the  obfervance  of  the  late  peace.  Part  of  thofe  honeft 
reafons  produced  by  Colonel  Walter  Bagnal,  in  fupport  of  it,  at  one  of  their 
meetings,  I  fhall  here  tranfcribe  from  Mr.  Belling,  who  was  prefent. 


"   I  AP~ 


(«.)  Carte,  ib.     Belling'*  MSS.  (2)  Cart,  vol.  ii.  fol.  584.     Belting's  MSS. 

(3)  Cane's  Orm.  vol.  ii.  fol.  579.     From  theNiuicio's  Memoirs. 


Ch.  X.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  217 

"  I  APPEAEL,"  faid  he,  "  to  the  confciences  of  all  that  hear  me,  if  when 
we  were  firft  compelled  (for  compelled  we  were)  to  take  arms  for  the  fafety  of 
our  lives  and  fortunes,  and  for  the  defence  of  our  religion,  and  our  King's 
rights ;  and  when  his  Majefty  had  power  to  difpute  his  caufe,  with  probabi- 
lity of  fuccefs,  againft  his  rebel-fubjecls  of  England ;  if,  I  fay,  we  had  been 
then  offered  lefs  advantageous  conditions,  than  thofe  granted  by  the  late  peace, 
whether  we  ihould  not  have  accepted  them,  with  a  thankful  fubmiffion  to  his 
Majefty's  gracious  pleafure  ?  And  truly,  I  cannot  fee  that  improvement  in  our 
condition,  if  we  prudently  weigh  all  circumftances,  which  fhould  make  us 
now  lefs  willing  to  acquiefce.  We  have  plenty  of  arms,  you  will  fay,  which 
we  then  wanted  ;  our  armies  are  formed,  and  our  affairs  directed  by  a  con* 
ftant  way  of  government.  Certainly,  it  cannot  be  denied,  if  we  make  the 
comparifon  only  between  us  and  ourfelves,  without  having  a  profpect  on  our 
enemy,  and' upon  the  change  of  his  condition,  between  the  then  tumults,  and 
now  confederate  Catholics,  that  we  have  manifold  advantages,  which  we 
then  wanted.  But  when  we  confider  likewife,  that  the  party  in  the  parlia- 
ment of  England,  which  had  vowed  the  extirpation  of  our  religion,  and  was 
then  feconded  but  by  the  confufed  clamours  of  the  multitude  in  London, 
hath  armies  at  prefent,  and  the  Royal  fleet  at  their  command ;  and  that,  of 
the  two  contending  parties,  whofe  conflict  and  hoftility  againft  each  other 
gave  us  refpite  to  advance  thus  far  in  our  work,  that  party  is  likely  to  prevail, 
which  threatens  our  deftruclion ;  when,  I  fay,  we  fhall  maturely  weigh  this 
change  to  the  better  in  our  enemies,  we  cannot  be  fo  partial  to  ourfelves,  as 
to  think  our  prefent  eftate  fo  much  improved  beyond  theirs,  that  we  fhould 
now  reject:  thofe  conditions,  which  we  would  have  chearfully  embraced  at 
firit.  And  it  is  very  manifeft,  that  if  we  would  have  inclined  tofuch  refolutions, 
at  a  time  when  our  King  was  in  a  fituation  to  keep  the  parliament-forces  em- 
ployed, and  fo  to  divert  this  ftorm  from  falling  on  us,  both  regard  to  out  own 
intereft,  and  dutiful  companion  of  our  fovereign's  prefent  condition,  ought 
now,  in  all  reafon,  to  move  us,  by  endeavouring  to  relieve  his  Majefty  from 
his  heavy  preffures,  to  lay  everlafting  obligations  of  gratitude  upon  him; 
and,  by  affifting  his  party  in  England,  to  lift  up  a  fliield  for  our  own  defence  ; 
which  can  no  otherwifc  be  done  than  by  accepting  this  peace,  concluded, 
and  published  by  authority  of  the  kingdom;  and  by  avoiding  thofe 
fevere  puniihments,  which  never  fail  to  attend  the  breach  of  public 
faith." 

AFTERWARDS,    addreding    his    fpeech   to    the    Bifliops   there    prefent, 
"  My  Lords/'  proceeds  he,  "  there  was  a  time,  when  our  anceftors,  at  the 

F  f  peril 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.VII. 

peril  of  their  fortunes,  and  with  the  danger  of  their  perfons,  flickered  fome 
of  you,  and  your  predeceffors,  from  the  feverity  of  the  laws  ;  they  were  no 
niggardly  fharers  with  you  in  your  wants;  and  it  cannot  be  faid,  that  the 
Iplendor  of  your  prefent  condition  hath  now  added  any  thing  to  the  fincere 
and  filial  reverence,  which  was  then  paid  you.  We,  their  pofterity,  have  with 
our  blood,  and  at  the  expence  of  our  fortunes,  afferted  this  advantage,  which 
you  have  now  over  them,  have  redeemed  the  exercife  of  yonr  functions  from 
the  penalties  of  the  law,  and  your  perfons  from  the  perfecution  to  which 
they  were  fubjecl.  We  are  upon  the  brink  of  a  formidable  precipice, 
reach  forth  your  hands  to  pull  us  back  \  your  zeal  for  the  Houfe  of 
God  will  be  thought  no  way  lefs  fervent,  that  you  have  preferved  the  Irifh 
nation ;  refcue  us,  we  befeech  you,  from  thefe  imminent  miferies,  that  vifibly 
environ  us.  Grant  fomewhat  to  the  memory  of  our  fore-fathers,  and  to  the 
affection  we  bear  you  ourfelves.  Let  a  requeft  find  favour  with  you,  made 
to  prevent  the  violation  of  public  faith,  and  to  keep  the  devouring  fword 
from  the  throats  of  our  wives  and  children  (a)" 

MR.  Belling  informs  us  (4),  "  that  this  fpeech  moved  companion  in 
fome  of  the  Bifhops;  but  that  a  resolution  taken  in  their  fynodical  congre- 
gation was  held  too  facred  to  be  revoked,  or  changed,  upon  any  confi- 
deration." 


C      H      A      P.          XI. 

The  Nuncio,  O'Neal,  and  Prefton,  advance  towards  Dublin,  with  a  confidcrabk 

Army. 


E  Nuncio's  lay-ecclefiaftical  confederacy,  tho'  much  elated  with  their 
jj  newly  acquired  power,  were  fuddenly  alarmed,  by  certain,  and  un- 
doubted intelligence  of  the  Marquis  of  Ormond's  having  advanced  fo  far  in 
his  treaty  with  the  Englifh  parliament.  that  commiflioners  were  appointed  to 
pafs  over  to  Ireland  on  that  occafion,  and  orders  iffued  for  two  thoufand  foot, 
and  three  hundred  horfe,  to  be  tranfported  from  Chefter  to  Dublin.  This 


(4)  Ubi  fupra. 


intelligence 


(a)  This  loyal  gentleman  having  been  afierwarc's  the  latter,  for  having   formerly   figned  a   warrant,  as 

fern  by  confederates  to    the  Cromwellians,  as  a   pub-  was  pretended,  to  hang  one  John  Sione,  a  known,  and 

lie  hoftage  for    the  performance    of  articles  agreed  on  convicted   fpy.     See  Collect,  of  Maflacres  committed, 

between  them,  was  executed  at  Kilkenny  by  order  of  on  the  Irifli.     Append. 


Ch.  XL.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  219 

intelligence  made  the  new  confederates  imagine,  that  his  Excellency  was  no 
longer  entitled  to  their  obedience,  they  now  confidering  him  in  the  fame 
hoftile  light,  with  thofe  declared  enemies  of  his  Majefty,  whofe  alliance,  and 
afliftance  againft  them,  he  was  then  folliciting.  Purfuant  to  this  Idea,  they 
unanimoufly  refolved,  to  march  their  whole  army  to  Dublin,  in  order 
to  prevent  it's  being  delivered  up  to  the  Englifh  parliament.  According- 
ly, about  the  latter  end  of  October  1646,  the  two  Generals,  O'Neal  and  Pref- 
ton,  fet  out,  at  the  head  of  fixteen  thoufand  foot,  and  fixteen  hundred  horfe, 
together  with  the  Nuncio,  his  congregation  of  clergy,  and  new  fupreme 
council,  towards  that  capital ;  and,  on  the  fecond  of  the  following  month, 
they  fent  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  certain  proportions,  which,  in  effect  ( I ), 
contained  the  fame  demands,  that  they  had  all  along  made,  and  the  King  was 
willing  to  grant  them,  but  which  his  Excellency  had  flill  obflinately  refufed. 

THE  Marquis  of  Ormond  was,  at  this  time,  ill  provided  with  the  Means  of 
defence,  againft  fo  numerous  and  powerful  an  army.  There  was  great  fear- 
city  of  victuals  in  the  city  j  and  not  more  (a)  than  fourteen  barrels  of  powder, 
in  the  {lores  ;  yet,  relying  on  the  hopes  of  affiftance  from  the  Englifh  parlia- 
ment, he  rejected  the  confederates  propofitions,  with  deriiion  and  difdain. 
At  the  fame  time,  he  privately  follicited  the  aid  of  the  covenanters  in  Ul- 
fter  (2),  with  previous  offers  to  them  of  thofe  very  terms,  which  he  now  re- 
fufed to  the  confederates,  namely,  the  free  exercife  of  their  religion,  and  the 
reception  of  their  forces  into  his  garrifons;  -and,  not  having  then  prevailed, 
he  afterwards,  of  his  own  accord,  as  we  fhall  prefently  fee,  furrendered  the 
Royal  authority  to  their  matters,  the  independents  in  the  Britifh  parliament, 
to  the  rain  of  the  King,  and  of  the  eflablifhed  religion  and  government,  -in 
both  kingdoms. 

(i)  See  Carte,  Bo:lace.  (2)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  iii. 

(a)  "  In  the  fenfr  of  his  weaknefs,"  fays  Mr.  to  the  fame  hazirds  with  liimfdf  in  Dublin,  than  (8 
Cane,  on  this  occafion,  "  his  Lordlliip  had  defired  accept  of  that  offer.  For,"  adds  my  author,  "  he 
the  commander  of  a  veiTel  belonging  ro  the  parlia-  had  resfon  to  fufpift  the  good  faith  of  the  parlia- 
ment to  carry  his  wife  and  children  to  the  Ifle  of  Man,  merit."  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  588.-  Yet  to  that 
but  was  refufed.  And  tho'  the  captain  offered  to  very  parliament  he,  within  a  few  months  after,  de- 
tranfport  them  to  CKefter,  or  any  place  in  the  par-  livered  up  ail  the  King's  delegated  authority  in  Iie- 
1'ainent's  obedience,  he  chofe  rather  to  expoTe  them  land. 


Ff2  CHAR 


220  HISTORICAL    REVEW    OF    THE  6k.  VII. 


HAP.          XII. 


The  Sentiments  of  the  Catholic  Clergy  of  Dublin  on  this  Occafion. 

UT  his  Excellency  and  the  council,  being  (i)  doubtful,  howtheCatho- 
lies  of  Dublin,  who  was  by  far  the  greateft  part  of  its  inhabitants, 
would  behave,  in  cafe  that  city  were  affaulted  by  fo  great  an  army,  fighting 
under  the  title  of  fo  fpecious  a  caufe,  and  under  the  authority  of  fo  extraordi- 
nary a  minifter  of  the  Apoftolic  See,  ordered  the  following  queflions  to  be 
propofed  to  fuch  of  the  Roman  clergy,  as  then  refided  there, 

i ft,  "  If  the  Pope's  Nuncio,  and  the  reft  of  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  in 
a  fynod,  fhould  excommunicate  thofe,  who  adhere  to  the  peace  lately  made, 
whether  fuch  an  excommunication  would  be  in  itfelf  void,  or  fufRciently 
grounded  on  the  Doctrine  of  the  church  of  Rome  ?" 

2dly,  "  IN  cafe  this  city  fhall  be  befieged,  or  afTaulted,  by  the  advice, 
confent,  direction,  or  command,  of  the  faid  Nuncio  or  clergy,  or  both  of 
them,  whether,  in  fuch  cafe,  are  the  Roman  Catholics  of  this  kingdom 
obliged,  in  confcience,  to  refift  fuch  fiege  or  afTault,  with  the  peril  of  their 
lives,  and  fortunes  ? 

"  To  the  above  queftions  the  undernamed  Roman  Catholic  clergy  of  Dub- 
lin, in  obedience  to  his  Excellency's  and  the  council's  commands,  with  all 
humility,  return  the  following  anfwers. 

To  the  firft  queftion.  "  We  conceive,  and  hold  for  void,  and  in  no  wife 
grounded  on  the  doclrine  of  the  Roman  Catholic  church,  any  excommunica- 
tion, that  hath  no  other  ground,  but  the  adhering  to  the  peace  lately  con- 
cluded, or  to  any  other  point  of  true  and  cordial  loyalty  to  our  gracious  fove- 
reign  King  Charles. 

To  the  fecond,  "  As  we  really,  in  our  hearts  and  confciences,  hold  our 
fovereign  Lord,  King  Charles,  to  be  true  and  lawful  King  of  this  city,  and 
kingdom  of  Ireland,  and  of  all  other  his  Majefty's  dominions ;  fo  we  do  con- 
ceive, that  the  Roman  Catholics  of  this  kingdom,  in  cafe  of  a  fiege  or  affault 

made, 

(i)  BelHng's  MSS.    Cane's  Orm.  Vindic.  Catholic. 


Ch.XIII.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND. 

made,  or  intended,  for  the  taking  of  this  city  from  our  faid  fovereign,  the 
King,  or  from  any  deriving  lawful  authority  from  him,  and  holding  it  for 
him,  are  obliged  in  confcience  to  refift,  with  the  peril  of  their  lives  and 
fortunes.  This  being  our  anfwer,  we  thereunto  put  our  hands, 

K  MARCUS  ROCHFORT, 
F.  PETER  D  ARCY, 
ADRIAN  CARDAN, 
WILLIAM  BROWN, 
THOMAS  QJJIN, 
F.  JAMES  FLEMING, 
F.GREGORY  LAWLESS, 
RICHARD  OSBURNE." 


HAP.          XIII. 


The  Marquis  o/'Ormond  proceeds  in  his  treaty  with  the  Parliament. 


^  November  1646,  commiffioners  from  the  Engliih  - 
Parliament  arrived  in  Dublin,  with  men,  ammunition,  and  provifions 
of  all  kinds  j  who,  feeing  the  weaknefs  of  the  place,  and  knowing  his  Excel- 
lency ftood  in  need  of  every  thing  neceffary  for  its  defence,  made  no  doubt  of 
his  receiving  the  fupplies  they  had  brought,  upon  any  terms.  The  Lord 
Lieutenant  expected  the  commiiTioners  had  brought  fpecific  anfwers  to  the 
propofitions,  which  he  had  fent  to  England  ;  but  they  had  brought  nofuch 
anfwers,  nor  any  infractions  about  them.  And  when  he  offered  them  a  copy 
of  the  propofitions,  thev  would  not  receive  it,  nor  enter  into  any  debate  upon 
the  fubjed  ^  their  inflrudions  confined  them  to  treat  only  for  the  fword,  and 
garrifons  ;  for  which  they  offered  to  take  the  Proteftants  of  Ireland  under 
their  protection,  on  condition  of  their  fubmitting  to  the  ordinances  of  parlia- 
ment (2).  But  no  Proteflant,"  continues  Mr.  Carte,  "  that  would  not.  re- 
nounce his  allegiance  to  the  King,  could  depend  upon  that  protection  for  his 
fecurity."  His  Lordfhip,  on  his  part,  propofed,  until  their  inflruclions  from 
the  parliament  could  be  enlarged,  to  diftribute  their  forces  into  his  garrifons, 

if 

(i)  Cart,  Orm.  (2)  Id.  ib.  vol  i.  t«l.  591. 


222  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk/VI  I 

if  they  would  fubmit  to  bis  orders,  and  '  to  martial  law,  and  if  they  would 
lend  him  three  thoufand  pounds,  to  fupport  the  army;  but  thefe  propofals 
were  refufed.  So  refolving  to  break  off  the  the  treaty,  his  Excellency  told 
them,  that  he  could  not,  confiflent  with  his  duty,  part  with  fo  great  a  truft, 
without  his  Majefty's  command,  and  afked  them,  whether  they  could  produce 
it  ?  But  the  commiHioners,  wondering  with  good  reafon,  that  he  fhould  ex- 
pect any  fuch  authority  from  them,  embarked  on  board  their  (hips,  with  all 
their  men,  whom  they  carried  into  Ulfter." 


H      A      P.          XIV. 


ClanrickardV  ~B&gagemcnt  with  Prefton. 

THE  Marquis  of  Ormond,  with  a  view  of  gaining  time  to  better  his 
conditions  with  the  Englifh  parliament,  to  prevail  with  the  Scots  in 
Ulfter  to  march  to  his  affiftance,  and  to  avert  the  impending  ftorm  from  Dub- 
lin, fent  the  Lords  Clanrickard  and  Digby  to  Leixflip,  where,  agreeably,  as 
they  thought,  to  hrs  Excellency's  fentiments,  they  entered  into  a  private  (a) 
engagement  with  General  Preflon  and  his  officers,  that(i),  upon  their  fub- 
mitting  to  the  peace,  fufficient  fecurity  fhould  be  given  to  the  Roman  Catho- 
lics, for  the  free  exercife  of  their  religion;  that  part  of  Prefton's  army  fhould 
be  admitted  into  the  King's  garrifons ;  that  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  fhould 
obey  his  Majefty's  free  commands,  the  Queen's,  and  thofe  of  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  and  Lord  Digby's  fignification  of  them-,  and  that  his  Excellency 
fhould  not,  for  the  future,  obey  fuch  commands,  to  the  prejudice  of  what 
was  undertaken,  as  fhould  be  procured,  by  the  advantage  of  his  Majefty's 
want  of  freedom." 

BUT  tliis  not  being  confented  to,  or  rather  being  peremptorily  (2)  refufed 
by  his  Excellency,  Lord  Digby  wrote  to  him  on  the  i8th  of  November, 
*'  that  the  utmoft  that  was  expected  by  Prefton  and  his  officers  was,  a  decla- 
ration from  his  Excellency  to  the  following  efFecl,  which  being  granted,  they 
would  immediately  fubmit  to  the  peace,  viz.  (3),  "  That,  whereas  it  is  well 

known, 

(j)  Id.  ib.  vol.  ill.  (2)   Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  (3)  ib. 

(a)  "  This  engagement,"  fays  Mr.  Carte,  "  was  of  eminent  fervice    in  a  time   of  the  gieateft  danger,  and 
the  means  of  faving  Dublin."      Orm.  vol.  i.  lol.  5  92. 


Ch.  XIV.  CIVIL    W  A  R  S    i  N    I  R  E  L  A  N  D.  223 

known,  even  by  his  majefty's  printed  letters,  that  his  Majefty's  gracious  in- 
tentions were  to  fecur.;  his  Catholic  fubjec/is  of  this  kingdom  in  the  free  ex- 
ercife  of  their  religion,  by  the  repeal  of  the  penalties  of  the  laws  againft  them  ; 
which  in  the  laft  articles  of  the  peace  was  left  out,  by  the  fubtiiity  of  fome  of 
their  own  party,  who  intended  to  found  this  late  mifchief  upon  it;  that  it 
was  far  from  his  Majefty's  or  Excellency's  intention,  to  tike  advantage  of 
that  omiffian-,  but  that  they  may  reft  as  fecure  of  his  Majefty's  favour,  in  the 
repeal  of  the  faid  penalties,  as  if  it  had  been  pofitively  expreffed  in  the  ar- 
ticles." 

THE  Marquis  of  Ormond  having,  in   his  anfwer  to  this  letter,  given  a  (4) 
pofitive  denial   to  every  part  both  of  the  above-mentioned  engagement,  and 
this  declaration,  not  without  fome  indecent  reflections  on  General  Prefton  and 
his  officers,  who  had  already  figned  the  engagement,  and  expected  nothing 
but  his  Excellency's  commands,  to  profecute,  in  action,  what  they  had  there- 
by promifed;  Lord  Digby   replied  (5),  "  that    he   could   not  confider  thefe 
anfwers  of  his  Excellency,  without   fuch   an  heart-breaking  amazement,  as 
rendered  him   almoft  unable  to    make   any  reply."     He,  however,  reminded, 
him,  as  did  Clanrickard  alfo  (6),  "  that  they  had  entered    into  that  engage- 
ment with  General  Prefton,  not  without    fufficient   grounds    given  them   by 
himfelf  j  that   by  fuch  variance  of  his  Excellency,  or  miftake  of  their  own,, 
not  only  the  bulinefs,  wherein  they  had  laboured  all   that  time,  fo  elfential 
tohisMajefty'sprefent  fervice,  and  all  his  future  hopes;  but  the  honour  and 
perfonal  lafety  of  his  faithful  fervants,  was  upon  the  point  of  being  made  ab- 
Iblutely  defperate." 

As  for  the  admiffion  of  Prefton's  forces  into  his  Excellency's  garrifons,  which 
was  the  article  chiefly  objected  to,  Lord  Digby  declared,  in  his  own  and 
Clanrickard's  name  (7),  that,  "  upon  a  full  examination  of  the  whole  pro- 
ceedings of  Prefton,  and  his  army,  they  were  moft  confident,  that,  upon  this 
engagement  of  theirs,  they  defer ved  to  be  trufted,  as  having,  originally,  ne- 
ver had  any  intention  of  hoftility  againft  his  Excellency  ;  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, that  they  had  purpofely  delayed  and  kept  off  from  him,  the  mifchief, 
that  would  otherwife,  long  before  have  overwhelmed  him.  That,  if  his  Ex- 
cellency had  expreffed  a  confidence  even  in  words,  without  engagement,  he 
might  have  employed  Prefton's  forces  inftantly,  upon  wrhat  othei  defign  he 
thought  beft ;  and  have  deferred  the  admitting  any  of  them  into  his  garrifons, 
until  their  fervice  againft  the  Nuncio's  party,  had  confirmed  his  confidence 
in  them.  In  fhort,  that  he  could  not,,bv.t  with  aftonifhment,  receive  the 

ftrange 

-    (4)  ib.  vol.iii.  (5-)  ib-,  (6)  ib.  (7)  Id.  ib. 


224  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE          Bk.  VII. 

ftrange  invective  againft  them  in  his  Excellency's  letter ;  wherein,"  adds  his 
Lordfhip,  "  all  the-reafon  of  your  diflike  to  the  whole  bufinefs  feems  to  be 
founded." 


H      A      P.          XV. 


Ormond  confents  to  the  'Engagement. 

THE  Marquis  of  Ormond,    thus  warmly  and  frequently   importuned, 
and,  perhaps,  afhamed  totally  to  reject  an  expedient,  firft  moved  by 
himfelf,  condefcended  at  laft,  to  write  (i)  two  letters  ;  one  to  General  Prefton, 
ratifying  and  confirming  the  engagement,  made  by  him  with  Clanrickard ; 
and  the  other,  to   Clanrickard  himfelf,  which  was  to  be  (hewn  to  Prefton's 
officers,  and  contained,  likewife,  his  Excellency's  agreement  to   the   engage- 
ment now  mentioned,  with  fome  flattering  expreffions  of  his   confidence  in 
'the  valour  and  fidelity  of  thefe  officers. 

SOON  after  this,  Ormond  and"  Digby  found  means  to  inform  the  King,  of 
the  conclusion  of  this  engagement  with  General  Prefton  ;  and  of  the  breaking 
ofT  of  the  late  treaty,  with  the  Englifh  parliament.  On  which  occaiion, 
his  Majefty  fent  his  Excellency  the  follow  letter,  of  the  2)th  of  De* 
•  cember. 

"  ORMONDE, '(2) 

"  THIS  is  chiefly  to  confirm  that  which  I  wrote  to  you  \he.(a)  5th  of  this 
;month,  whereby  I  approved  of  what  you  have  done,  both  concerning  your 
London-treaty,  and  that  with  General  Prefton $  (hewing  you,  alfo,  the 
great  neceffity  of  my  affairs,  that  yeu  ihould  jepiece  the  peace  with  the 
frifh." 

BUT  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  inftead  of  endeavouring  to  repicce  his  peace 
with  the  Irifh  (by  which,  the  Nuncio's  and  O'Neil's  party  only  can  be  under- 

ftood, 

(i)  See  Carte,  ib.  vol.  iii.  fcl.  332.  (2)  Carte's  Orm.'-vol.  ii.  Append,  fol.  13. 

(x)  In  his  letter  of  the  5th  of 'that   month,   here  fnbmit  To  the  C.  W  C.  K.   and    that  you   endefivrur 

referred  to,   his  Mnjefty  fays,  "   I  really  and   heartily  vhat  yon  can,  'to  rcpiece  your  peace  with  the  frifti." 

approve  of  all  you    have  done  hitherto,  and   in  parti-  Warn.   Iriili  Rtbel.       Nothing    elfr  can   poflibly   be 

cuiar  concerning  Preflon.      But,  for   further  direfti-  meant  by  ihe  above  cypher,  confidently  with  the  con-- 

-ons,  I  can  only  "{a/,  that,  upon  no  terms,  you  nmft  text,  buc  liie  Erigiifh  pailiau:ent.     Warn.  ib. 


Ch.  XV.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  22$ 

ftood,  becaufe  they  alone  were  then  unengaged)  foon  found  out  a  plaufible  pre- 
text for  breaking  his  engagement  with  Prefton  himfelf.  We  have  already  feen, 
that  his  obftinate  refufal  of  the  free  exercife  of  religion  to  the  confederates,  was 
what  principally  delayed  the  conclufion  of  the  peace,  until  it  became  both 
ufelefs  to  his  Majefty,  and  infecure  to  them.  The  cafe  was  much  the  fame, 
with  refpedl  to  his  engagement  with  General  Prefton ;  his  delay,  and  unwil- 
lingnefs,  to  ratify  that  engagement  j  Prefton's  knowledge,  perhaps,  that  he 
was  ftill  carrying  on  his  treaty  with  "  thofe  traitors  of  the  covenant,"  the 
Scots  in  Ulfter ;  but  above  all,  his  not  having  received  any  of  Prefton's  forces  into 
his  garrifons,  as  he  (b)  promifed  he  would,  caufed  that  General  to  fufpecl 
the  ilncerity  of  his  profeffions  of  truft  and  confidence  in  him  and  his  officers. 
Thefe  motives  coinciding  with  the  Nuncio's  threatened  cenfure,  of  which  he 
was  too  fcrnpuloufly  fearful,  made  him  relapfe,  in  fhew  at  leaft,  to  his  former 
connection  with  that  turbulent  ecclefiaftic.  He,  however,  immediately  ap- 
prifed  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  of  this  change  in  his  refolution,  by  feveral  let- 
ters and  meffages  (3),  "  left  his  Excellency  (as  he  told  him)  who  was  then  on 
his  march  to  join  him,  might,  by  advancing  too  far,  expofe  himfelf  to  fome 
infult  from  the  Nuncio's  party."  On  this  occafion,  he  allured  his  Excellency  (4), 
"  that  he  would  not  have  failed  to  meet  him,  according  to  their  appoint- 
ment, but  that  his  commanders,  and  the  reft  in  general,  were  wholly  with- 
drawn from  their  firft  refolution  j  that,  however,  he  had  caufed  notice  to  be 
given  to  his  Excellency  in  a  fecond  letter,  two  hours  after  the  former,  by  an 
exprefs  meflenger,  that  his  Excellency  might  not  advance  further,  on  doubt- 
ful uncertainties ;  whereby  (adds  he)  your  Excellency  may  perceive,  how 
right  my  intentions  have  ever  been,  and  how  ftudious  I  was  to  give  you  the 
means  of  avoiding  inconvenience,  by  that  intelligence."  And,  indeed,  of  the  rec- 
titude of  his  intentions,  and  of  his  fincere  and  zealous  attachment  to  his  Ma- 
jefty's  fervice,  he  foon  after  gave  unqueftionable,  but  melancholy,  proof. 
For  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  having  (as  we  fhall  prefently  fee)  fhamefully 
furrendered  his  out-garrifons  to  the  parliament-commiffioners,  began  to  re- 
pent of  what  he  had  done;  and,  in  concert  with  Lord  Digby,  entered  into  a 
new,  but  fecret,  treaty  with  the  confederates,  in  order,  by  their  afliftance,  to  re- 
cover the  pofTeffion  of  them ;  to  w^hich  the  confederates  having  readily 
agreed  (5),  "  difpatched  immediate  orders  to  General  Prefton,  to  march  his 
whole  army,  confifting  of  between  feven  and  eight  thoufand  men,  into  the 

G  g  Engliih 

(3)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  (4)  ib.  vol.  iii.  (3)  La; burn's  Memoirs,  p.6o. 

(b)  In  the  before-mentioned  letter  to  General  them  in  all  trufts,  both  in  the  field,  and  in  his  gani- 
Pieflon,  he,  among  other  things,  4<  defires  him  and  fons,  with  as  much  freedom,  and  allurance,  as  he 
his  officers  to  believe  that  he  would  emolov  him  and  would  any  \vhatfoever."  Cart.  Orrn.  vol.  iii.  f.  -\\z. 


226  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk  VII. 

Englifh  quarters ;  which  he  accordingly  did,  took  Naas  and  Maynooth 
by  affault ;  and  afterwards  fat  down  before  Trim ;  where,  being  attack- 
ed by  Michael  Jones,  with  fuperior  forces  from  Dublin,  he  was  totally  de- 
feated; having  had  four  thoufand  men  killed  on  the  place,  and  almoft  all  his 
commanders  taken  prifoners,  himfelf  hardly  efcaping  (c)" 


HAP.          XVI. 


Ormond  refumes  his  treaty  with  the  Englijb  Parliament. 

IS  Excellency  either  was,  or  affected  to  be,  fo  much  provoked  by 
Prefton's  feeming  tergiverfation  (for  Lord  Digby  was  (i)  confident  it  was 
not  real),  "  that  (2)  he  publickly  refumed  his  treaty  with  the  Englifh  parlia- 
ment, (notwithftanding  the  King's  late  order  forbidding  him  to  fubmit  to 
them,  u  on  any  terms,")  offering  to  put  his  Majefty's  garrifons  into  their  hands, 
upon  the  fame  conditions  they  had  formerly  propofed ;  which,"  as  wre  have 
already  obferved  from  Mr.  Carte,  "  no  Proteilant  could  accept  without  for- 
feiting his  allegiance."  And,  in  order  to  induce  them,  for  the  prefent,  to 
give  him  the  command  of  foine  of  their  men,  provifions,  and  ammunition  in 
Ulfter,  'till  they  could  fend  him  more,  he  promifed  to  deliver  hoftages,  for  the 
performance  of  what  he  had  undertaken  ;  and  (3)  accordingly,  on  the  1 6th 
of  March,  1646,  he  fent  over  as  fuch,  the  Earl  of  Rofcommon,  Colonel 
Chichefter,  Sir  James  Ware,  and  Sir  Richard  Butler,  afterwards  Earl  of  Arran, 
one  of  his  own  fons. 

ABOUT  this  time,  Mr.  Leyburne,  under  the  aiTumed  name  of  (a)  Winter 
Grant,  arrived  in  Ireland,  with  letters  from  the  Queen  and  Prince,  to  the 
Lord  Lieutenant.  "  After  I  had  delivered  (fays  that  (4)  gentleman)  fuch 
letters,  as  I  had  for  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  I  faid,  I  was  fure  they  expreffcd 
civilities  from  the  Queen  and  Prince,  much  better  than  I  could;  that,  by  my 
inftrudions,  when  decyphered,  his  Lordfhip  would  find  the  confidence  her 

Majefty 

(i)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.     (2)  Cart.  Crm.  vol.  iii.     Id.  Jb.  vol.  i.     (3)  Id.  ib.  vol.  i.  fol.  603.     (4)  Memoirs. 

(c)  "  General  Prefton  had,  after  the  reftoration,  conferred  upon  him   by  the  King,  the  title  of  Lord  \  if- 
count  Taiagh,  with  8ool.  a  year  in  lands,  to  fupport  the  honour."     Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii.  fol.  64. 

(a)  Concerning  this  gentleman's  arrival,  Lord  difpafches  to  your  Excellency,  as  makes  me  think  it 

Digby  wrote  to  Ormond  from  Leixfl'p,  May  izth,  nectfTary,  that  I  ftiould  wait  upon  you  prefently  ;  but 

1647,  at  rwo  o'clock  in  the  morning,  what  follows.  I  think  it  not  fit  that  he  fliould  come  to  you."  Carl, 

"  Mr.  Grant  is  come  hither  this  night  with  fuch  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  553. 


Ch.XVI.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  227 

Majefty  and  the  Prince  had  in  him  ;  which  was  fo  great,  as  no  reports  could 
fhake,  though  we  had,  weekly,  news  of  treaties  with  the  parliament,  for  de- 
livering up  thofe  places,  which  were  under  his  command.  To  which  his 
Lordfhip  replied,  "  that  confidence  (hall  never  deceive  them  ;"  and  added,  "  that 
he,  wrho  had  ventured  himfelf,  his  wife,  and  all  his  children  in  the  King's 
fervice,  would  make  no  fcruple  of  venturing,  or  cafting  away,  one  (b)  fon, 
when  there  fhould  be  caufe.  Yet,  that  if  there  fhould  be  a  necellity,  he  would 
rather  give  up  thofe  places  under  his  command,  to  the  Englifh,  than  the  Irifh, 
rebels  ;  of  which  opinion,  he  thought  every  good  Englifhman  was."  To  this, 
adds  Mr.  Leyburne,  I  anfwered  nothing." 


Excellency  had  (4)  then  with  him  in  the  city,  two  thoufand  of  the  par- 
liament forces,  and  expected  many  more  in  a  few  weeks.  But  his  ceffation 
with  the  confederates  being  now  to  expire  in  three  days,  he  endeavoured  to 
renew  it  for  three  weeks  longer  ;  within  which  time,  he  had  good  reafon  to 
expecl,  that  the  remainder  of  his  fupplies  from  the  parliament  would  arrive. 
•3Vlr.  (5)  Leyburne,  wThom  he  employed  to  goon  that  occafion  to  Kilkenny,  "  de- 
fired  to  know  from  his  Excellency,  what  he  fhould  fay,  in  cafe  the  confederates 
fhould  object,  that  his  Lordfhip  propofed  fo  fhort  a  cefTation,  only  that  he 
might  gain  time,  to  receive  more  forces  from  the  parliament?  To  which  he 
was  anfwered,  that  he  fhould  receive  orders  for  that  on  the  way,  if,  on  con- 
ii  deration,  there  was  caufe."  Accordingly,  the  next  day  apofl  over-took  him, 
with  a  letter  from  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  in  which  he  gave  him  power,  "  to 
undertake  to  the  confederates  that,  if  a  cefTation  fhould  be  agreed  upon,  he 
would  not  receive  into  the  garrifons  under  his  command,  forces  from  the  par- 
liament, during  three  weeks  ;  but  Mr.  Leyburne  was  to  ufe  his  utmoft  en- 
deavours to  procure  a  cefTation  without  that  condition;  or  at  leaft,  that  it 
fhould  be  kept  private;  which  lafl  he.  was  to  engage  them  in,  before  he  con- 
fented  to  the  faid  condition." 

BUT  the  general  aiTembly,  having  pregnant  caufes  of  fear,  that  his  Excel- 
Jency  fought  that  fhort  ceffation  (h),  only  with  a  view  of  obtaining  fuccours 

G  g.  2  from 

(4)  Cart.  Orm.  (5)  Mem.  p.  54-5. 

(1)  He  meant  Sir  Richard  Butler,  one  of  the  hofbiges  fent  to  the  Englifh  parliament,  men'ioned  above. 

(b)  The  Lord  Lieutenant  and  council    in  their  an-  pelted,  it  might  prevent  the  gf'i'ig  on   with  the  war 

fwer  to   the  King's  conilrained  order  of  the    nth  of  that  lumuier  ;  and  on  the  other  fide,  not  to  make  it 

June   above-mentioned,  or   rather  to  (he  Englifh  re-  for  too  fhort  a  time,  left  the  many  preparations  requi- 

beis  with  whom  he  was  then  a  prifoner,  fays  on  this  fite  for  a  full  fupply,  and  other  intervening  accidents, 

occafion,  "  that  they  were  defuous  on  ihe  one  hand,  might  retard  it  fo,  as  not  to  arrive  fo  fpeedily  as  they 

not  to  make  a    cefl'ation  for   too  long  a  rime,  left  in  dtfueci."     Cart.  Orm.  vol.  vol.  iii.  fol.  485. 
cafe  their  fnppiics  fhotild  arrive  Iboavr  than  they  ex- 


228  HISTORICAL   REVIEW   OP    THE          Bk.  VII. 

from  the  parliament,  refufed  to  agree  to  it.  At  the  fame  time,  fuch  was 
their  inclination  to  peace,  and  zeal  for  his  Majefly's  fervice,  that  they  propofed 
to  lengthen  out  the  cefTation  (6)  for  fix  months,  provided  his  Lordfhip  would, 
in  the  mean  time,  admit  no  more  of  the  parliament's  forces  into  his  garrifons. 
But  he  abfolutely  refufed  to  accept  of  a  ceiTation  for  any  longer  term,  than 
three  weeks."  His  reafon  for  rejecting  the  offer  of  a  fix  months  cefTation, 
evidently  was,  that  all  his  hopes  of  agreeing  with  the  parliament  would  have 
been  thereby  defeated. 


CHAP.         XVII. 

- 

Ormond  delivers  up  the  Kings  Authority  to  the  Rngliftj  Parliament. 

UPON  (i)thehoftages  before-mentioned  having  been  received  in  England, 
one  thoufand  Englifli  foot  and  four  hundred  horfe,  were  ordered  to 
march  out  of  Ulfler  to  Dublin  -,  and  on  the  7th  of  June  following,  the  parlia- 
ment-commiflioners  arriving  with  fix  hundred  horfe,  and  fourteen  hundred 
foot  more,  the  treaty  between  them,  and  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  was  con- 
cluded, and  (2)  figned  on  the  igth  of  that  month ;  by  which  his  Excellency 
was  to  quit  the  fword,  on  the  28th  of  the  following  month,  or  fooner,  upon 
four  days  notice."  Thus  did  his  Lordfhip  deliver  up  the  King's  authority  to 
men,  who  foon  after  became,  as  he  himfelf  has  defcribed  them  (3),  "  mur- 
derers of  his  Royal  perfon,  ufurpers  of  his  rights,  and  deftroyers  of  the  Irilh 
nation  j  by  whom  the  nobility  and  gentry  of  it,  were  maffacred  at  home,  and 
led  into  llavery,  or  driven  into  beggary  abroad  (a)" 

His 

(6)  Id.  ib.  (i)  Cart.  Onn.  vol.  i.  fol.  603.  (2)  Id.  ib.  (j)  Id.  ib.  vol.  ii.  App. 

(a)  "  I  am  told,"  fays  the  Earl  of  Efiex  Lord  Lieu-  check,  and  ordered  him  to  withdraw  ;  but  upon  fur- 
tenant  of  Ireland  in  1674,  "  that  when  the  Lord  ther  confederation,  his  Lordfliip  and  the  council 
Ormond  delivered  up  the  fword  to  the  parliament-  thought  fit  to  call  him  in  again,  and  to  commend  him 
commiifioners  here,  Alderman  Smith,  then  Mayor  of  for  the  refolurion  he  had  {hewed  in  maintaining  his 
Dublin,  aged  near  four-fcore  years,  and  always  re-  Majefly's  authority  ;  and  withal  read  the  letter  from 
puted  a  man  of  great  integrity  and  loyalty,  came  to  his  Majefty,  requiring  the  Lord  Lieutenant  to  deliver 
the  council  table,  and  acquainted  my  Lord  of  Or-  up  the  fword  to  the  commiifioners  impowered  by  the 
mond,  I  hat  it  was  generally  reported  in  town,  and  parliament  of  England  i  whereupon,  he  faid  he  would 
fprcad  fo  far,  as  no  man  doubted  it,  that  his  Excel-  fubinit."  State  Let.  p.  344.  This  letter  from  his  Ma- 
fency  intended  to  deliver  up  the  government  to  the  jefty  could  be  no  other,  than  that  of  the  n  th  of  June, 
parliament,  that  he  came  to  acquaint  his  Lord/hip,  the  preceding  year,  extorted  from  the  King  by  the 
that  himfelf  was  entrufted  with  the  King's  fword  of  Scots,  when  he  was  their  prifoner,  and  forbidding  the 
the  city,  and  that  he  would  not  refign  it  to  rebels.  Marquis  of  Ormond  to  proceed  in  the  peace  with  the 
Whereupon,  c»y  Loid  of  Ormond  gave  him  fome  confederates,  as  we  fhall  hereafter  fee. 


Ch.XVII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  229 

His  Lordfhip,  through  this  whole  tranfadion  with  the  Englifh  parliament, 
was  fufficiently  careful  of  his  own  private  concerns ;  having  ftipulated,  that 
a  large  fum  of  money  ihould  be  paid  him  on  the  conclulion  of  it ;  and  (4)  that 
his  eftate,  which  was  heavily  incumbered  at  the  beginning  of  the  infurredtion, 
"  fhould  not  be  fubject  to  any  debts  contracted  before  that  time."  But  there 
appears  no  reafon  to  believe,  that  he  wras  equally,  cr  at  all,  anxious  in  this 
agreement,  for  the  interefts  or  prefervation  of  that  church  and  government, 
for  whofe  fupport  and  dignity,  in  all  his  negociations  with  the  confederates, 
he  had  affected  to  be  thought  fo  fcrupulouily  zealous.  For  (5)  on  the  24th 
of  June  1647,  five  days  after  the  treaty  with  the  parliament  was  figned,  and 
a  month  before  he  delivered  up  the  fword,  he  fuiFered  the  parliament-commif- 
floners  topublifh  an  order,  requiring  all  minifters  of  congregations,  and  others 
officiating  in  the  feveral  churches  and  chapels  in  Dublin,  to  obferve  the  direc- 
tory, and  for  the  difcontinuance  of  the  Liturgy  and  Common  Prayer;  altho* 
the  a£t  of  uniformity  was  Hill  in  force  in  Ireland,  and  not  fo  much  as  fufpend- 
ed  by  any  order  of  either,  or  both,  Houfes  of  parliament.  Accordingly,  the  efta- 
bliihed  clergy  ceafed  to  officiate,  and  the  Liturgy  wras  left  off,  in  all  the 
churches  of  the  city,  except  that  of  Trinity-College,  where  Anthony  Mar- 
tin, Bifhop  of  Meath,  and  Provoft  of  that  college,  continued  to  ufe  it." 

THESE  confequences,  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  muft  have  certainly  forefeen; 
becaufe  one  of  his  firft  proportions  to  the  Englifh  parliament,  (which  were 
rejected)  was  (6),  "  that  the  covenant  fhould  not  be  impofed,  nor  the  Liturgy 
fupprefled  at  prefent ;  left  it  fhould  divide  the  Proteftants,  and  hinder  their 
joint  profecution  of  the  war  (againft  the  Frifh)  and  that  nothing  fhould  be 
done  in  relation  to  either,  but  by  ad~t  of  parliament."  Now,  even  fuppofins: 
this  proportion  had  been  granted,  what  elfe  could  his  Lordfhip  have  expected, 
from  an  a6t  of  either  the  Irifh  or  Englifh  parliament,  at  that  juncture,  but  a 
more  certain  and  rigorous  impofltion  of  the  covenant,  and  fuppreffion  of  the 
Liturgy  and  Common  Prayer  in  both  kingdoms  ? 

BOTH  Houfes  of  the  Irifh  parliament  had,  with  great  folemnity,  prefented 
an  addrefs  of  thanks  to  his  Excellency,  on  occafion  of  this  treaty  with  the 
Englifh  parliament.  In  that  addrefs,  they  fet  forth,  "  that  (7)  his  proceed- 
ings therein,  being  fuch  a  free  earneft  of  his  Excellency's  love  to  their  religion, 
nation,  and  both  Houfes,  did  incite  them  to  come  unto  him,  with  hearts 
filled  with  his  love,  and  tongues  declaring  how  much  they  were  obliged  to 

his. 

(4)  Borl.  Hid. "of  the  Irifti  Rebel,  fol.  235.  ($)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  605. 

(6)  Id.  ib.  vol.  Hi.  fol.  586.  (7)  Com.  Journ.  Append.     Bod.  Hit!  of  the  Iriih  Rebel. 


230  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE          Bk.  VII. 

his  Excellency.  And  that,  in  order  to  perpetuate  unto  pofterity,  the  memory 
of  his  Excellency's  merits,  and  their  thankfulnefs,  they  had  appointed  that 
inftrument  to  be  entered  into  both  Houfes,  and  under  the  hands  of  both 
Speakers,  to  be  prefented  to  his  Lordfhip."  To  which  addrefs,  hisLord(hip  po- 
litely anfwered  (8),  "  that  this  acknowledgment  of  theirs  was  unto  him  a  (b) 
jewel  of  very  great  value,  which  he  fhould  lay  up  among  his  choiceft  trea- 
fures-,  it  being  an  antidote  againfl  the  virulencybf  thofe  tongues,  and  pens, 
that,  he  was  well  affured,  would  be  bufiiy  fet  on  work,  to  traduce  and  blaft 
the  integrity  of  his  prefent  proceeding  for  their  prefervation."  The  reader 
will  eafily  perceive,  that  thofe,  for  whofe  prefervation  he  entered  into  mea- 
fures  fo  destructive  of  monarchy,  and  of  the  eftabliihed  religion  in  Ireland, 
were  generally  a  rabble  of  feclaries,  who  confpiring;  with  their  brethren  in 
the  Britifh  parliament,  prepared  the  way  for,  and  at  laft,  effectually  brought 
about,  the  murder  of  their  King  in  England. 


C       H       A       P.  XVIII. 


The  Marquis  o/'Ormond  ordered  to  have  the  Caftle. 

ON  (i)  the  1 6th  of  July,  1647,  the  parliament-commifliqncrs  gave  notice 
to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  to  remove,  with  his  family,  from  the  caftle ; 
and  to  deliver  the  regalia  within  four  days,  according  to  his  agreement.  But, 
it  being  inconvenient  to  his  Lordfhip  to  embark  fo  foon,  he  compromifcd  the 
matter  with  them,  by  quitting  the  caftle  immediately,  and  deferring  the  cere- 
monial of  the  fword,  till  the  day  firft  agreed  upon  (2).  "  Yefterday," 
fays  his  Lordfhip,  "  I  was  fummoned  to  leave  the  fword  and  caitle, 
according  to  the  direction  of  the  committee  of  Derby-houfc ;  which,  by  the 
way,  I  note  as  no  good  fign,  that  committee  Confining  of  all  indepen- 
dents." 

MR.  Leyburne  juftly  remarks,  that  this  ci-rcumftancc  might  have  furniOied 
his  Lordfhip  with  a  good  excufe  for  breaking  off  the  agreement,  as  matters 
wererthen  greatly  altered  (3),  "for,"  fays  he,  "  the  parliament,  with  whom 

he 

(8)   ib.  (0  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  i   fol  605.  (2)   Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.        .      .   •  (3)  Memoirs,  p.  37. 

(b)  Alluding  ton  jewel  of  qo~>l.  value,  which   he   had  Tome  years  before  got  from  the  Englifh  parliament, 
as  a  reward  for  hii  fervice  in  profccu:ing  the  war  again  ft  the  liif.  ,  in  the  manner  we  have  feen. 


Ch.  XVIIL  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  231 

he  had  held  his  treaty,  were  Preibyterian ;  but  now  it  became  independent, 
quite  another  thing  ;  fo  that  I  was  confident,  My  Lord  of  Ormond  would  be 
very  wary  of  parting  eaiily  from  his  government,  without  frefh  commands  from 
the' King." 

BUT  his Lordfhip,  inftead  of  making  ufe  of  fuch  an  argument,  would  have 
parted  from  his  government  fome  weeks  .fooner,  had  not  Lord  Digby,  as  prin- 
cipal fecretary  of  Hate,  ^refolutely  interpofed  (4).  "  For  his  Excellency  being 
preffed  by  the  parliament-commiffioners,  to  perform  his  engagement,  he  was 
(a)  refolved  to  do  it,  and  writ  fo  to  Lord  Digby,  who  had  in  feveral  letters, 
perfuaded  his  delay.  But  finding  that  nothing  but  a  perfonal  interview,  and 
moft  ferious  conference,  was  able  to  hinder  him  any  longer  from  accomplifh- 
ing  the  work,  Lord  Digby,  notwithftanding  the  moil  imminent  hazard  of 
the  attempt,  ventured  by  night,  to  fleal  into  Dublin-caftle,  to  prevent  the 
furrender  the  next  day  intended  j  where,  upon  his  arrival,  which  procured-a 
very  great  difturbance,  he  wrought  fo  effectually  with  the  Marquis  of  Or- 
mond, that  he  brought  him  the  next  day  to  declare  to  the  commiffioners  (un- 
der pretence  of  doubting  the  authority  of  their  powers,  and  in  expectation  of 
the  parliament's  fblemn  engagement  of  the  faith  of  both  Houies  for  the 
fecurity  of  himfelf,  and  all  his  party,  whether  perhaps,  excepted,  or  not 
excepted)  that,  unlefs  they  would  yet  give  him  five  weeks  time  to  hold  the 
fword  and  caftle,  in  order  to  his  fatisfadtion  in  thefe  particulars,  he  would 
rather  die  in  the  gate,  with  an  halbert  in  his  hand,  than  give  it  up.  In  which 
refolution,  the  commiffioners  finding  him  pofitive,  at  laft  affented,  that,  if 
he  would  furrender  into  their  hands  the  militia  forthwith,  they  would  permit 
him  the  fword  and  caftle,  together  with  any  three  companies  he  (hould-  chufeL 
for  his  guard,  for  the  fore-mentioned  time." 

ON  the  26th  of  July,  his  Excellency  moved   thefe  commhTioners  that  (5), 
"  in  regard  his   fervant   was  not    come    with  his   money   to  difcharge  his 

debts, 

(4)  Id.  ib.  (5)  Cane's  Orm. 

(a)  How  indifferent  both  D^gby  and  Ormond  were  fum  they  offered.  But  that,  if  the  parliament  would  not 

about  the  future  fate  of  Ireland,  at  this  juncture,  ap-  give  him  fuch  conditions,  then  he  conceived  Or  mend's 

pears  from  the  following  palEi^e  in  a  letter  of  the  for-  courfe  muft  be,  by  temporizing  with  the  Iiilh,  by  re- 

mer  to  the  latter.      Digby,  alter  ftrongly  advifing  Or-  newing    other    treaties    with     the    parliament    upon 

mond,  that,  on  quitting  ihe  Kingdom,  he  flio.uld  have  lower  conditions,   'in  fine,    by  any  art  to  prolong  his 

liberty  from  the  parliament-commim'oners  to  carry  off  poffriTion  of  the  garrilbns  and  forces,  till   he  (Digby) 

with   him    five  thoufand   five  hundred    men,    to  any  could  procure  him   (hipping  and   money  for  the  frd 

other  kingdom  in  amity  with  England,  adds,  "  thai  tranfportation.     And  then,"  fays  he,  "  let  who    will 

he  ought  to   value  that  condition  above  all  the  others,  take  the  carcafs  of  what  you  fhall  leave."     Cart.  Orm. 

not  only   as  mod  honourable,  but    far  more  profitable  vol.  iii.  fol.  544. 
to  him,  than  if  they  fhcu'd  give  him  five  timts  the 


232  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE          Bk.VII. 

debts,  and  other  neceflary  payments,  they  would  permit  his  Lady  to  remain 
irithecaftle,  till  he  came."  But  even  that  requeil  was  refufed  him.  In  fhort, 
as  his  Lordfhip  had,  over  and  above  the  hoftages,  put  all  the  power  into  their 
hands  before  any  performance  on  their  part,  it  is  no  wonder,  that  they  (6) 
did  not  afterwards  keep  within  the  bounds  of  common  decency  in  their  deal- 
ings with  him.  And  when  he  complained  of  feveral  breaches  of  honour, 
which  they  were  guilty  of,  'they  did  not  pretend  to  affign  a  reafon  for  their 
proceedings,  but  told  him  plainly,  "  that  they  were  competent  judges  of  them, 
and  would  not  allow  others  to  dired  their  adions  (b)  (c)" 


CHAP.          XIX. 


Reafons  affigned  for  the  Marquis  of  OrmondV  Surrender  confidered. 

T\)VO  reafons  are  commonly  affigned  by  hiftorians,  in  order  to  juftify, 
or  excufe,  Ormond's  delivering  up  the  King's  authority  at  this  juncture, 
to  the  Englifh  Rebels.  Firft,  his  Majefty's  verbal  order,  or,  at  leaft,  per- 
million,  privately  fent  him  for  that  purpofe  by  Sir  George  Hamilton.  And 
fecondly,  a  defign  of  the  confederate  Catholics,  then  newly  difcovered,  to 
tranfer  their  allegiance  from  their  natural  fovereign  to  fome  foreign  Prince. 
The  former  of  thefe  reafons,  I  fhall  prove  to  be  groundlefs  from  his  Lord- 
ihip's  own  words ;  the  latter  has  been  always  denied  by  the  accufed,  nor  ever 

yet, 

(6)  Ic!.  ib.  vol.  i.  fcl.  605. 

-{b)  The  Marquis  of  Ormond    had   obtained   from  Inhabitants,  Proteflants  as  well  as  Pap:fis.    Money  was 

fhefe  commiflioners  a  pafs,  for    Lord   Digby  to  tran-  fent  over  for  their   pay,  but  that  couJd   not   reftorc 

'fport  himfelf  to  <  France.     But  "  all    their    fca-men  drfclpline  among  them;  they  continued  their  difor- 

<fent  his  Lordfhip  word,  ihatJel   him  Jiave  what  pafs  ders,  and  beat  their   officers,  if  they  offeied   to  repri- 

be  would,  they  would   either  throw  him  over-board,  mand  them."     Id    ib.  vol.  ii.  fol.  9.      Borlace  informs 

or  bring  him  prifoner  to  London,  and  the  parliament-  us,  that  tliefe  foldiers  had  received  fuch  a  linclure  of 

foldiers  at   Dublin  declared  refutations  of  no  lefs  vio-  mutiny,  that  Mr.  Anntfly,  and   Sir  Robert  King,  two 

Jence  againft    him,  if  he  came  that  way,  in  fpight  of  of  the  pnrliament-commiirioners,  for    fear  of  violence, 

any  prore&ion."  Carti-Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  571.  "  Thefe  privately   quitted    the  Kingdom."     Hift.  of  the  liifti 

foldiers   foon  after   threatened   the  ipariiament-coni-  Rebel,  fol.  235. 
luilfioners  thcmfelves,  and  plundered  the  houfes  of  the 

(t)"  8U  Maurice  Eufhce,  afterwards  Lord  Ghan-  governor  for  the  parliament)  to  the  burning  of  corn, 

cellor  of  Ireland,  in  a   letter  to  the  Mirquis  of  Or-  and  to  put  man,  woman  and  children   to^the  fword  ; 

mond,  October   8lh,   i647t  acquainted    him,   "  that  and  that  Sir  Adam  Loftus    had  written  in    the  fsri>€ 

Sir  William  Parfons  (formerly   Lord  Juftice  of  that  drain."     CaiteVCollec.  of -Orm.  Oiig.  Papers,  voiii. 

kingdom)  .had  by  late  letters,    advifed  Jones  (then  p.  550. 


'.- 


Ch.  XIX.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    I  R  K  LAND.  $33 

yet,  in  any  manner  proved  by  their  accufers,  though  frequently  called  upon 
for  that  purpofe.  . 

MR.  Belling,  one  of  the  Marquis  ofOrmond's  carlieH,  warm  eft,  and  moft 
intelligent  apologias,  owns(i),  "  that  this  furrender  of  Dublin,  and  the 
other  garrifon-s,  did,  indeed,  pave  the  way,  not  only  to  the  deltruttion  of  the 
peop.le  of  Ireland,  but  alfo,  to  the  King's  murder  in  England."  But  he,  at 
the.  fame  .time,  iniifts,  "  that  his  Majefty  had  fent  the  Lord  Lieutenant, 
by  Sir  George  Hamilton,  private  orders  to  make  it."-  The  fame  is  affirmed 
by  CLirenaon,  Hume,  Car  e,  and,  generally,  by  all  fucceeding  (a)  -writers  on 
this  fubject.  But  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  himielf,  in  all  his  letters  to  the 
Queen  and  Prince,  at  that  jundure,  not  only  apologizes,  with  great  fubmif- 
iion,  for  this  furrender  (which,  certainly,  he  would  not  have  done,  had  he 
received  the  King's  order,  or  permiiTion,  for  it)  but  alfo,  in  that  long  and 
laboured  ftate  of  the  affairs  of  Ireland,  which  he  afterwards  laid  before 
the  King  himfelf,  he  reprefents  (2),  "that  act  of  his,  as  done  on  prefumption, 
that  it  was  more  for  his  Majefty  Y  honour  and  fervice,  and  confequently 
more  agreeable  to  his  pleafure,  which  he  had  neither  means,  nor  time,  to 
confult." 

BUT  the  following  letter  from  his  Lordfhip,  to  the  King,  which  was  fent 
foon  after  he  refigned  the  government,  leaves  not  the  leaft  room  to  doubt  the 
fdlfity  of  this  affertion. 

"  May  (3)  it  pleafe  your  Majefty, 

'  I  KNOW  not  how  my  laft  adlons,  or  prefent  condition,  have  been  re- 
prefented  to  your  Majefty ;  the  latter  your  Majefty  finds  in  the  Public  ar>- 
ticles  with  the  parliament-commiflioners ;  but  upon  what  grounds,  or  ad- 
vices, thefe  articles  were  agreed  to,  I  muft  referve  for  a  time,  when  by  the 
grace  of  God,  and  your  Majefty's  good  pleafure,  I  fhall  be  admitted  to  caft 
rnyfelf  at  your  feet.  I  fhould,  in  the  mean  time,  beg  the  fufpenfion  of  any 
thought,  that  may  be  fuggefted  into,  or  arife  in  your  Majefty,  in  preju- 

H  h  dice 

(i)  Vindicias  Cathol.  et  MSS.  (2)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  iii.fol.  569. 

(3)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  558. 

(a)  Doflor  Leland    bas   made  a  proper  did  in  ft  ion  ters  afforded  Ormond  abundant   reafon  to   doubt   the 

on   this  occafion.     "  Ormond,"  fays   he,  "  was  af-  truth  of  thefe  a  flu  ranees  j  yet  they  (thefe  aflurances) 

fured,  his  Majefty   had  fignified   his  pleafure,  that  in  ferved  to  jiilHfy  the   relblution,  he   had  now  taken  to 

cafe  of  extreme  nect-fiity,  he  fliouid   fubinir  rather  to  tht  public."     Hift.  oi  Ifel.  vol.  iii.  p.  $oj. 
the  Englidt,  than  the  iiiih.     The  King's  private  let- 


234  HISTORICAL    REVIEW   OF   THE  Bk.  VII. 

dice  to  thofe  fincere  affedions,  wherewith  I  have  endeavoured  to  ferve  you. 
But  that  were  to  mifdoubt  your  juftice,  and  fo  to  make  myfelf  unworthy 
of  your  pardon,  if,  deprived  of  your  diredions  to  guide  me,  I  have  erred  in 
the  way  to  your  fervice." 

SIR  George  Hamilton  was  fo  far  from  bringing  fuch  private  Orders  from 
the  King,  that  he  did  not  even  fee  his  Majefty  on  that  occafion ;  for  altho* 
his  Lordfhip  had  fent  him  to  wait  on  the  King  for  fome  fuch  purpofe,  yet, 
he  tells  us  himfelf(4),  "  that  Sir  George  fell  fick  at  Dundalk;  and  that, 
hearing  there  of  the  refolution  taken  by  the  parliament  of  Scotland,  and 
by  their  army,  to  deliver  him  up  to  the  two  Houfes  of  parliament,  he  pro* 
ceeded  no  further  in  his  journey,  but  returned,  with  that  fad  aflurance, 
to  Trim,  where  the  Marquis  then  was." 


HAP.          XX. 


Ormond'sfecond  Reafon  confidered. 

TO  the  fecond  reafon  afligned  for  this  furrender,  viz.  the  difcovery  of  a 
defign  of  the  confederate  Catholics  at  that  jundure,  to  transfer  their 
allegiance  to  a  foreign  Prince  ;  their  anfvver  always  was,  that  they  never 
entertained  fuch  a  defign ;  and  that  the  only  application  made  by  them,  for 
obtaining  the  aid  and  aHiflance  of  any  foreign  power,  \va.s(a)  fubfequent  to, 
and  occafioned  by,  this  furrender  of  Dublin,  and  the  other  garrifons,  to  the 
Englifh  rebels.  For  thus  they  related  that  trar.fadion,  when  it  was  firft  ob- 
jeded  againft  them,  appealing  for  the  truth  of  the  relation,  to  their  affem- 
bly's  inftrudions  concerning  it,  which  were  then  in  the  hands  of  their 
enemies. 

"  THE  (i)  power  of  thofe  who  were  in  arms  in  England  againft  the  King, 
was,"  faid  they,  "  in  the  year  1647,  confiderable  in  Ireland;  they  being 
then  free  from  any  oppofition  in  the  former  kingdom,  and  at  entire  liberty  to 

difpofe 

(4)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  569.  (i)  Walfli's  reply  to  a  perfon  of  quality. 

(a)  This  appears   plainly  from  the  date  of  the  in-  ment   wiih   the  parliament-commiilioners  ;  and  even 

•ftiudtions,  which  the  confederate  Catholics  at  Kilken-  afier  his  departure  from  Ireland.     See  Borlacc's  Hift. 

ny  gave  to  their  agents  on  that  occafion,  viz.  January  of  the  Inlh  Rebel,  fo).  227. 
i8ih,  1647;  fcveral  months  after  Ormond's  agree- 


Ch.  XX.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  235 

difpofe  of  their  forces  for  carrying  on  their  defigns  in  the  latter.  Wherefore, 
the  confederate  Catholics,  perceiving  the  danger  they  were  in,  met  in  the 
winter  of  that  year  in  a  general  affembly  at  Kilkenny,  where  they  took  into 
coniideration,  that  his  Majefty  was  in  reftraint;  that  all  addrefTes  to  him  were 
forbidden ;  and  that  fome  members  of  parliament,  who  fpoke  in  his  favour, 
were  expelled. 

*6  IN  that  fad  extremity,  there  being  no  accefs  to  his  Majefty  for  imploring 
cither  his  juftice  or  mercy,  all  laws,  human  and  divine,  did  allow  the  faid 
Catholics  to  take  fome  other  courfe,  in  order  to  their  defence  and  preferva- 
tion.;  not  againfl  his  facred  Majefty,  but  againft  thofe  who  had  laid  violent 
hands  on  his  perfcn,  who  deligned  to  aboliih  the  Royal  authority,  and  refolv- 
ed  to  deiiroy,  or  extirpate,  the  faid  Catholics. 

"  THESE  Catholics,  therefore,  in  January  1647,  did,  in  the  faid  afTembly, 
conclude,  that  the  Marquis  of  Antrim,  Lord  Vifcount  Mu iker ry,  andGcofFry 
Browne,  Efq;  fhould  be  employed  into  France  j  the  Bifhop  of  Ferns,  and 
Nicholas  Plunkett,  Efq;  to  Rome  ;  and  fome  others  to  Spain.  Thofe  fent  to 
France,  were  by  their  applications  to  the  Prince  of  Wales,  and  the  Queen,  to 
declare  the  danger  the  faid  Catholics  apprehended ;  and  humbly  to  befeech 
them  to  find  out  fome  expedient,  by  which  thefe  dangers  might  be  averted. 
They  were  likewife  commiffioned,  in  cafe  of  abfolute  neceffity,  to  implore 
the  aid  and  Protection  of  fome  foreign  Prince ;  but  they  were  limited  not 
to  act  any  thing,  in  order  to  fuch  foreign  protection,  but  by  the  direction 
of  thofe  perfons,  who  were  employed  to  receive  his  Majefly's  commands. 
Upon  the  faid  application  made  to  his  Majefty  through  the  Queen  and 
Prince,  the  Marquis  of  Ormond's  commiffion  was  afterwards  renewed,  and 
his  Excellency  qualified  with  power  to  conclude  a  peace  with  the  faid 
Catholics.  Whereupon,  all  further  proceedings,  concerning  the  protection  of 
any  foreigner,  were  ftopt,  and  the  agents  recalled ;  neither  they,  nor  any  of 
them,  having  ever  moved,  or  acted  any  thing  further,  relating  to  the  pro- 
tection of  any  foreign  power.  Thofe  agents,  who  were  employed  to  Rome, 
did,  on  their  return  in  1648,  before  the  general  affembly  then  fitting,  give 
fuch  an  account  of  their  negotiation,  that  it  (b)  encouraged  the  affembly 

H  h  2  to 

(b)  <«  The  account  thefe  agents  gave  to  the  general  at  liberty  to  proceed,  as  beft  fuited  with  the  good  of 

aflembly,  from  his  Holinefs   was,  that  if  the  Nuncio  the  Kingdom.      This    account,"    adds     Mr.    Carte, 

did  engage,  that  the  confederate  Catholics   fliould  be  "  putting  an  end  to  all   expectations  of  foreign  fuc- 

fupplied  by  his  Holinefs  in  the  maintenance  of  their  cours,  fet  every   body  upon   reflecting  on   iheir  own 

war,  he  did  it  without  any  commiffion  from  him  ;  his  condition,  and  difpofed  the  confederates  to  moderate 

Holinefs  being  refolved  to  give  no   money   upon   the  their    propofitions   for    a   peace,  which   was    become  ' 

event  of  a  war;  and  that  as  it  was  not  proper  for  him  abfolutely   nectffary  for  their .  prefervation."      Orni. 

to  appear,  in  expreiling  his  fenfe  of  the  conditions  fit  vol.  ii.  foJ.  48. 
to  be  demanded  in  matters  of  religion,  fo  he  left  them 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  VII. 

to  haften  the  conclufion  of  the  peace  with  the   Marquis   of  Ormoncl,  then  in 
agitation. 

"  AN  D  the  faid  Catholics  are  fo  confcious  to  themfelves  of  the  refolution 
they  took,  from  the  beginning,  to  perfevere  irremoveably  faithful,  through 
all  extremities,  to  his  Majefty's  interefts,  that  they  are  well  affured,  though 
thofe  who  poffefs  their  eftates,  have  now  the  books  of  faid  general  affembly  in 
their  hands;  yet  can  they  not  make  it  appear,  that  there  was  any  actual 
treaty,  or  offer,  for  transferring  the  fubjection,  naturally  due  from  them  to 
his  Majefty's  dominion  over  them,  to  any  foreigner  whatfoever,  or  any  thing 
tending  thereunto,  but  what  is  here  acknowledged." 

IT  happens  unluckily  for  this  part  of  Ormond's  apology,  that  about  the 
time  of  this  tranfaclion,  the  confederate  Catholics  gave  new,  and  very 
iignal  proofs  of  their  unalterable  duty,  and  attachment  to  his  Majefty's  fer- 
vice.  For,  upon  the  Nuncio's  publishing  a  declaration  againft  the  ceffation  of 
arms,  which  the  affembly,  in  order  to  haften  the  intended  peace,  then  found  it 
neceiTary  to  conclude  with  Inchiquin  (2),  tc  they  appealed,  in  form,  againft 
that  declaration,  and  were  joined  by  two  of  their  Archbifhops,  twelve  Biihops, 
and  all  the  fecular  clergy  in  their  diocefles;  by  all  the  Jefuits,  Carmelites,  and 
five  hundred  of  the  Francifcans.  And  the  number,  learning,  zeal,  and  diligence 
of  thefe  religions,  in  preaching,  and  other  applications,  in  a  great  degree  de- 
feated the  Nuncio's  meafures,  and  brought  his  party  into  difcredit.  Lord 
TaafTe  had  fo  modelled  his  army,  that  all  his  officers  were  excommunicatioR- 
proof.  The  Marquis  of  Clanrickard  had  a  body  of  three  thoufand  men  of  the 
fame  temper ;  and  if  Prefton  and  his  officers  were  not  fo  hardened,  they  were 
better  united  than  they  had  been,  and  were  refolved  to  carry  their  point.  In 
anfvver  to  the  Nuncio's  felicitations  to  ftand  by  him,  they  dciired  he  would 
not  trouble  them  with  any  more  letters ;  becaufe  they  had  determined  to  ob- 
fcrve  no  Orders,  but  what  came  from  the  fnpreme  council,  whom  they  were 
fvvorn  to  obey." 

(2)  Warnci's  Irifh  Rebel,  p.  424      Lei.  Hift.  of  Ircl.  vol.  iii.  p.  325. 


CHAP. 


Ch.  XXI.  C  I  V  I  L    W  A  R  S    i  N    I  R  E  L  A  N  D.  237 


CHAP.          XXI. 

V 

Ormond  prepares  to  leave  the  Kingdom.     Is  preffed  by  the.  Confederates  to  remain. 

a  while  in  it,  but  refufes. 

WHEN  General  Prefton  and  his  forces  heard,  that  the  Marquis  of  Or- 
mond intended  to  leave  Ireland  in  the  following  week,  there  appear- 
ed (i)  an  incredible  confternation  among  them ;  infomuch,  that  Prefton 
fent  to  conjure  Lord  Digby,  as  he  valued  the  prefervation  of  thofe,  whom  he 
believed  yet  well  affected  to  his  Majefty,  that  he  would  afford  him,  and  fome 
he  would  appoint,  an  opportunity  of  conferring  with  him.  Accordingly,  by 
his  Lordfhip's  appointment,  Sir  Robert  Talbot,  Mr.  Oliver  Darcy,  Mr.  Bel- 
ling, and  Sir  Thomas  Dungan,  met  Lord  Digby  privately  at  Leixflip,  and 
earneftly  preffed  him  to  beg  it  of  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  as  the  only  tefti- 
mony  and  proof,  that  he  was  not  willing  to  facrifice  the  good  men  of  his  coun- 
try with  the  bad,  to  remain  in  the  kingdom,  fomewhere  out  of  Dublin,  but 
for  one  month,  his  conditions  with  the  parliament  allowing  him  .  to  ftay  fix. 
In  which  time,  they  made  no  doubt,  but  Prefton's  army  joined  with  that  un- 
der Lord  Mufkerry  in  Munfter,  would  fo  awe  the  new  fupreme  council,  as  to 
prevent  that  deftruclion,  which  they  forefaw  the  nation  would  undoubtedly 
fuffer,  if  the  Marquis,  by  leaving,  ihould  break  them ;  for  that  they  could  no 
longer  hold  united,  than  while  they  had  their  eyes  upon  his  Lordfhip." 

LORD  Digby,  from  whofe  letter  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  this  -account 
is  taken,  feemed  to  approve  of  the  propofal  as  the  befl  thing  the  Marquis 
could  refolve  upon,  as  he  was  then  circumftanced  (2),  for  his  own  credit. 
u  My  reafons,"  fays  he,  "  principally  are,  that  your  Lordlliip  having  been 
forced  to  an  act,  which  how  juft  foever,  muft  needs  make  you  infinitely 
odious,  you  will  have  fo  eafy  a  means  of  redeeming  the  hatred,  and  obloquy, 
with  all  thofe  of  the  country,  whofe  affections  are  to  be  valued  ;  and  becaufe, 
if  there  were  nothing  elfe  in  the  cafe,  it  would  be  worth  your  running  a  very 
great  hazard,  to  purchafe  fuch  an  acknowledgment  of  the  neceffity  and  juf- 
tice  of  your  proceedings  with  the  parliament,  fo  fubjetl  to  calumny,  as  would, 
by  that  means,  be  procured,  even  from  thofe,  who  are  likely  to  undergo  the 
great  eft  ruin  by  it-,  and  whofe  facrifice,  if  you  have  not  a  juftification  of  your 
'  aclions  from  them,  will  be  the  heavieft  part  of  the  work." 

BUT 

(i)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  561.  (z)  Id.  ib. 


•233  HISTORICAL    R  E  V  I  E  W,    &c,  Bk.  VIL 

BUT  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  abfolutely  declined  the  overture  (3),  "  becaufe," 
as  he  faid,  "  he  held  it,  by  no  means  fafe."  At  the  fame  time,  he  told  Lord 
Digby,  "  that  he  could  not  conceive  what  ufe  they  could  make  of  his  flaying 
in  the  kingdom,  which  would,  while  it  feemed  for  their  prefervation,  ferve 
likewife  for  his  deftruclion.  That  however,  he  cared  not  if  it  were  known 
to  the  world,  that  he  would  ufe  all  his  powers  and  induftry,  to  difpofe  his 
Majefty,  and  all  others,  to  have  good  thoughts  of  thofe,  he  had  found  faith- 
ful, or  that  he  believed  to  be  rightly  inclined  to  the  Englifh  government ;  and 
that  he  would  improve  all  opportunities  of  procuring  advantageous  conditions 
for  them,  according  to  the  peace."  How  diametrically  oppofite  to  thefe  footh- 
ing  promifes,  his  fubfequent  conduct  was,  at  a  time  when  he  had  it  abfolutely 
in  his  power  to  perform  them,  will  hereafter  appear.  Thus,  the  Marquis  of 
Ormond,  after  having  fhamefully  furrendered  his  high  truft  and  dignity,  left 
the  kingdom,  and  went  to  England,  about  the  end  of  July,  or  beginning  of 
Auguft,  1 647  j  where,  on  his  arrival  at  London,  he  waited  on  his  Majefty ; 
but  was  foon  after  obliged  to  make  a  kind  of  efcape  to  France,  having  had  no- 
tice fenthim(4),  "  that  a  warrant  was  actually  iflued  out  toieize  his  perfon," 
by  thofe  very  men,  into  whofe  hands  he  had  juft  before  delivered  up  Ireland. 
But,  in  a  fhort  time  after,  we  fhall  find  him  return  to  that  kingdom,  in  quality 
of  Lord  Lieutenant. 

i 

(3)  Id.  ib.  (4)  Id.  ib.  tol.  ii.  fol.  16. 


AN 


A    N 


HISTORICAL    AND    CRITICAL 

RE      V      I      E     W 

O     F      T    H    E 

CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND. 

BOOK          VIII. 

CHAP.          I. 

The  Marquis  of  Ormond  returns  to  Ireland. 

HIS  Excellency  having  arrived  at  Cork,  on  the  2Qth  of  September,  1648, 
was  there  received  with  general  acclamations  of  joy ;  and  on  the  next 
day,  the  general  affembly  fitting  at  Kilkenny,  gave  a  very  fignal  proof  of  their 
real  defire  to  be  again  received  under  his  government  (i),  by  fixing  a  public 
brand  on  the  two  principal  oppofers  of  the  late  peace,  the  Nuncio  Renuccini, 
and  General  Owen  O'Neal.  For  they  proclaimed  the  latter  a  rebel  and  a 
traitor ;  and  upon  entering  into  a  treaty  of  peace,  with  the  Marquis,  they 
drew  up  a  charge  againft  the  former  (2),  "  reprefenting  the  manifold  oppref- 
fions,  tranfcendent  crimes,  and  capital  offences,  which  he  had  been  continually, 
for  three  years  paft,  acting  within  the  kingdom,  to  the  unfpeakable  detriment 
of  their  religion,  the  ruin  of  the  nation,  and  thedifhonour  of  the  See  of  Rome." 
This  heavy  accufation  met  with  no  oppofition,  even  from  fuch  ecclefiaftics  as 
were  prefent  in  that  affembly  (3).  "  It  feems  exceedingly  ftrange  to  me,"  fays 
the  Nuncio  himfelf  in  a  letter  to  Cardinal  Panzirolo  on  this  occafion,  "  that, 
although  there  were  eight  Bifhops  prefent  in  this  affembly,  which  offered  fuch 
violence  to  my  authority,  and  paffed  an  order,  that  none  fhould  hereafter 

obey 

(i)  Cart,  Orra.  vol.  ii.  fol.  42.  (?.")  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  (3)  Nuncio's  Memoirs. 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW    or-    THE          Bk.  VIII. 

.obey  my  corr.mnrvds,  not  one  of  them  did  proteft,  or  declare,  a^ainft  it,  or 
depart  from  the  place,  in  which  it  was  held ;  or  even  make  an  apology,  by  a 
letter  to  his  Holinefs,  or  myfelf,  for  their  conduct;  affirming  only,  that 
thcT  in,  they  followed  the  example  of  thofe  of  Portugal,  who  drove  Cardinal 
Palo!  to  out  of  the  kingdom,  and  imprifoned  his  auditor." 

WITH  the  above-mentioned  charge,  Sir  Richard  BL-ike,  chairman  of  the 
aficml.lv  (4),  fent  him  notice,  by  their  order,  that  there  was  a  declaration,  and 
prohibition  pr -paring  againil  him,  which  were  to  be  fent  to  his  Holinefs,  to 
the  end  that  his  Lordfhip  might  prepare  for  his  journey,  and  for  his  defence; 
and  that,  in  the  mean  time,  he  ihould  not  intermeddle,  by  himfelf,  or  any 
oi  his  inftrurnents,  direcllv,  or  indirectly,  with  the  affairs  of  the  nation,  on 
i-:e  puiialty  which  might  enfue,  by  the  law  of  God  and  nations." 

THE  Nuncio  accordingly/^,  left  Ireland  on  the  23d  of  February  following,  to 
1  he  great  joy  of  the  principal  nobility  and  gentry,  and  the  molt  refpeCtable  eccle- 
fiaftics,  of  the  kingdom.  Yet  while  he  was  preparing  for  his  departure,  the  Lord 
1  <ieutcnant  fent  him  a  private  meffage,by  two  of  his  particular  friends, the  Bifhop 
of  Ferns  and  Nicholas  Plunkett,Efq;($),  "  that,  if  he  would  then,  at  parting,  take 
off  his  excommunication,  and  difpofe  the  people  to  an  abfolute  obedience  to  the 
peace,  and  the  King's  authority,  he  fhould  not  only  receive  all  pofTible  civility 
from  him,  at  his  departure  from  Ireland  ;  but  that  he  would  make  a  very  advan- 
tageous mention  of  him  to  the  Queen,  whofe  diftreffed  condition,"  he  faid, 
1  would  certainly  gain  fome  credit  to  her  at  Paris,  if  it  was  not  worfe  than 
London."  But  the  Nuncio  did  not  wait  their  coming;  for,  on  the  night 
before,  he  went  to  fea  in  his  own  frigate,  and,  on  the  ad  of  March,  landed  at 
St.  Vaaft,  in  the  Lower  Normandy. 

AT  his  return  to  Rome,  he  was  but  coldly  received  by  the  Pope ;  and, 
after  having  been  told  (6),  "  that  he  had  carried  himfelf  rafhly  in  Ireland," 
inftead  of  being  honoured  with  a  Cardinal's  hat,  as  he  expected,  he  was  ba- 
nifhed  to  his  bilhoprick,  and  principality  of  Fermo;  which  he  found  in  a  dif- 
traded  condition,  by  juft  fuch  another  mfurredion  of  the  people  agamfl 
th.-ir  Viceroy,  as  he  had  himfelf  raifed  and  fomented,  againft  the  King's 
Lieutenant  in  Ireland.  Thefe  difappointments  of  his  own,  and  the  diffrac- 
tions of  his  people,  affected  him  fo  ferifibly,  that  he  foon  after  died  of  grief. 

To 

(4)  Cart.  Orm.  (5)  To1,  ib.  vol.  ii.  fo!.  55.  (6)  Walfl.'s  Hift.  of  the  lr.  Rernonftrance. 

(a)   "  The  court    of    Rome,"    fays   Mr.    Carte,      rafters,  difapprnvipg  his  conduft,  fent   him  orders  to 
"  though  it  was  contrary   to   their   maxims  to   fix   a.      make  hafle  tn'uher."     Gun.  vol.  ii.  tol.  56. 
public  mark  ofcenfure  on  the  conduc.1  of  their  n»i- 


Ch.II.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  241 

To  what  (b)  defperate  courfes,  General  O'Neal  was  driven  by  the  aflembly's 
proclaiming  him  a  rebel,  and  a  traitor,  fhall  be  hereafter  related. 


CHAP.          II. 

His  Excellency  treats  of  a  Peace  with  the  Confederate  Catholics. 

"  ^  f^HE  (i)  Lord  Lieutenant  being  invited  to  Kilkenny,  by  the  general 
aflembly,  October  the  28th,  in  order  to  a  more  expeditious  fettling 
of  the  points  in  difpute,  made  his  entry  into  that  city  in  a  fplendid  manner ; 
having  been  met  at  fome  diftance  from  it,  by  the  whole  body  of  the  aflembly ; 
and  by  all  the  nobility,  clergy,  and  gentry,  in  the  neighbourhood.  He  was 
received  into  the  town,  by  the  Mayor  and  Aldermen,  with  all  thofe  ceremo- 
nies, and  honours,  which  fuch  corporations  ufed  to  pay  to  the  fupreme  autho- 
rity of  the  kingdom,  and  was  lodged  in  his  own  caftle,  with  all  his  own  guards 
about  him." 

THE  next  day  after  his  arrival  at  Kilkenny,  his  Excellency  entered  into 
a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  general  aflembly ;  and,  after  he  had  advanced  fo 
far  in  it,  as  that  (2),  "  he  thought,  he  had  good  grounds  to  hope  it  would  be 
fpeedily  concluded,  upon  the  conditions  he  was  empowered  to  give  them,  he 
found  it  fuddenly  interrupted,  by  a  very  dangerous  mutiny,  raifed  by  fome 
leading  officers  in  Lord  Inchiquin's  army,  who  endeavoured,  not  only  to  hin- 
der the  conclufion  of  the  peace,  but  alfo  to  incline  thofe  under  them  to  a 
treaty,  and  fubmiffion  to  the  Englifh  parliament." 

ON  this  occafion,  it  was  thought  necefTary  by  his  Excellency  and  Lord 
Inchiquin,  to  fufpend  the  conclufion  of  the  peace  (3),  "  in  fuch  a  manner, 
as  might  induce  the  mutineers  to  believe  it  would  be  wholly  laid  afide  for 
their  fatisfaction."  On  the  other  hand,  the  article  concerning  the  free  exer- 
cife  of  religion,  was  not  yet  adjufted  to  the  fatisfaction  of  the  aflembly ;  fome 
of  the  clergy  having  much  higher  expectations,  in  that  refpect,  than  others 
thought  fit  to  be  infifted  on  (4).  "  This  was  the  only  point,  in  which  there 

I  i  was 

i 

(i)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  ii.  fol.  45.  (2)  Id.  ib.  vol.iii.  (3)  ib. 

(4)  Id.  ib.  vol.  ii.  fol.  43. 

(b)  "  The  Malice,  and  headinefs  of  Owen  O'Neal  and   his  party  afterwards,  wss   as  much,  and  in  truth 
more,  againft  the  confederate  Irifh,  than  the  King."     Borl.  Irifh  Rebel,  fol.  269. 


242  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE          Bk  VIII. 

was  danger  of  the  treaty's  breaking  up  unfinifhed,  it  being  very  difficult  to 
give  content  therein  to  the  Roman  Catholics  without,  at  the  fame  time,  dif- 
gufting  the  Proteftants."  But  an  incident  happening  at  this  juncture,  united 
the  differing  parties  in  that  aifembly,  and  greatly  accelerated  the  peace. 
Some  copies  of  the  remonftrance  of  the  independent  army  in  England, 
which  had  publickly  avowed  their  defign  of  fubverting  every  thing,  that  had 
been  hitherto  known  for  government  in  thefe  nations,  were  then  brought 
to  Kilkenny,  and  read  with  univerfal  abhorrence.  This  (5)  immediately  re- 
moved all  the  difficulties,  which  fome  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  in  Zeal  for 
their  religion,  had  thrown  in  the  way  of  the  peace.  The  general  aiTembly 
receded  from  their  demands  in  that  point.  And,  on  the  2  8th  of  December^ 
upon  confideration  of  his  Majefty's  prefent  condition,  and  their  own  hearty 
defires,  fays  Mr.  Carte,  of  fpending  their  lives  and  fortunes,  in  maintaining 
his  rights  and  interefts,  they  refolved  unanimoufly,  to  accept  of  the  Marquis 
of  Ormondes  anfwer  to  their  proportions  for  religion  (61  "  That  defperately 
wicked  remonftrance,"  fays  the  Marquis  himfelf,  u  whatever  mifchief  it  may 
do,  hath  yet  done  this  good,  that  it  put  us  quite  from  all  difputes  upon  the 
neceffity  of  conditions,  and  was  no  fmall  caufe  of  the  fpeedy,  and  I  hope» 
happy  conclufion  of  the  peace." 


CHAP.          HI. 

The  Peace  of  1 648  conducted  and  proclaimed. 

ON  (r)  the  ryth  of  January  1648,  the  general  a{fembly  repaired  to  the 
prefence  of  the  Lord  Lieutenant  in  his  caftle  at  Kilkenny,  and  there, 
with  all  folemnity  imaginable,  prefented  to  him,  fitting  on  a  throne  of  ftate, 
the  articles  of  the  peace,  by  the  hands  of  Sir  Richard  Blake,  their  chairman,, 
which  he  received  j  and,  having  confirmed  them,  on  his  IVIajefty's  behalf, 
caufed  them  to  be  publickly  proclaimed.  Nine  Roman  Catholic  Bifhops,  pre- 
fent m  the  affembly,  joined,  the  next  day,  in  a  circular  letter,  which  they 
fent  to  all  the  cities  and  corporations  of  their  party,  exhorting  them  to  receive, 
and  obey  the  peace  now  concluded;  which  was  in  fubftance,  that  which 
had  been  made  in  1 646,  but  rejected  by  a  former  afTembly." 

THE 

(5)  Id.  ib.  vol.  ii.  fol.  49:  (6)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  602. 

(i)  Id.  ib.  vol.  ii.  fol.  50. 


Ch.IIL  C  I  V  I  L    W  A  R  S    i  N    IRELAND.  243 

THE  Lord  Lieutenant,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Digby,  January  the  22d,  after 
telling  him,  that  the  peace  was  concluded,  adds  (2),  "  I  muft  fay  for  this 
people,  that  I  have  obferved  in  them,  great  readinefs  to  comply  with  what 
I  was  able  to  give  them ;  and  a  very  great  fenfe  of  the  King's  fad  condition." 
And  in  another  letter,  of  the  fame  date,  to  the  Prince  of  Wales,  he  takes 
notice  (3)  "  of  the  very  eminent  loyalty  of  the  affembly,  which  was  not,"  fays 
he,  "  fhaken  by  the  fuccefs,  which  God  hath  permitted  to  the  monftrous  re- 
bellion in  England ;  nor  by  the  mifchievous  practices  of  the  no  lefs  malicious 
rebels  in  Ireland." 

AFTER  the  figning  of  the  articles,  his  Excellency  made  a  fpeech  to  the  af- 
fembly,  wherein  he  congratulated  them,  not  only  on  the  fcore  of  what  they 
had  already  obtained  by  that  peace,  in  point  of  freedom  of  Worfhip,  abate- 
ment of  penalties,  and  other  advantages ;  but  alfo  on  the  hopes  of  further 
indulgence  and  favour  in  all  thefe  refpecls,  according  to  their  future  merits." 
For  he  told  them  (4),  "  that,  belides  the  provifion  made  againft  their  remoteil 
fears  of  the  feverities  of  certain  (penal)  laws  j  and  betides  many  other  freedoms, 
and  bounties  conveyed  to  them,  and  their  poflerity,  by  thefe  articles ;  there 
was  a  door,  and  that  a  large  one,  not  left,  but  purpofely  fet  open,  to  give 
them  entrance  to  whatever  of  honour,  or  other  advantage,  they  could  rea- 
fonably  wifh."  And  yet,  about  the  fame  time  that  his  Lordfhip  made  this 
public  and  folemn  declaration  to  the  affembly,  he,  in  a  private  letter  to  Sir 
Charles  Coote,  a  parliamentarian  rebel  (5),  "  averred  with  much  confidence, 
(they  are  his  own  words,)  that  the  advantages,  which  the  Romilh  profefTors  were 
fuppofed  to  have,  in  religion  or  authority,  by  that  peace,  were  no  other  but 
pledges  for  his  Majefty's  confirmation  of  the  other  conceffions,  and  that  they 
were  to  determine  therewith  (a)  "  as  in  truth  they  did. 

{2)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  fol.  600.  (3)  Id.  ib.  fol.  601.  (4)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  ($)  ib.  vol  Hi. 

(a)  Yet  the  King  himfelf,  in  a  letter  to  the  Mar-  that  he  was  extremely  fatisfied  with  both,  and  would 

quis  of  Ormond,  March  the  gth,   1649,  told  him  on  confirm  wholly,  and  entirely,  all   that  was  contained 

this  occafion,  "  that  he  had  lately  received  from  Lord  in  the  articles."   Cart.  Collect,  of  Orig.  Papers,  vol.  ii. 

Byron  the  articles  of  the  peace,  which   he  had  made  p.  363. 
in  Ireland,  together  with  a  copy  of  his  letter  to  him  -t 


i  2  CHAP. 


244  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE          Bk.VIII. 


HAP.          IV. 


The  happy  Effe&s  of  this  Peace.     OrmondV  Defeat  at  Rathmmes.    Cromwell'/ 

Arrival  in  Ireland. 

F~:,  "*  H  E  R  E  was,  for  fome  time,  great  union  and  harmony  between  the 
JL  Englifh  and  Irifh  forces,  now  joined  under  the  Marquis  of  Ormond's 
command.  His  Excellency  in  a  letter  to  the  King,  June  28th,  1649,  ac~ 
quainted  him  (i^,  "  that  the  ground  of  his  greateft  confidence  of  future  fuc- 
cefs  was  their  prefent  cordial  conjunction  agamft  the  rebels,  their  former  dif- 
afFeclion  to  each  other  appearing,  then,  only  in  an  emulation  rather  of  advan- 
tage, than  hinderance  (a),  to  his  Majefty's  fervice."  To  this  union  it  was 
certainly  owing,  that  their  firft:  operations  were  extremely  fuccefsful ;  for,  in 
the  fpace  of  a  few  months,  they  became  matters  of  Sligo,  Drogheda,  Dundalk, 
Waterford,  Trim,  Newry,  and  in  fhort  of  all  the  ftrong  holds  and  towns  in 
the  kingdom,  except  Londonderry  and  Dublin.  Towards  this  latter  city 
therefore,  his  Excellency  marched  the  combined  armies-,  hoping  to  repair  the 
mifchiefs  he  had  done  by  his  late  furrender  of  it  to  the  Englifh  rebels,  and  to 
reduce  it  once  more  under  his  Majefty's  obedience.  His  Excellency's  exceffive 
confidence  in  thefe  united  forces,  though  now  in  want  of  almoft  every  necef- 
fary  for  his  enterprife  on  Dublin,  is  one  of  the  fuppofed  caufes  of  his  fatal 
difappointment  in  that  attempt.  That  this  confidence  was  indeed  exceffive, 
appears  by  his  letter  of  July  1 8th,  to  the  King,  from  his  camp  at  Finglas ;  for 
there  he  tells  him  (2),  u  that,  which  only  threatens  any  rub  to  our  fuccefs,  is 
our  wants,  which,  have  been,  andarefuch,  that  foldiers  have  actually  ftarved 
by  their  arms,  and  many,  of  lefs  conftancy,  have  run  home:  many  of  the  foot 
are  weak ;  yet  I  defpair  not  to  be  able  to  keep  them  together,  and  ftrong 
enough  to  reduce  Dublin,  if  good  fupplies  of  all  forts  come  not  fpeedily  to 
relieve  it.  I  am  confident,  I  can  perfuade  one  half  of  this  army  to  ftarve 

outright  5 

(i)  Id.  Carte's  Orig,  Pap.  vol.  ii.  p.  387.  (z)  Id.  ib.  vol.  ii.  p  389. 

(a)  And  yet  Borlace  confidently  aflerts,  from  Cla-  porafed  by  their  obedience  and  fubmiffion  to   the  au- 

renrion,  "   that  from  the  firft   hour  of  the  peace  (of  thorny  and  pUafua-  of  their  c  ief  commanders,  than 

1648)  rhefe  Englifh   and   Irifh  had   not  been   without  united    by  the   fa  rut   inclination?  and  afrVftions  to  any 

that  prejudice  towards  each  other,  as  gave  the  Mar-  public  end."     Hift.  of  the  ir.  Ribel.  fcl.  287. 
<juis  much  trouble  ;  and  that  they  were  rather  mctir- 


Ch.IV.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  245 

outright ;  and  I  fhall  venture  far  upon  it,  rather  than  give  off  a  game,  fo  fair 
on  our  fide,  and  fo  hard  to  be  recovered  if  given  over." 

BUT  while  his  Excellency  was  thus  fecurely  making  preparations  for  that 
enterprife  at  Rathmines,  a  place  three  miles  diflant  from  Dublin,  his  whole 
army  was  furprifed  and  routed,  by  Michael  Jones,  governor  of  that  city  for 
the  parliament,  on  the  2d  of  Auguft  1649.  "  Joncs(3)>  according  to  the 
Marquis  of  Ormond's  account,  flew  fix  hundred  in  that  engagement  ^  fome 
upon  the  fpot,  and  in  the  purfuit;  but  the  greateft  part,  after  they  had  (b) 
laid  down  their  arms,  upon  promife  of  quarter,  and  had  been,  for  almoft  an 
hourfc^,  prifoners;  and  divers  of  them  were  murdered,  after  they  were 
brought  within  the  works  of  Dublin."  This  fudden  and  unaccountable  de- 
feat at  Rathmines  (d)^  renewed,  in  the  Irifh,  all  their  former  fufpicions,  that 
his  Excellency  had  ftill  fome  private  underftanding  with  the  Englifh  rebels; 
and  thefe  fufpicions  were  increafed,  by  the  conftant  ill  fuccefs  of  all  his  fub- 
fequent  undertakings  againil  their  partizans  in  Ireland.  To  thefe  misfor- 
tunes, was  foon  after  added  a  general  panic,  occafipned  by  the  unparalleled 
cruelties  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  who  landed  at  Dublin  (4),  on  the  I5th  of  that 
month,  with  eight  thoufand  foot,  and  four  thoufand  horfe,  two  hundred 
thoufand  pounds  in  money,  and  a  vaft  quantity  of  ammunition,  and  all  kind 
of  neceffaries  for  war.  "  With  thefe  forces,  he  on  the  3d  of  September,  be- 
fieged,  and  took  Drogheda  by  ftorm.  And  although  all  his  officers,  and  fol- 
diers,  had  (5)  promifed  quarter  to  fuch  of  the  garrifon,  as  would  lay  down  their 
arms,  and  performed  it,  as  long  as  any  place  held  out,  which  encouraged 
others  to  yield ;  yet  when  they  once  had  got  all  in  their  power,  Cromwell, 
being  told  by  Jones,  that  he  had  now  the  flower  of  the  Irifh  army  in  his  hands, 

gave 

(3)  Id.  ib.  vol.  ii.  p.  397.  (4)  Cart.  6rm.  vol.  ii.  fol.  83. 

(5)  Id.  ib.  vol.  ii.  fol.  44.    Lcl.  Hift.  vo!,  iii.  p.  350. 

(b)  "  Fifteen  hundred  priva'e  fo'diers,  and  three      conquerors,  when   they   had   accepted    quaiter,  and 
hundred  officers,    were    made    prifoners;    about    fix      laid  down  their  arms."     Lei.  Hift.  of  Ireland,  vol.  iii. 
hundred  (lain  ;  many  of  thefe,  to  the  difgrace  of  the      p.  346. 

(c)  "  Soon  after  this  defeat,"  fays  Horace,  "Jones      not  have  the  happinefs  to  know  where  you  are,  that 
wa*  writ  to  by  his  Excellency,  to   have  a   lift  of  the      I  may  wait  upon  you.    Michael  Jones."     Irifh  Rebel. 
prifoners  he  bad  taken  from  him,  to  whom  it  was  re-      fol.  280. 

plied,  "  My  Lord,  fince  I  routed  your   army,  I  can- 

(d)  Borlace  informs  us,  "  that  this  defeat  at  Rath-  at  that   time,  fo   difpofed,  as    properly   they   would 
mines  altered  the  refult    of  councils  at  court,  till  then  have  fubmitted  to    his  Majelty,  whatever  afterwards 
very  ftrong  for   his  Majefty's  repair  into  Ireland,  the  might  have    been    the    refult   of  their   compliance." 
the  Scots  having  given  ill    proof  of  their  integrity  and  Hill,  of  the  Irifh  Rebel,  fol.  280. 

faith.     And   certainly,"  adds  he,  "  the   Irifh  were, 


HISTORICAL    REVEW    OF    THE          Bk.  VIII. 

gave  orders,  that   no  quarter   fhould   be  given;  fo  that  many  of  his  foldiers 
were  forced  to  kill  their  prifoners." 

THE  Marquis  of  Ormond,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Byron  on  this  occafion, 
fays  (6),  "  that  Cromwell  exceeded  even  himfelf,  for  any  thing  he  had  ever 
heard  of,  in  breach  of  faith,  and  bloody  inhumanity;  and  that  the  cruelties 
exercifed  there,  for  five  days  after  the  town  was  taken,  would  make  as  many 
feveral  pictures  of  inhumanity,  as  are  to  be  found  in  the  book  of  martyrs,  or 
the  relation  of  Amboyna."  In  this  carnage,  out  of  three  thoufand,  he  left 
only  about  thirty  perfons  alive ;  #nd  thefe  he  fent  to  Barbadoes. 


C      H      A      P.          V. 

Cromwell'/  Policy  to  reduce  Ireland. 

CROMWELL  having  foon  after  repeated  the  fame  cruelties  in  the  town 
of  Wexford,  which  was  betrayed  to  him  by  one  (a)  Stafford,  increafed 
the  general  terror  to  fuch  a  degree  (i),  "  that  towns  fifty  miles  diftant  from 
him,  deckred  againft  the  Marquis  of  Ormond ;"  which  provoked  his  Excel- 
lency to  fay,  probably  with  more  anger,  than*  truth  (2),  "  that  the  Roman 
Catholics,  who  flood  fo  rigidly  with  the  King  upon  religion,  and  that,  as 
they  called  it,  in  the  fplendor  of  it,  were  then,  with  difficulty  withheld  from 
fending  commiffioners  to  intreat  him  to  make  ftablcs  and  hofpitals  of  their 
churches."  But  if,  indeed,  thefe  people  were  at  firil  fo  much  terrified  by 
this  monfter's  unparalleled  cruelties,  they  foon  refumed  fufficient  courage,  to 
reject  feveral  more  advantageous  conditions  from  his  favourite,  and  confident, 
Ireton,  even  in  point  of  religion,  than  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  could  ever  be 
prevailed  upon,  by  the  moft  urgent  neceffity  of  his  Majefty's  affairs,  to  allow 
them.  For,  when  that  regicide,  in  his  march  to  munfter,  lent  propofals  to 
-the  citizens  of  Limerick  (3),  offering  them  the  free  exercife  of  their  religion, 

enjoyment 

(6)  Cart.  Collea.  of  Orig.  Papers,  \o\.  ii.  (i)  Id.  ib.  (a)  ib. 

(3)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii.  fol.  123.     Lei.  Hilt.  vol.  iii.  p.  370. 

fa)  Stafford  was  governor   of  the  Caftle  of  Wex-  ing  this,  prefently  clapped  fcaling-ladders  to  the  walls, 

ford  ;  "  which'Cromwell  having  thus  gained,  advanced  and  entered  without  refiftance  into  the  town  ;  where- 

his  flag  upon  it,  and  turned  the  guns  againft  the  town.  in  all  found  in  arms  were    put   to  the  fword,  lo  the 

Fear  feized  the  townfmen,  and  the  foldiers   in  confu-  number  of  two  thoufand."    Borl.  Iriili  Rebel,  fol.  284. 
(ion  quitted  their  pofts.     Cromwell's  foldiers  perceiv- 


Ch.V.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  247 

enjoyment  of  their  eftates,  churches  and  church-livings,  a  free  trade  and  com- 
merce, and  no  garrifon  to  be  preffed  upon  them,  provided  they  would  only 
give  a  free  paffage  to  his  forces  into  the  county  of  Clare,  thefe  citizens  abfo- 
lutely  reje&ed  the  overture;" 

BUT  Oliver  Cromwell,  befides  his  execrable  policy  of  facilitating  the  con- 
queft  of  Ireland,  by  the  fame  of  his  cruelties,  hid  taken  care,  before  he  left- 
Dublin,  to  publiih  a  (4)  proclamation,  forbidding  his  foldiers,  on  pain  of  death, 
to  hurt  any  of  the  inhabitants,  or  take  any  thing  from  them,  without  pay- 
ing for  it  in  ready  money.  This  was  fo  ftriclly  executed,  that  even  in  his 
march  from  Dublin  to  Drogheda,  where  he  was  guilty  of  that  horrid  butchery, 
and  breach  of  faith  before-mentioned  (5),  he  ordered  two  of  his  private  fol- 
diers to  be  put  to  death,  in  the  face  of  the  whole  army,  for  ftealing  two  hens* 
from  an  Iriihman,  which  were  not  worth  fixpence." 

UPON  this  Uriel  obfervance  of  the  proclamation,  together  with  pofitive 
affurances  given  by  his  officers,  "  that  they  were  for  (6)  the  liberties  of  the  com- 
mons, that  every  one  fhould  enjoy  the  freedom  of  his  religion,  and  that  thofe 
who  ferved  the  Market  at  the  camp,  fhould  pay  no  contribution,  all  the 
country  people  flocked  to  them,  with  all  kind  of  proviflons  ;  and  due  payment 
being  made  for  the  fame,  his  army  was  much  better  fupplied,  than  even  that 
of  the  Irifh  ever  had  been;" 


this  occafion,  a  congregation  of  (7)  twenty  Catholic  Biihops  and  Arch- 
bifhops,  having  on  the  ifth  of  December  1649,  affembled,  of  their  own  ac- 
eord,  at  Clanmacnofe,  published  a  declaration,  wherein  "  they  admoniihed  all 
their  people,  not  to  delude  themfelves  with  vain  expectations  of  conditions  to 
be  obtained  from  that  mercilefs  enemy.  And  they  befought  the  gentry,  and 
the  reft  of  their  countrymen,  for  God's  glory,  and  their  own  fafety,  to  contri- 
bute, with  patience,  to  the  utmoft  of  their  power,  towards  the  fupport  of  the 
war  againft  him.  They,  particularly,  exhorted  thofe,  who  were  enlifted  ia 
the  army,  to  perfevere  conftantly  in  their  oppofition  to  the  common  enemy, 
as  they  expected  the  blefling  of  God  upon  their  endeavours."  The  Marquis  of 
Ormond,  in  a  letter  to  the  King,  obferved(S),  "  that,  in  this  affembly,  there 
were  divers  fpeeches  made,  tending  to  the  fatisfaclion  of  the  people  •,  and  to 
incline  them  to  obedience  to  his  Majefty,  and  amity  among  themfelves,  in 
oppofition  to  the  rebels."  Let  it  be  here  obferved,  in  juftice  to  thefe  Bifhops, 
that  it  was  in  this  letter  to  the  King,  that  the  Marquis  firft  afked  his  Ma- 

jefty's 

(4.)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  if.  fo'.  go.  (5)  Doftor  Gorges'  Letter  to  Colonel  Hamilton.    Append,  to  Laity's 

Anfw.  to  King's  ftate  of  the  Protefctnrs  under  K.  j.ancs. 

(6)  Carte,  ubi  fupra.  (j)  Boil.  Ir.  Rebel,  foi.  290.  (8)  Can.  Colleft,  of  Orig.  Papers, 


24-8  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE         Bk.  VIII. 

«* 

jefty's  permifllon  to  leave  the  kingdom,  as  being  abfolutely  indefenfible  againft 
the  rebels,  by  what  powers  he  could  then  command.  So  very  diftant  from 
truth,  is -that  general  aftertion  of  our  hiftorians,  that  it  was  the  refractori- 
nefs,  difobedience,  and  even  rebellious  difpofition  of  the  Irifh  clergy,  that 
firft  made  him  refolve  upon  quitting  the  government  of  Ireland  at  that 
juncture. 

CHAP.          VI. 

Owen  O'Neil  fubmits  to  the  peace-,  InchiquinV  Forces  revolt  to  the  Rebels. 

OWEN  O'Neil,  who  commanded  an  army  of  five  thoufand  foot,  and 
five  hundred  horfe,  having  been  incenfed,  beyond  meafure,  at  the 
afTembly's  proclaiming  him  a  traitor;  and  at  the  fame  time,  flattered  by 
Sir  Charles  Coote  and  Colonel  Monk,  with  hopes  of  a  toleration  of  his  religion, 
and  the  reftitution  of  his  eftate,  had  entered  into  a  treaty  with  the  latter,  and 
( i )  relieved  the  former  when  cloiely  befieged  in  Derry,  the  only  place  of 
ftrength  that  was  then  in  the  rebels  pofTeffion  in  the  province  of  Ulfter.  But 
the  Englifli  parliament  foon  after  condemned  his  treaty  with  the  Monk,  and 
rejected  his  further  fervice.  This  is  commonly  thought  to  have  been  the  (a) 
caufe  of  his  quitting  that  party,  and  feeking  an  alliance  with  the  Marquis  of 
Ormond  (2),  "  to  whom  two  blanks  had  been  fent,  about  that  time,  under 
his  Majefty's  hand  and  feal,  to  be  made  ufe  of,  in  any  treaty  or  tranfaction 
with  him." 

WHEREFORE,  thro'  the  agency  of  Colonel  Daniel  O'Neil,  that  General's 
nephew,  whom  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  fent  to  fohcit  him  for  that  purpofe, 
"  Owen  (3)  O'Neil,  on  the  1 2th  of  October  1649,  concluded  and  figned  an 
agreement,  on  certain  conditions,  with  his  Excellency ;  which  though  him- 

felf 

(i)  Cart.  Orm.  vol  ii.  fol.  77.  (2)  Cart.  Colleft.  of  Orig.  Pap.  vol.  ii.  p.  317. 

(3)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii. 

(.a)  There  is  a  very  different  caufe  afiigntd  for  this  to  confider,  that  his  promife  (to  a/lift  him)   was  but 

accommodation  of  O'Neil  with   Ormond   in  a  letter  conditional,  as  prefuppofmg   the  Pope's  approbation, 

from   Secretary  Nicholas   to  Ormond  himfelf,  which  which  he  could  never  obtain  ;  but,  on  the  contrary, 

he  fays  came  from  a  very  good  author,  Lord  Brude-  had  received  a  peremptory  command  from  him,  to  do 

nell.     It  is   there  exprefsly    faid,  "  that  O'Neil  had  nothing  prejudicial  to  the  crown  of  England."     Cart, 

written  to  Cromwell  to  thank  him  for  the  care  he  had  Collect,  of  Orm.  Orig.  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  298. 
lalc.cn  of  himfelf  and  his  arm/  ;  but  defired  him  withal 


Cli.  VI.  CIVIL    WARS    IN-    I  R  E  L  A  N  D.  249 

fclf  lived  not  to  accomplifh,  dying  at  Cloughouter-cafde  in  the  county  of  Ca- 
van,  in  the  beginning  of  December,  was  Shortly  after  performed  (bj." 

THE  Marquis  of  Ormond  had  received  frequent  warnings  of  the  infidelity 
of  Inchiquin's  officers  ;  and  forne  probable  reafons  for  withdrawing  his  confi- 
dence from  Inchiquin  himfelf.  His  Excellency,  in  a  letter  to  that  Lord,  No- 
vember 1 6th,  1648,  on  occafion  of  the  before-mentioned  mutiny  of  thefc 
officers,  told  him  plainly,  "  that  (4)  he  was  very  unwilling  to  have  any  thing  to 
do  with  them ;  and  feemed  to  think  that  they  had  but  delayed  their  defign, 
waiting  for  a  more  hopeful  opportunity  to  accomplish  their  end,  which  he 
underilood  to  be,  to  betray  his  Lordfhip,  and  himfelf  to  the  indepen- 
dents." 

THE  defection  of  thefe  officers  foon  after  to  the  parliament,  to  which 
Lord  (c)  Broghill's  treachery  and  artifice  not  a  little  contributed,  Efficiently 
juflified  thefe  fufpicions.  For  in  this  favourable  conjuncture  of  the  acceffion 
of  O'Neil's  forces,  the  diftrefs  of  Cromwell's  army,  and  the  probability  there 
was,  by  the  advantage  of  a  pafs,  of  cutting  off  his  provilions,  and  of  making 
his  retreat  to  Dublin  very  difficult,  without  loiing  a  good  part  of  his  men  -, 
in  thefe  circumftances,  I  fay  (5),  "  on  a  fudden,  and  altogether,  all  the  con- 
fiderable  places  in  the  province  of  Munfter,  as  Cork,  Youghall,  Kinfale, 

K  k  Bandon- 

(4)  Id.  ib.  vol.  iii.  (5)  Clarend.  Carte.  (6)  Lei.  Hift.  vol.  iii.  p.  357. 

(I)  Mr.  Belling  informs  us,  "  that  when  the  news  "  that  this  Bifhop  performed,  and  obferved  the  con- 
came,  of  Ormonci's  being  routed  by  Jones,  O'Neil  ditions  very  juftly,  as  he  was  punctual  in  what  he 
aflembled  the  chief  officers  of  his  army,  and  addrefled  promifed,  and  applied  himfelf  with  all  dexterity,  and 
them  thus.  «'  Gentlemen,  to  demonftrate  to  the  induftry  to  the  advancement  of  his  Majefty's  intereft  ; 
world,  that  I  value  the  fervice  of  my  King,  and  the  fo  that,  during  his  time,  he  reftrained  the  clergy  from 
welfare  of  my  nation,  as  I  always  did,  I  now  forget  making  any  acts,  which  might  difcourage  the  peo- 
and  forgive  the  fupreme  council,  and  my  enemies,  pie  from  their  obedience  to  the  King's  authority." 
their  ill  practices,  and  all  the  wrongs  they  did  me  Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Rebel,  fol.  313.  This  Bilhop  was 
from  time  to  time,  and  will  now  embrace  that  peace,  afterwards  taken  prifoner  in  an  engagement  near  En- 
which  I  formerly  rejected  out  of  a  gooc)  intent."  MSS.  nilkillen,  after  having  received  many  wounds  ;  and 
Hiftory.  He  fent  his  forces  to  Ormond,  under  Ever  ignominioufly  put  to  death,  by  the  pofitive  order  of 
M'Mahon,  Bifhop  of  Ciogher,  to  whom  the  Marquis  Sir  Charles  Coote,  whom,  within  lefs  than  a  year,  he 
had  given  a  commiffion  to  command  them.  "  It  had  relieved  when  in  great  extremity."  Id.  ib.  fol^iz, 
muft  be  acknowledged,"  fays  Borlace,  from  Clarendon,  Clarend.  Irifli  Rebel. 

(c)  In  an  engagement  near  Clonmell,  "  this  Lord  the  fear  of  death,  exhorted  the  garrifbn  to  maintain 

Broghill  had  taken  the  titular  Bifhop  of  Rofs  prifoner,  their  poft  refolutely  againft  the  enemies  of  their  reli- 

and  promifed   to   fpare  his  life   on  condition  that  he  gion   and  country,  and  Inftantly  refigned   himfelf  to 

ihould  ufe  his  fpiritual  authority  with  the  gsrrifon  of  execution.     His  enemies,"  adds  my  author,  "  could 

a  fort  adjacent  to  the  field  of  battle,  and  prevail   on  difcover  nothing  in  his  conduct  but  infolence  and  ob- 

them  to  furrender.     For  this  purpofe  he  was  conduct-  ftinacy  ;  for  he  was  a  Papift,  and  Prelate."    Lei.  Hift. 

ed  to  the  fort ;  but  the  gallant  captive,  unfhaken  by  of  Ire!,  vol.  iii.  p.  362-3. 


250  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE          Bk.  VIII. 

Bandon-bridge,  Moyallo,  and  other  garrifons,  under  Lord  Inchiquin,  revolted 
to  the  Englifh  parliament  -,  and  thereby  gave  them  a  Safe  retreat,  free  paSTage, 
and  neceSTary  provisions  of  all  they  wanted ;  as  likewife  harbours  for  their 
fhips,  to  bring  every  thing  to  them  they  could  defire.  This  deiedion,  in  fo 
fatal  a  juncture  of  time,  when  the  ftreights  Cromwell  was  in  by  the  winter, 
and  want  of  provisions,  had  raifed  the  Spirits  of  men  •,  and  when  they  looked 
upon  themfelves  as  like  to  have,  at  leaft,  fome  hopeful  encounter  with  him, 
was  not  (adds  my  author)  a  lofs,  or  a  blow  j  but  a  diSTolution  of  the  whole 
frame  of  their  hopes,  and  deSigns ;  and  confirmed  that  fpirit  of  jealoufy  and 
animofity,  in  the  army,  which  no  dexterity,  nor  intereit,  of  the  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant could  extinguish,  or  allay (d)" 

THIS  general  defection  of  Inchiquin's  forces  feems  to  have  given  the  firft 
rife,  and  occafion  to  the  proceedings  of  the  congregation  of  Biihops  at  James- 
town, they  looking  upon  it,  as  a  new,  and  corroborating  proof  of 
Ormond's  being  privately  connected  with  the  EngliSh  rebels.  For,  although 
his  Excellency  had  been  fully  (7)  apprifed,  by  the  confederates,  of  the  ill  af- 
feclions,  and  aclual  revolt,  of  feveral  of  the  officers  of  thefe  garrifons,  before 
the  general  treachery  now  mentioned ;  yet  he  readily  agreed  to  Inchiquin's 
fufpicious  Stipulation,  "  that  (8)  thefe  garrifons  Should  be  entirely  left  to  his 
own  difpofal ;  nor  could  Inchiquin  ever  after  be  prevailed  upon,  to  admit  any 
of  the  IriSh  forces,  though  adually  in  the  King's  fervice,  into  them," 


(7)  Carte's  Ormond,  vol.  ii.  fol.  101-2.  (8)  Id.  ib.  vol.  ii. 


(J)  Yet,  "  the  above-mentioned  revolting  garrifons   had  been  fupplied   by  the  Irifh,  during  the  whole 
preceding  fummer,  to  their  excdfive  charge."    Orm.   Let.  to  the  King*    Carte's  Collect,  of  Original 
vol.  i.  p.  419. 


CHAP. 


Ch.VII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  251 

C      H        A      P.          VII. 

The  Marquis  of  Ormond  deftres  Leave  to  quit  the  Kingdom. 


IS  Excellency,  fo  early  as  December  24th,  1649,  requefted,  and  fhort- 
ly  after  obtained,  the  King's  permiirion  (i),  "  to  withdraw  both  him- 
felf, and  his  Majefty's  authority,  out  of  the  Kingdom,  if  he  fhould  fee  occa- 
fion."  And  the  better  to  fecure  his  retreat  on  all  fides,  from  a  people  whofe 
loiTes  under  him,  and  jealoufies  of  him,  were  daily  increaling,  his  friend  (2) 
Dean  Boyle,  privately  procured  him  a  pafs  from  Oliver  Cromwell ;  which  be- 
ing afterwards  difcovered  by  the  ungenerous  ufe  that  regicide  made  of  it,  his 
Lordfbip  returned  it  by  a  trumpet,  with  a  letter  informing  him,  that  it 
was  officioufly  fought  for  and  obtained  by  the  Dean,  without  either  his 
confent,  or  privity." 

His  Excellency's  defire  to  withdraw  himfelf  out  of  the  kingdom  proceeded 
not,  as  has  been  already  hinted,  from  the  fuppofed  refractory  and  difloyal 
behaviour  of  the  Irifh  clergy,  but  from  his  own  confcioufnefs  of  the  people's 
great  miftruft  of  him,  and  their  confequent  averfion  to  his  government.  For, 
as  he  himfelf  juftly  obferved  on  that  occafion(3),  "  thefe  people  believing 
themfelves  betrayed,  would  think  it  vain  to  be  perfuaded  into  action,  which 
might  render  them  incapable  of  conditions  from  the  enemy.  Or  if  they  fhould 
be  got  forth,  perhaps  with  church-cenfures,  it  would  be  with  defpair,  not 
hope,  of  fuccefs ;  whilft  they  fufpeded  their  leader  of  having  made  conditions 
for  himfelf,  upon  their  ruin." 

ANOTHER  of  his  reafons  for  defiring  that  permiflion  was  (4),  "  that  it  ap- 
peared every  day  more  evidently  than  other,  and  would  foon  be  vifible  to 
thofe  of  the  fhorteft  forefight,  that  upon  any  thing  Ireland  could  afford,  it 
would  not  be  poflible  to  make  any  refiftance  againft  the  rebels ;  .who  then  had 
the  whole  cioaft  towards  England,  Waterford  excepted,  ready  to  receive  their 

K  k  2  forces  j 

(0  Carte.  (2)  Carte,  Orm.rol.ii.fol.  121. 

(3)  Carte's  Colieft.  ofOrig.  Pap.  vol.  ii.  p.  450.  (4)  Ib. 


252  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.VIII. 

forces  j  commodious  harbours  for  their  {hipping,  and  garrifons,  from  whence 
they  wonld  immediately  be  in  the  heart  of  his  beft  countries,  and  at  the  walls 
of  his  remaining  towns."  After  which  he  thus  proceeds,  "  what  thoughts  of 
fubmiffion  (to  the  rebels)  this  may  produce  in  thefe  people,  or  the  greater 
number  of  them,  I  know  not ;  1  therefore  humbly  defire  that  your  Ma- 
jefty  would  be  pleafed  to  fend  me  your  commands  to  withdraw  myfelf 
hence." 

NAY,  his  Excellency  feemed  in  fome  meafure,  to  apologife  for  thefe 
people's  averfion  to  his  government,  and  their  defire  to  ,get  rid  of  it  (5); 
"  for  many  of  the  Irifh,"  fays  he,  "  having  promifed  themfelves  many  ad- 
vantages by  their  coming  under  his  Majefly's  obedience,  as  the  aififlance  of 
the  army  formerly  under  Lord  Inchiquin's  command,  and  the  advantage  of 
trade  with  the  towns  poiTelfed  by  him  j  that  his  Majefly  would  be  able,  in 
part,  to  eafe  them  of  the  burden  of  the  war,  by  fupplies  of  money,  arms,  and 
ammunition ;  and  that  whilfl  the  rebels  forces  were  bent  againfl  them,  occa- 
iion  would  be  taken  to  raife  fome  diverfion  in  England,  or  out  of  Scotland  j 
and  finding  Lord  Inchiquin's  forces,  which,  to  their  exceflive  charge,  they 
had  fupplied  all  the  fummer,  now  turned  againft  them,  and  the  towns  become 
garrifons  to  their  enemies,  from  whence  to  annoy  them  by  fea  and  land  j  no 
fupplies  at  all  from  abroad,  and  no  diverfion  in  England,  though  Crom- 
well and  Ireton,  the  fuppofed  heads  of  the  rebels,  were  removed  from 
thence 5  all  thefe  difappointments  of  their  hopes,  aggravated  by  the  en- 
forced fpoil  of  a  fuccefslefs  army,  began  to  breed  in  them  fuch  averfion,',' 
fays  he,  "  to  his  Majefly's  authority,  and  to  myfelf,  to  whom  all  their 
misfortunes,  the  negligence,  cowardice,  and  treachery  of  others,  are  at- 
tributed, that  I  am  told,  it  was  in  agitation  with  the  violent  party  of  the 
clergy,  and  others  fet  on  by  Lord  Antrim,  to  procure  a  proteflation  againil 
my  government." 

(5)  H>.  p.  419, 

' 


CHAP. 


CkVIIl.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  253 


CHAP.          VIII. 


The  King  is  invited  to  go  to  Scotland^ 

ABOUT  this  time,  the  King  was    proclaimed    in  Scotland  j  and  com- 
miftioners  were  fent  from  thence,  to  invite  him  over  to  that  kingdom; 
but  upon  fuch  conditions,  as   were   utterly   inconfiftent,  not  only   with    the 
dignity,  and  good  faith,  of  a  King,  but  even  with  the  honour  and  integrity 
of  a  gentleman1.     "  Thefe  ( i )  commiffioners  were  the  Earl  of  Caflels,  two 
burgeifes,  and  four  Prefbyterian  divines.     To  give  the  better  affurances  of 
their  good  intentions  to  his  fervice,  immediately   before  their  coming  out   of 
Scotland,  the  Marquis  of  Huntly  was  put  to  death,  for  no  other  crime,  but  his 
loyalty  to  the  King." 

THE  Marquis  of  Ormond,  ftill  in  Ireland,  was  confulted  upon  this,  as  in- 
deed, he  wras  upon  every  other  important  concern  of  his  Majefty.     But  that 
he  did  not  always  deliver  his  opinion,  with  fuch  candour  and  fmcerity,  as  were 
fuitable  to  the  confidence  repofed  in  him,  is  but  too  apparent,  from  his  own 
letters  on  that  occafion.     In  one  of  them  to  Secretary  Nicholas,  who,  he  knew, 
was  averfe  to  that  meafnre,  he  feems  to  have  clearly  forefeen  all  the  evils  that 
were  likely  to  attend  it ;  for  he  tells  him,  that,  "  Unlefs  (2)  his  Majefty  was 
refolved  to  deliver  up  both  himfelf,  and  his  people,  to  the  Covenant,  andPref- 
bytery,  he  would  not  go  into  Scotland ;  and  that  the  covenant  was  inconfift- 
ent with  the  peace  he  had  concluded  with  the  Irifh,  and  which  his  Majefty 
had  confirmed."     But  from  what  we  find  in  a  private  letter  of  Lord  Byron's, 
who  was  then  with  the  King  at  Breda,  to  his  Excellency,  it  appears  that  he 
fecretly    abetted,     and    promoted,     that     defign.       For   Lord    Byron    told 
him  (3),  "  that,  in  order  to  what  he  found  was  his  Lordfhip's  opinion,  con- 
cerning his  Majefty's  conjunction  with  the  Scots,  he  had  contributed  his  beft 
endeavours  to  the  effecting  of  it;  and  that  his  Majefty  would  begin  his  jour- 
ney in  a  few  days,  and  had  commanded  him  (Byron)  to  attend  him  thither." 
And  the  King  himfelf,  in  a  letter  to  the  Marquis,  January  1 6th,  1 649,  fays  (4), 
"  you  will  perceive  by  my  public  letter,  that   I  have  refolved  of  a  treaty 
with  my  fubjeds  of  Scotland,  whereunto  I  was  principally  induced  by  that 

relation 

(0  Tb.  vol.  i.  p.  268.  (2)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  Hi.  fol.6o7. 

(3)  Cart.  On'g.  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  333.  (4)  Ib.  vol.  ii.  p.  423. 


254  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  VIII. 

relation  which  Harry  Seymour  made  to  me,  from  you,  of  the  ftate  of  things 
in  Ireland." 

Accordingly,  hi?  Majefty,  having  -agreed  with  the  Scotch  commifTioners, 
left  Breda,  and  arrived  in  Scotland,  on  the  23d  of  June  1650,  O.  S.  but  be- 
fore they  fif&red  Him  to  land  (5),  they  obliged  him  to  fign  both  the  cove- 
nants, national,  and  folemn.  And,  in  about  two  months  after,  he  was  pre- 
vailed upon  to  publifh  a  declaration,  "  That  he  would  have  no  enemies  but 
the  enemies  of  the  covenant;  and  that  he  did  deteft,  and  abhor,  ali  Popery, 
iuperfHtion,  and  idolatry,  together  with  prelacy  ;  refolving  not  to  tolerate, 
much  lefs  to  allow,  thofe,  in  any  part  of  his  dominions,  and  to  endeavour 
the  extirpation  thereof,  to  the  utmoft  of  his  power."  And,  with  regard  to 
the  peace  lately  concluded  with  the  confederates,  and  confirmed  by  himfelf, 
he  exprefsly  pronounced  it  (a)  null  and  void,  adding,  "  that  he  was 
convinced  in  his  confcience  of  the  finfulnefs  and  unlawfulnefs  of  it,  and  of 
his  allowing  them  (the  confederates)  the  liberty  of  the  Popifh  religion ;  for 
which  he  did,  from  his  heart,  defire  to  be  deeply  humbled  before  the  Lord  ; 
and  for  having  fought  unto  fuch  unlawful  help,  for  the  reftoring  of  him  to 
his  throne." 

WHAT  opinion  one  of  his  Majefly's  own  fecretaries  had  of  this  declaration, 
appears  from  his  letter  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  January  25th,  1650. 
"  When  (6)  I  confider,"  fays  he,  "  this  infamous  declaration,  which  the 
Scots  compelled  the  King  to  publifh,  and  are  ftill  refolved  to  have  his  Majefly 
make  good  (though  not  only  all  the  King'-s  party,  but  even  ftrangers  that 
have  any  fenfe  of  honour,  or  confcience,  declaim  againft  it)  I  cannot  fo  much 
as  hope,  that  they  intend  any  good,  or  fafety,  to  his  Majefty,  whom  they 
have  fo  wickedly  and  notoriously  abufed."  Moft  certain  it  is,  that  after  this 
declaration  was  known  in  England  (7),  "  many  people  there,  who  were  be- 
fore averfe  to  the  parliament's  meafures,  freely  and  voluntarily  enlifted  in 
their  armies,  to  fight  againft  the  Scots." 

(;)  Sir  Edward  Walker's  Hiftoric.  Difcour.  (6)  Cart.  On'g.  -Pap.  vol.  I.  p.  400. 

(7)  Id.  ib.  9.417. 

(a)  "  Nothing  could  be  more  convenient  for  the  pie,  than  this  virulent  declaration.  They  imputed  it 
congregation  of  prelates,  (foon  after  alTembled  at  .entirely  to  the  reprefentafions  of  the  Marquis  ofOr- 
James-town)  and  their  purpofe  of  enflaming  thepeo-  inond."  Lei.  Hift.  of  Irel.  vol.  iii.  p.  376. 


CHAP. 


Ch.IX.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  255 

CHAP.          IX. 

The  Kingfecretly  regrets  this  Meafurc. 

HIS  Majefty  did  not  become  guilty,  all  at  once,  of  this  open  violation 
of  the  public  faith  (i).  "  Before  he  left  Breda,  he  yielded  thus  far  to 
the  Scotch  commiffioners,  that  if  a  free  parliament  in  the  kingdom  of  Scotland 
fhoutd  fo  think  fitting,  he  would  then  find  fome  way,  how  with  honour,  and 
juftice,  he  might  make  void  the  Iriih  peace.  In  the  mean  time,  his  Majefty 
would  by  no  means  permit,  that  any  fuch  thing  fhould  be  inferted  in  the  body 
of  the  articles  of  agreement ;  and  it  was  concluded,  that,  that  bufinefs  fhould 
remain  in  a  diftincl  paper  in  the  Earl  of  Caffell's  hands,  in  regard  of  the  diC- 
honour  it  might  bring  on  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  and  his  Majefty's  friends 
in  Ireland.  No  fooner  was  this  done,  but  his  Majefty  laboured  immediately 
to  inform  Ormond  of  what  had  patted  i  and  Mr.  Richard  Wefton  was  dif- 
patched,  on  the  i6th  of  May,  from  Breda,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds 
given  him  to  defray  his  charges.  But  when  his  Majefty  came  into  Scotland, 
he  found  him  there,  alledging.(2)r  "  that  he  was  not  permitted  by  the  Scots 
to  proceed  in  his  journey  ;  at  which  his  Majefty  was  exceedingly  troubled,  but 
faw  plainly,  it  was  a  contrivance  between  him  (Wefton)  Lord.Wilmot.  and 
the  Scots. 

"  AFTER  his  Majefty  had  put  to  fea,  the  Scotch  commiffioners  {hewed  him 
new,  and  higher,  proportions  from  the  kingdom  of  Scotland;  which  were, 
that  unlefs  his  Majefty  would  immediately  take  the  covenant,  and,  in  termi- 
nis>  break  the  peace  with  the  Irifh,  he  was  not  to  be  received  jnto  Scotland  j 
at  which  he  was  fo  much  difgufted,  that  he  refolved  to  lay  afide  all  thoughts 
of  going  thither,  upon  fuch  terms.  But,  overcome  with  the  intreaties  of 
his  fervants,  he  yielded,  in  terminis,  to  the  breach  of  the  peace  with  the 
Irifh,  conditionally,  that  it  fhould  not  be  publifhed,  until  his  Majefty 
had  acquainted  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  and  his  friends  in  Ireland 
with  it." 

AT  the  fame  time,  that  the  Scots  detained  Wefton  in  Scotland,  and,  by 
that  means,  prevented  Ormond's  earlier  and  particular  knowledge  of  this  tran- 

faclion, 

(i)  Id.ib.  vol.  i.  p.  391.  (3)  Ib. 


256  *H  ISTORICAL    R  E  V  I  E  W    OF    T  HE          Bk  VIH. 

-faction  (3),  u  they  difpatched  feveral  of  their  minifters  to  the  Laggan,  and 
Clanboys,  in  the  North  of  Ireland  •"  who,  doubtlefs,  proclaimed  aloud,  the 
news  of  the  King's  having  confented  to  take  the  covenant,  and  to  declare  the 
late  peace  void ;  being  .allured,  that. nothing  could  more  effectually  alienate 
the  affedions  of  the  Irilli  from  his  Majefty,  or  fet  them  at  greater  variance 
among, themfelves,  than  fuch  intelligence.  In  May  1650,  the  Marquis  of 
Onnond  had  (4)  "  heard  by  reports,  which  he  thought  probable,  that  the 
-King  had  agreed  with  the  Scots."  And  he  afterwards  expreffed  his  apprehen- 
ilon  (5),  "  that  great  advantage  was  left  to  fuch,  as  were  induftrious  to  draw 
the  Iriih  from  their  allegiance,  by  infufmg  into  them  a  belief,  that  his  Majefty, 
having  taken,  or  approved,  the  covenant,  they  were  deprived  of  the  benefit 
of  the  peace,  and  left  to  "the  extirpation,  which  .the  covenant  propofes,  of 
their  religion  and  perfons." 


C       H      A       P.  X. 


Proceedings  of  the  Bijhops  at  James-town. 

*  |  ^  PI  E  confederates  being  now  alarmed  by  repeated  accounts  of  the  King's 
X  having  taken  the  covenant,  not  without  a  well  grounded  fufpicion,  that 
Ormond  had  approved  of,  and  advifed,  that  meafure ;  feveral  of  their  Bifhops 
met  at  James-town,  in  order  to  confult  what  was  fit  to  be  done  on  fo  im- 
portant an  emergency ;  where,  taking  into  confideration  the  fad  condition,  to 
which  their  nation  and  religion  muft  neceflarily  be  reduced  by  fuch  an  event  j 
and  mindful  of  a  refolution  they  had  formerly  (a),  with  good  reafon,  entered  in- 
to, that,  in  cafe  of  a  breach,  or  difavowal  of  the  peace  on  the  part  of  his 
Majefty,  or  Lord  Lieutenant,  they  would  return  to  their  original  confederacy, 
as  the  likelieft  means  to  hinder  their  people  from  doling  with  the  parliament, 
'  they  now  fell  to  deliberate  on  the  moft  effectual  way  of  putting  that  reib- 
lution  in  practice ;  and,  at  length,  determined  to  recall,  and  withdraw,  on  the  peril 
of  eccleiiaftical  cenfure,  all  thofe  of  their  communion,  from  under  the  Marquis  of 
Ormond's  command  (r)."  Wherefore,  on  the  1 2th  of  Auguft  1650,  they  drew  up, 

and 

(3)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  if.     .  (4)  Cart.  Colleft.  of  Orig.  Papers.  (5)  Ib. 

(i)  Qarend.  Carte. 

(a)  On  account  of  the  King's  difavowal  of  Glamorgan's  peace,  and  his  being  prevailed  on,  by  the  Scots,  to 
make  void  that,  which  had  been  concluded  with  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  in  1646,  by  his  own  reiterated  com- 
mands. 


Ch.  X.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  257 

and  figned,  an  excommunication  againft  all  fuch  Catholics,  "  as  fhould  enlift 
under,  feed,  help,  or  adhere  to,  his  Excellency  5  or  aflift  him  with  men, 
money,  or  any  other  fupplies  whatfoever." 

To  this  excommunication  (which,  tho'  thus  haftily.  drawn  up,  was  not 
publifhed  till  the  i  $th  of  the  following  month,)  a  limitation  was  annexed  (2), 
"  that. the  next  general  affembly,  which  was  foon  to  meet  at  Loughrea,  fhould 
difpofe  of  it  as  they  thought  proper."  But  that  afTembly  not  having  met  at 
the  appointed  time  j  and  frefh,  and  undoubted,  intelligence  arriving  daily, 
that  his  majefty  had  taken  the  covenant,  and  made  void  the  peace,  (the  only 
fecurity  that  was  left  them,  for  their  religion,  liberty,  lives,  and  fortunes) 
thefe  Bifhops,  on  the  15th  of  September  1650,  publifhed  their  excommunica- 
tion in  the.ufual  form.  At  the  fame  time,  they  unanimoufly  refolved,  purfuant 
to  their  affociation-oath,  ftill  faithfully  to  ferve  the  King  againft  the  regicides, 
and  to  ufe  all  the  means  in  their  power  to  hinder  their  people  from  aflifting  them 
in  any  refpecl  whatfoever.  The  fmcerity  of  this  refolution  appears,  by  their  in- 
cluding, in  the  fame  ecclefiaftical  cenfure  (3), "  all  thofe  unnatural  patriots,  and 
others  of  their  own  flock,  that  fhould  adhere  to  thefe  common  enemies  of  God, 
King,  and  country ;  or  fhould  any  ways  help,  affift,  abet,  or  favour  them, 
by  bearing  arms  for,  or  with  them;  or  by  othervvife  contributing  to  them, 
without  urgent  neceffity."  So  little  foundation  was  there  for  the  injurious 
reflection  made  by  a  late  (4)  hiftorian,  "  that,  it  having  been  propofed  to  thefe 
Bifhops,  to  iffue  their  excommunication  againft  thofe,  who  were  guilty  of 
fuch  compliances  they  had  referved  this  engine  of  theirs,  for  more  factious 
purpofes,  and  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  employ,  it  in  the  King's  fer- 
vice." 

ON  the  very  next  day,  however,  after  this  excommunication  was  publifhed,  thefe 
Bifhops  ifTued  an  order  for  fufpending  the  effects  of  it  in  the  Earl  of  Clanrick- 
ard's  army,  which  confifted  chiefly  of  Roman  Catholics,  the  only  perfons  that 
could  be  affected  by  it.  Upon  which  irrefolution  of  theirs,  the  Marquis  of 
Ormond  failed  not  to  obferve  (5),  "  that,  fuppofing  them  to  have  proceeded 
on  juft  grounds,  yet  their  rafhnefs  was  not  excufable,  as  appears  in  that  as 
they  hailily  denounced  their  excommunication  on  the  i  $th  of  September,  fo  it 
was  more  wifely  fufpended  by  the  fame  men  on  the  1 6th  following." 

(2)  Id.  ib.  (3)  Append,  to  Walfti's  Hift.  of  the  Remonf.  fol.  70. 

(4)  Lei.  Hift.  of  Ireland.  (5)  Cart.  Orm. 


LI  CHAP. 


\  . 

258  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE          Bk,  VIII. 

CHAP.          XI. 

Ormond  approved,  and  advifed,  the  King's  Agreement  with  the  Scots. 

LORD  Clarendon,  Dodor  Borlace,  Mr.  Carte,  and  generally  all  our  hi£ 
torians  affirm,  "  that,  when  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  firft  heard  of  the 
King's  declaration  at  Dumferling,  he  did  really  (a)  believe  it  a  forgery,  con- 
trived either  by  the  Englifh  rebels,  or  the  Iriih  congregation,  to  feduce  the 
people  from  their  loyalty,  and  affection  to  his  majefty."  However  that  might 
.be,  his  Lordfhip  certainly  knew  long  before  that  declaration  was  published, 
(what  was  equally  deftru&ive  to  the  Irifh  peace)  that  the  King  had  agreed  to 
take  the  covenant,  and  thereby  engaged  his  folemn  promife  to  endeavour  the 
utter  extirpation  of  thefe  people's  religion,  or  perfons.  For,  fo  (r)  early  as 
March  $th,  1648,  we  find,  that  "  heunderftood  the  Kingdom  of  Scotland  had 
invited  his  Majefty  thither  to  be  crowned ;  but  that  he  was  to  fecure  religion, 
according  to  the  covenant,  before  he  was  to  be  admitted  to  govern."  After 
which  he  fays,  "  if  his  Majefty  refolves  to  confent  to  that  condition,  in  the 
moft  rigid  conftruclion  of  it  to  himfelf,  and  his  fubjecls,  I  doubt  not  but  his 
immediate  going  thither  is  moft  counfelable."  But  he,  at  the  fame  time  (2), 
"  queftioned  not,  but  it  would  be  considered,  how  inconfiftent  the  covenant 
was  with  the  peace  concluded  with  the  Iriih,  by  virtue  of  the  power  given 
him  j  and  that  there  would  be  care  taken,  to  give  that  people  no  apprehenfion, 
that  they  would  be  broken  with,  which  rnight  drive  them  to  take  defperate 
ways  for  their  fafety."  In  November  1649,  he  declared  (3),  "  that  he  was, 
-at  no  time,  againft  the  treaty  with  Scotland ;  and  that  much  lefs  was  he  then." 
In  July  1650(4),  "  he  believed  it  then  appeared,  that  the  treaty  was  ended, 
he  hoped,  in  an  agreement  with  the  Scots,  fo  that,"  adds  his  Lordfhip,  "  in 
place  of  arguments  to  difpofe  his  Majefty  to  an  accord  fo  neceffary,  as  with- 
out, or  befides,  it,  I  fee  no  near  hope  of  his  reftitution,  I  fhall  apply  myfelf 
to  the  ufe  to  be  made  of  fuch  an  accord,  in  this  kingdom,"  (Ireland.)  And 
then  he  propofes(5),  "  that  himfelf  may  be  fortified  with  fome  gracious  de- 
claration 

(i)  Orm.  Let.  to  Sec.  Nicholas.   Cart.  Orig.  Pap.  vol.  fi.  p.  361.  (2)  Ib. 

(3)  Id.  ib.  p.  415.  (4)  Id.  ib.  p.  436.  (5)  Append,  to  Walfh's  Remonttrance. 

(A)  Doctor  Leland  more  cautioufly,  and  Indeed,  fubfcribed  the  declaration,  apologifing  for  this  fliame- 

more  truly,  fays,  "  that  Ormond  affe&ed  to  believe  ful  tranfaclion,  as  the  effect  of  fear,  or  force."     Hift. 

it  a  forgery  j  but  that  he  foon  received  a  private  let-  of  Jrel.  vol.  iii.  p.  376. 
.  ter  from  the  King,  acknowledging  that  he  had  really 


Ch.  XII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  259 

claration  from  his  Majefty,  fubfequent  to  the  agreement  of  Scotland,  in  favour 
of  all  thofe  (Irifh)  that  had  been,  and  ftill  continued,  loyal,  and  affectionate, 
to  his  fervice ;  and  he  conceived,  that,  without  fuch  a  declaration,  and  pur- 
pofe  as  to  thofe,  his  Majefty  could  not  acquit  himfelf  with  honour  towards 
that  people  j  whereof,"  adds  he,  "  many  have  perifhed,  and  more  are  likely 
to  do  fo,  for  their  loyalty  to  the  crown." 


CHAP.          XII. 


The  realCaufe  of  the  Clergy  s  Proceedings  at  James-town. 

AT  the  fame  time  that  the  King's  declaration  at  Drumferling  was  noti- 
fied in  form  to  the  Irifh  congregation,  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  propofed 
to  make  good  the  peace,  upon  certain  conditions ;  one  of  which  was  the  re- 
voking their  excommunication.  But  that  they  refufed  to  confent  to,  becaufe, 
as  they  alleged  among  other  reafons,  "  they  underftood  from  his  Lordfhip's 
letter  to  them  on  that  occafion,  that  he  had  fuggefted  matter  unto  his  Ma- 
jefty for  making  that  declaration,  by  which  for  ought  appearing  unto  them, 
the  King  had  withdrawn  his  (a)  commiflion  from  him,  and  had  caft  away  the 
nation,  as  rebels,  from  his  protection.  Nor  could  they  underftand  (they  faid) 
the  myftery  of  preferving  his  Majefty's  authority  with  them,  or  over  them,  in 
fuch  a  cafe ;  or  how  it  could  be  done."  They  added,  "  that  they  believed, 
the  King's  authority  being  thus  taken  from  them,  the  beft  remedy  for  hinder- 
ing the  people  to  clofe  with  the  parliament,  was  to  return  to  their  former  con- 
federacy, as  it  was  intended  by  the  nation,  in  cafe  of  the  breach  of  the  peace, 
on  the  part  of  his  Majefty." 

THAT  the  King's  agreement  with  the  Scots,  and  the  fhameful  conditions 
of  it,  were  early  known  to  the  Irifh  in  general,  is  manifeft,  not  only  from 
what  has  been  already  mentioned,  but  alfo  from  the  following  inftance  of  the 
infincerity  of  his  Majefty's  more  recent  promifes  to  them.  When  his  Majefty 
iirft  took  the  refolution  of  entering  into  a  perfonal  treaty  with  the  Scotch 
commiffioners  at  Breda,  he  wrote  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  January  23d, 

L  1  2  1649, 

(a)  In  the  declaration  at  Drumferling,  the  King  confefles,  "  that  the  King,  by  that  aft  (declaration) 

"  acknowledged  his  forrow  for  making  peace  with  th«  difavowed  the  peace  with   the  Irifh,  and  took  away 

Papifts,  and  recalled  all   the  commijfions  granted  by  his  protection  from  them."    Clamick.  Mena.  Dub.  ed, 

him  in  Ireland."     Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii.  fol.  131.     Hence  p.  108. 
the  Earl  of  Clanrickard,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Mulkerrj, 


260  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE         Bk.  VIII. 

1649  [i],  "  to  affure  him,  that  though  he  would  endeavour  to  oblige  that 
nation  (the  Scots)  by  all  juft,  and  honourable,  condefcenfions,  to  engage  them- 
felves  to  enter  England  in  the  fpring,  with  a  confiderable  army,  for  his  fer- 
vice  j  yet  he  would  not,  either  in  the  faid  treaty,  or  upon  any  other  occafion 
whatfoever,  confent  to  any  thing,  that  fhould  be  contrary  to  the  agreement 
made  with  the  Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland;  but  would  fulfil,  and  perform  all 
grants  and  conceffions,  which  he  had  either  made,  or  promifed  them,  according 
to  the  full  extent  of  that  grace,  he  had  always  intended  that  nation ;  which, 
as  he  had  new  inftances  of  their  loyalty  and  affedion  to  him,  he  fhould  ftudy 
rather  to  enlarge,  than  to  diminifh,  or  infringe,  in  the  lealt  degree."  He,  at 
the  fame  time,  defired  the  Marquis  "  to  give  thefe  affurances  to  all  the  Irifh 
Roman  Catholics."  But  this  letter,  it  feems,  did  not  reach  his  Lordfhip,  till 
Midfummer  following ;  and  [2],  "  that  delay,"  fays  Mr.  Carte,  "  brought  an 
irreparable  mifchief  upon  the  King's  fervice ;  the  Marquis's  continued  igno- 
rance of  the  King's  condition,  and  pleafure,  difabling  him  to  refute  the  ma- 
licious reports  raifed,  and  the  afperfions  thrown  on  the  King,  for  breach  of 
faith,  and  for  having  abandoned,  and  given  up  the  Irifh  ;"  fo  that  as  his  Ex- 
cellency complains  in  his  difpatches  by  Lord  Taaffe,  "  the  venom  of  the  for- 
gery had  wrought  very  near  a  deadly  effect,  before  the  remedy  came."  Thus 
we  fee,  that  before  Midfummer  1650,  the  King's  agreement  with  the  Scots, 
and  its  ruinous  confequences,  were  not  only  generally  known  in  Ireland,  but 
alfo  had  wrought  an  almoft  deadly  effect  upon  the  affections  of  that  people  to- 
wards him. 

AND  fo  groundlefs  is  the  pretence,  that  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  was  fur- 
prifed,  and  puzzled  at  thefe  proceedings  of  the  Bifhops  at  James-town,  as  at 
an  event,  of  which  he  was  at  a  lofs  to  divine  the  caufe,  that  it  is  manifeft, 
from  a  letter  of  his  to  Secretary  Long,  that  he  was  fully  apprifed  of  them, 
and  the  motives  that  produced  them,  at  leaft,  fourteen  days  before  they  were 
made  public.  For,  having  mentioned,  in  that  letter,  an  anfwer  he  had  fent 
to  a  requeft  of  theirs,  which  he  judged  would  be  ill  taken,  he  adds  [3],  "  which 
anfwer,  whether  it  will  produce  a  dired  declaration  againft  me,  and  an  ex- 
communication of  all  thofe  that  fhall  adhere  to  me,  or  not,  is  more  than  I  am 
certain  of,  though  I  be  told  it  will."  This  letter  is  dated  the  2d  of  September ; 
and  the  clergy's  declaration,  and  excommunication,  were  not  publifhed  till  the 
i  5  th  of  that  month. 

.  h]  Cart.  Onn.  vol  ii.  fo!.  129.  [2]  Id.  itf.  [3]  Cart.  Colleft.  Orig.  Pap.  vol.  ii.  p.  443. 

CHAR 


Ch.XIII.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAN'D. 


CHAP.         XIII. 


The  Generality  of  Irifb  Catholics  condemned  the  Clergy's  proceedings  at  James- 
Town. 


'F~  ~^HE  SE  violent  proceedings  of  the  Irifh  clergy,  though  not  unprovoked, 
JL  were  far  from  being  approved, of  by  the  generality  of  the  Catholics  of 
Ireland.  "  All  (i)  the  fober  profefTors  of  the  Catholic  religion,"  fays  Claren- 
don, "  abhorred  them  -,  and  moft  of  the  commiflioners  of  truft,  and  the  prin- 
cipal nobility,  and  moft  confiderable  gentry  remained  firm  in  their  particular 
affedion,  and  duty  to  the  Kingj  and  in  their  fubmiffion  to  the  authority  of  his 
Lieutenant,  notwithftanding  the  excommunication.  And  not  only  the  whole 
nobility,  and  gentry  of  fortune  and  intereft,  fome  very  few  of  the  latter  except- 
ed,  but  alfo  many  pious  and  learned  men,  of  the  fecular  and  regular  clergy, 
and  even  fome  of  the  Bifhops,  did  abhor,  and  abominateT  the  proceedings  of 
that  congregation,  and  the  dodrine  they  infufed  into  the  people  j  the  fame 
being  difowned  by  fome  of  thofe  Bifhops,  as  being  obtruded  upon  them  by 
the  major  vote  j  or  done  by  their  procurators,  without  their  affent  or  know- 
ledge. And  even  others  of  them,  who  were  prefent  at  the  congregation,  and 
fubfcribed  the  excommunication,  difclaimed  their  having  confented  to  it, 
though  they  were  obliged  to  fign  it  for  conformity." 

IT  has  been  mentioned  above,  that  this  congregation  had  annexed  to  their  cen- 
fure  a  reftridion,  by  which  the  next  general  affembly  was  empowered  to  difpofe 
of  it  in  what  manner  they  thought  proper.  That  affembly  met,  by  the  Marquis 
ofOrmond's  appointment,  at  Loughrea,  on  the  i$th  of  November  1650; 
"  it  was  very  full,  and  (befides  the  clergy)  (2),  confifted  of  the  principal  nobi- 
lity, and  gentry  of  fortune  and  intereft  in  the  kingdom."  "  The  Bifhops  there 
prefent,  for  the  removing  of  thofe  jealoufies,  which  were  occafioned  by  their 
proceedings  at  James-town  (3),  declared  and  protefted,  of  their  own  accord, 
that  by  their  excommunication,  and  declaration,  they  had  no  other  aim,  but 
the  prefervation  of  their  religion  and  people  j  and  that  they  did  not  purpofe  to 
make  any  encroachment  upon  his  Majefty's  authority,  or  the  liberty  of 
their  fellow  fubjeds  j  confefling  that  it  did  not  belong  to  their  jurifdidion  fo 
to  do." 


(0  Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Rebel.        (2)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii.  Clarcnd,        (3)  Cart.  Orra.  vol.  H.  f,  139.  Clarcnd. 


fl6s  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE         Bk.VJII. 

WHEN  this  affembly  underftood  the  Marquis  of  Ormond's  refolution  to  leave 
the  kingdom,  they  (4)  fent  four  of  their  members,  viz.  the  Lords  Dillon  and 
Clanrickard,  and  others,  to  his  Lordfhip  at  Kilcolgan,  with  an  inftrument 
bearing  date  the  yth  of  December;  in  which,  after  reciting  what  the  Bifhops 
had  protefted  in  the  affembly,  concerning  their  excommunication  and  decla- 
ration, they  added  (5),  "  that  they,  the  Lords  fpiritual  and  temporal,  and  the 
gentry  met  in  that  affembly,  conceived,  that  there  was  no  better  foundation, 
or  ground,  for  their  union,  than  the  holding  to,  and  obeying,  his  Majefty's 
authority,  to  which  they  owed  and  ought  to  pay  all  dutiful  obedience. 
And  they  did  thereby  declare,  and  proteft,  that  there  was  not  any  power  in 
the  Lords  fpiritual  or  temporal,  gentry  or  people,  clergy  or  laity,  of  the  king- 
dom, to  alter,  or  take  away,  his  Majefty's  authority ;  they  holding  that  to  be 
the  chief  flower  of  the  crown,  and  the  fupport  of  the  people's  liberty ;  and  they 
\inanimoufly  befeeched  his  Excellency,  in  his  hearty  defire  of  the  nation's  pre- 
fervation,  to  leave  that  authority  with  them  in  fome  perfon,  faithful  to  his 
Majefty,  and  acceptable  to  the  nation ;  to  which  perfon,  when  he  fhould  be 
made  known  to  them,  they  would  not  only  afford  all  due  obedience,  but 
would  alfo  offer,  and  propofe  the  beft  ways  and  means  they  could  devife  for 
the  confervation  of  his  Majefty's  right  ,  and  the  people's  liberties,  and  in- 
terefts ;  and  for  the  begetting  a  ready  obedience  in  all  places  and  perfons,  to 
his  Majefty's  authority." 

IN  anfwer  to  this  requeft,  his  Excellency  told  them  (6),  "  that  he  was  re- 
folved  to  make  ufe  fpeedily,  of  the  liberty  the  King  had  given  him  as  to  his 
own  perfon ;  which  he  found  was  unacceptable  to  the  people.  Yet  that,  if 
they  could  propofe  to  him  any  way  how  he  could  depofit  the  King's  authority 
in  fuch  a  manner,  as  that  it  might  not  be  expofed  to  the  fame  affronts  it  had 
received  in  him,  and  might  be  applied  to  the  preferving  of  the  people,  and  the 
recovery  of  the  kingdom,  he  fhould  readily  agree  to  it  j  and  he  heartily  wifh- 
ed  they  might  receive  that  happinefs  by  his  abfence,  which  they  could  not 
receive  by  his  prefence." 

His  Excellency  was  (7)  refolved  to  truft  the  royal  authority  in  no  body, 
but  the  Earl  of  Clanrickard,  the  only  perfon  in  the  kingdom  fit  for  fo  high 
a  truft  ^  and  on  the  7th   of  December  aforefaid,    after  he   had   embarked, 
he  wrote  to   the   affembly,    "  that   he  had   left  authority  with   his  Lord- 
fhip, 


(4)  Borlace  Hift.  of  the  Iriili  Rebel,  fol.  339.    Clarend.  Carte.  (5)  Ib.  (6)  Clarend.  Carte. 

(7)  C- 


"(7)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii.  fol.  137. 


Ch.  XIV,  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  263 

ftiip,  to  govern  the  kingdom,  provided  their  declaration  were  fb  far 
explained,  as  to  give  the  Marquis  of  Clanrickard  full  futisfadion,  with 
regard  to  the  expreffions  they  made  ufc  of  to  declare  their  duty  of  obe- 
dience." 

AN  inftrument  was  hereupon  drawn  up.  -wherein  (8)  the  affembly  de- 
clared, that  neither  the  Lords  fpi ritual  or  temporal,  gentry  or  people,  clergy 
or  laity  had  power  to  difcharge  the  people  from  that  due,  and  perfeft  obe- 
dience to  his  Majefty's  authority  veiled  in  the  Marquis  of  Clanrickard; 
and  that,  in  cafe  of  any  fuch  act  or  endeavour,  no  perfons  fhould,  or  ought 
to  be  led  thereby  j  but  that,  for  their  difobedience,  on  any  fuch  grounds, 
they  were  fubjecl  to  the  heavy  cenfures,  and  penalties,  of  the  laws  of  the 
land.  But  to  this,  a  provifo  was  added,  that  this  obedience  was  not  intended  to 
be  paid  to  any  perfon,  that  fhould  be  appointed  chief  governor,  who  had  joined 
in  the  covenant,  or  fhould  violate  the  articles  of  the  peace  (a).  Upon  this  de- 
claration, Lord  Clanrickard  was  prevailed  upon  to  accept  the  government ; 
and  Ormond  departed  for  France. 


C      H      A      P.  XIV. 

The  Prejbytery  o/'Bangor's  Proceedings  on  the  Pec 

ONE  cenfured  the  congregation  at  James-town  more  feverely,  than 
the  Prefbyterians  in  Ulfter;  yet  none  had  fo  little  right  to  cenflire  it, 
For  that  congregation  only  followed  the  example,  that  was  fet  them  the  yeas 
before,  by  the  Prefby  tery  of  Bangor  ;  with  this  difference,,  that  the  former,  a^ 
.we  have  feen,  had  forne  provocation  given'  them,  which  the  latter  could  not 
pretend, 


FOR  on  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  in   1648,  the  King  having  lent  a  com> 
million  to  Hugh  Lord  Vifcount  Montgomery  of  Ards,  to*  command  all  the  forces 

writhin 

(8)  Id.  ib. 

(a)  That  provifo  was  exprefled    in   thefe  words,  minated  by,  or  procured  from  his  Majefty,  by  reafoa 

"  And  inafmuch  as  his  Majefty  is  at   prefent  in  the  of,  or  during  his  being   in,  an   unfree  condition,  that 

hands  of  a  Prefbyterian  party  of  the  Scots,  who  have  may   raife  a  difturbance    in   the  prefent  government, 

declared  themfelves  enemies  to  this  nation,  and  vowed  eftablifhed  by   his  Majefty'a  authority,  or  caufe  the 

the  extirpation  of  our  religion,  we  declare,  it  is  not  •violation  of  the  articles  of  peace."     Borl,  Hift.  of  the 

hereby  intended,  to  oblige  otufelves  to  receive,  obey,  Jriih  Rebel,  fol.  339. 
or  obferve  any  governor,  that  fhall  come  unduly  no- 


304  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE          Bk.VIH. 

within  that  province,  his  Lordftiip  thought  it  neceffary  to  fignify  to  his  Ma- 
jelly's  fubje&s  of  Ulfter  his  inveftiture  with  that  commiflion,  and  accordingly 
publifhed  a  declaration,  July  4th,  1649,  for  that  purpofe. 

A  PRESBYTERY  was  thereupon  convened  at  Bangor,  July  7th,  in  which  a 
declaration  was  drawn  up,  containing  feveral  virulent  reflections  on  his  Lord- 
fhip.  He  is  therein  charged,  among  other  things  (i),  "  with  lifting  up  his 
hand  againft  them  ;  with  betraying  the  covenant ;  with  owning  King  Charles 
the  fecond;  with  cloathing  himfelf  with  a  commirfion  from  him;  with  receiv- 
ing commands  from  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  and  joining  with  malignants, 
who  blafphemed  the  covenant.  For  this  caufe,"  faid  they,  "  as  embaffadors 
ofChriit,  we  befeech  the  people  not  to  join  hands  to  fuch  a  courfe;  not  to 
join  in  executing  fuch  a  comoiifllonj  by  ferving  either  as  officers,  or  foldiers, 
or  they  fhall  wring  the  dregs  of  the  cup,  which  the  malignants  have  been 
drinking,  thefe  many  years  paft.  We  do  alfo,  in  the  name  of  Jefus  Chrift, 
warn  the  people  of  our  charge,  from  all  compliance  with  their  ungodly  courfe, 
either  by  fpeaking  favourably  of  them,  acknowledging  the  authority  of  the 
prefent  command  under  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  and  the  Lord  of  Ards  ; 
byimpoilng  cefs  for  the  maintenance  of  their  unlawful  power;  or  by  obeying 
their  orders,  or  paying  cefs  to  their  army,  or  fupplying  them  with  that,  which 
is  the  finews  of  war,  money  and  victuals." 

I  HAVE  faid,  that  the  Prefbytery  at  Bangor  could  not  pretend  fuch  provo- 
cation for  this  outrage  on  the  Royal  authority,  as  the  congregation  at  James- 
town really  had ;  for,  by  the  King's  having  taken  the  covenant,  the  latter 
were  threatened  openly  with  the  utter  extirpation  of  their  religion  ;  but  the 
Prefbytery  were  promifed,  and  afTured  of  the  prefervation,  and  extenfion,  of 
theirs.  Lord  Montgomery,  (a)  who  was  himfelf  a  zealous  Prefbyterian,  folemnly 
engaged  in  his  declaration  (2),  "  in  the  prefcnce  of  God,  that  he  would  uie 
his  uttermoft  endeavours,  while  he  was  entrufted  with  power,  to  countenance 
and  aflift  the  exercife  of  their  religion,  as  it  was  then  practiced ;  and  likewile, 
that  he  would  folicit  his  Majefty,  and,  (as  he  had  good  grounds  to  hope)  with 
fuccefs,  for  a  confirmation  under  his  hand."  And,  two  days  before  that  de- 
claration iffued  (3),  Lord  Inchiquin  wrote  to  the  fame  Prefbytery,  "  that  he, 
being  a  well-wifher  to  the  Prefbvterian  government,  and  honoured  with  a 
public  truft  by  his  Majefty,  knew,  that  his  Majefty  was  refolved,  for  their 

fatisfaclion, 

(i)  Pie/byterian  Loyally.  (a)  ib.  p.  409.  (3)  Id.  ib. 

(a)  "  In  Apri!    following,   1650,  this   fame  Lord  him,  being  perfons  of  great  note  and  eminency  in  the 

<»f  Ards,  Lord  Moor,  and  CoJ.  Trevor,  came  from  the  kingdom,  and  the  firft  of  quality  of  the  Proteftant 

IrhTi  quarters,  to  Oliver  Cromwell  at  Clonmell,  foon  party,  that  came  from  the  Irifh  army  unto  them." 

t fcer  he  had  taken  that  town,  to  render  themfelves  to  Boil.  Hid.  of  the  Irifn  Rebel.  Append,  fol.  22. 


Ch.  XV.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  265 

fatisfaclion,  to  eftablifh  the  Prefbyterian  government  in  them  parts ;  and,  he 
believed,  in  other  parts  alfo  of  the  kingdom.  And  no  man  knows,"  adds  his 
Lordfhip,  "  whether  the  whole  number  of  Proteflants  may  not  agree  to  em- 
brace it." 


HAP.          XV. 


The  total  Defe&ion  of  the  Proteftant  Forces. 

SHORTLY  after  the  Prefbytery's  declaration  was  publifhed,  there  was 
fuch  a  general  defection  in  the  Northern  army,  that  the  Marquis  of  Or- 
mond  told  the  King,  in  December  1 649  ( i ),  "  that  his  Majefty  might  ac- 
count that  province,  if  not  wholely  loft,  yet  in  a  low,  and  defperate  condi- 
tion ;  and  that  he  expeded  to  be  llrongly  invaded  from  thence  next  fummer." 
In  that  letter  it  was,  that  he  defired  his  Majefty's  permiffion  to  withdraw 
himfelf  out  of  the  kingdom  (2),  "  becaufe  it  was  unable  of  itfelf,  and  without 
powerful  aids  from  abroad,  to  refift  the  growing  power  of  the  rebels."  Yet, 
when  his  Lordfhip  did  withdraw  himfelf,  fome  months  after,  he  greatly  in- 
creafed  thefe  rebels  power,  by  permitting,  or  rather  tranfmitting,  the  forces 
then  under  his  immediate  command  to  join  and  affift  them.  For,  when  he 
was  preparing  to  leave  the  kingdom,  and  had  defigned  Lord  Clanrickard  for 
his  deputy,  u  he  permitted,"  fays  the  Earl  (3)  of  Orrery,  "  all  thofe  worthy 
Proteflants,  who,  till  then,  had  ferved  under  him,  to  come  off  to  the  reft  of  the 
Proteftants,  though  then  headed  by  Ireton  himfelf,  eReeming  them  fafer  with 
that  real  regicide,  fo  accompanied,  than  with  thofe  pretended  antiregicides, 
fo  principled."  How  thefe  (as  he  is  pleafed  to  call  the  confederates)  pretended 
antiregicides  were  principled,  with  refpecl  to  his  Majefty's  fervice,  fufficiently 
appears,  from  what  has  been  already  related.  Nor,  indeed,  was  Ormond 
himfelf  unconfcious,  that  both  their  attachment  to  his  Majefty,  and  oppofition 
to  thefe  rebels,  were  real  and  permanent.  For  when,  upon  a  (4)  former  oc- 
cafion,  he  folicited  leave  from  the  Englifh  parliament,  to  tranfport  5000  foot, 
and  500  horfemen,  together  with  himfelf,  out  of  the  kingdom  into  France, 
in  order  to  obtain  their  confent,  he  obferved  (5),  "  that  it  would  be  a  fure 
means  of  ridding  their  partizans  in  Ireland  of  many  unfure  friends,  among  the 
King's  party,  as  well  as  many  certain  enemies  among  the  Irilh  ;"  and  thereby 
facilitate  the  reduction  of  the  kingdom  under  their  power.  Thus  were  many 
of  thofe  Proteftant  forces,  under  his  Excellency,  whom  he  calls  the  King's 

M  m  party 

(i)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii.  p.  422.  (a)  Ib.  (3)  Anfwer  to  Walfli.  (4)  In  the  year  1647. 

(5)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  i.  fol.  603. 


266  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OP    THE          Bk.  VIII. 

party  acknowledged  by  himfelf  t6  be  friends  to  the  Englilh  rebels,  though  un- 
fure,  and  the  confederate  Irifh  Catholics  to  be  their  certain  enemies. 

BY  this  great  acceffion  of  forces,  permitted  to  thefe  real  regicides,  the  ruin 
of  Ireland  was  quickly  completed.  Such  permiifion,  however,  was  perfectly 
confonant  to  his  Excellency's  former,  agreement  in  1647,  when  he  delivered  up 
all  his  power  and  authority  to  the  fame  party.  And  in  fact,  had  any  comment 
been  wanting  to  explain  the  motives  of  that  agreement,  this  permiiiion  would 
be  a  very  full,  and  clear  one  ;  for,  as  the  fame  Lord  Orrery  obferves,  and  feems 
to  appeal  to  Ormond  himfelf,  then  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  for  the  truth 
of  the  whole  palTage  (6),  "  certainly,  he  efteemed  thofe  lefs  ill,  to  whom  he 
fent  his  friends,  than  thofe,  from  whom  he  fent  them  "  and  confequently, 
was  more  felicitous  for  the  interefts  and  fuccefs  of  the  former,  than  for 
thofe  of  the  latter ;  which,  furely,  was,  befides,  an  unpardonable  impofition  on 
nis  truly  noble  friend,  the  Marquis  of  Clanrickard;  with  whom,  in  appear- 
ance, he  left  the  government  of  the  kingdom,  but,  in  reality,,  by  that  per* 
million,  deprived  him  of  the  means  of  defending  and  preferring  it. 


CHAP.          XVI. 

Treaty  with  the  Duke  of  Lorrain. 

TpXISTRESSED  as  the  confederate  Catholics  now  were,  and  deferted  by 
J[  Jf  all  the  Proteftant  forces  of  the  kingdom,  their  fidelity  and  zeal  for  his 
Majefty's  fervice  remained  unaltered.  While  the  general  aiTembly  was  ftill 
fitting  at  Loughrea,  very  favourable  offers  of  accommodation  were  fent  them 
by  the  regicides,  which  they  not  only  rejected,  but  prevailed  on  the  deputy  ( i ) 
to  ilTue  a  proclamation,  declaring  all  thofe  of  their  communion,  guilty  of  high 
treafon,  and  punifhable  with  death,  who  fhould  aid  or  afTift  them ;  and  fuch 
as  were  already  with  them,  and  did  not  quit  their  fervice  in  fourteen  days, 
were  by  the  fame  proclamation,  made  liable  to  the  fame  punifhment  (2).  The 
Bifhops  likewife,  prefent  in  that  aiTembly,  denounced  excommunication 
againft  all  Catholics,  who  either  ferved  under  the  regicides,  or  entered  into 
any  treaty  of  pacification  with  them. 

YET 

(6)  Orrery,  ubi  fupra.  (i)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii.  fol.  144     Borl.  Irifh  Rebel,  fol.  340. 

(2)-  Carte,  ib. 


Ch.  XVI.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  267 

YET  loyal  as  this  perfeverance  of  the  Irifh  clergy  was,  (not  lefTened  by  the 
daily  defertions  of  the  Proteftant  royalifts,  or  by  the  increafing  power  and  fuc- 
cefs  of  the  regicides,)  it  has  not  hindered  party-malice  to  fuggeft,  that  they 
were,  even  at  this  juncture,  initilhng  fuch  fentiments  into  the  minds  of  their 
people,  as  were  utterly  incompatible  with  their  allegiance  to  the  King,  or  due 
fubmiifion  to  his  Lieutenant  (2).  ct  The  Irifh,"  we  are  told,  "  had  ftill  as  much 
of  Ireland  in  their  power,  as  could  maintain  a  war  againft  all  the  Englifh  re- 
bels there ;  that  his  Excellency  the  Marquis  of  Clanrickard,  had  argument 
enough  to  hope,  if  he  could  be  confident  of  the  union  of  the  nation  j  that  he 
mi glit  have  re^fonably  promifed  himfelf  an  union  of  the  nation,  if  he  could 
have  been  confident  of  the  affection,  ~  and  integrity  of  the  clergy;  but  that 
the  greateft  part  of  the  Irifh  ecclefiaftics  had  no  mind  to  have  any  relation  to 
the  Englifh  nation,  and  as  little  to  return  to  their  obedience  to  the  crown; 
that  it  was  by  the  advice  and  influence  of  thefe  ecclefiaftics,  that  the  confe- 
derate Catholics  were  firft  inclined  to  treat  with  the  Englifh  rebels  for  condi- 
tions ;  and  that  afterwards,  fueh  offers  were  made  to  the  Duke  of  Lorrain 
by  commiifioners  of  their  chofing,  as  in  effect  transferred  the  whole  right,  and 
fovereignty  of  that  kingdom  to  his  Highnefs." 

BUT,  befides  what  has  been  already  related  of  the  temper,  and  difpo- 
fition  of  thefe  ecclefiaftics,  and  of  the  ftate  of  the  nation  at  that  dif- 
mal  juncture,  the  whole  of  this  charge  is  inconteftibly  proved  to  be 
falfe,  from  that  "  flate  of  his  Majefty's  affairs,  and  the  condition  of  his 
faithful  fubjecls  in  Ireland,  which  the  Marquis  of  Clanrickard  himfelf  tranf- 
mitted  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond,  on  occafion  of  the  above-mentioned  treaty 
with  the  Duke  of  Lorrain." 

FOR  therein  his  Lordfhip  fets  forth  (3),  "  that  the  power,  and  fuc- 
cefs  of  the  rebels  were  fuch,  as  that  the  whole  nation  was  in  their  po£- 
feflion,  or  fubject  to  their  contribution,  except  the  province  of  Conaught, 
and  county  of  Clare,  his  Majefty's  city  of  Limerick,  and  town  of  Gal- 
way  ;  and  that  the  faid  province  of  Conaught,  and  county  of  Clare  were, 
for  the  mofl  part,  wafte ;  that  the  inhabitants  thereof  were  utterly  impo- 
verifhed ;  that  no  confiderable  forces  could  be  brought  together,  to  main- 
tain a  defenfive  war  againft  the  rebels,  much  lefs  an  ofFenfive ;  that 
the  city  of  Limerick,  and  town  of  Galway,  had  of  a  long  time,  out  of 

M  m  2  a  feel- 

f 

(2)  Clarend,  (3)  Clanrick.  Mem.  Dub.  cd.  p.  56. 


268  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE          Bk.  VIII. 

a  feeling  fenfe  they  had  of  their  own  deftruftion,  being  inclined-  to  treat 
for  conditions  with  the  rebels;  that  the  fame  was  the  refolution  of  moft 
of  the  other  people  of  Ireland,  who  could  not  humanely  fee  how  they 
could  be  otherwife  preferved;  and  that  many  of  the  officers  of  his  Ma- 
jefty's army  did,  from  feveral  parts  of  the  kingdom,  reprefent  their 
fenfe  that  it  was  abfolutely  neceffary  for  the  people's  prefervation  to 
treat  with  the  rebels  for  conditions,  feeing  there  was  no  power  to  refift 
them." 

FROM  hence  it  is  manifeft,  that  whatever  inclination  thefe  deferted 
Iriih  had  to  treat  with  the  rebels,  was  not  at  all  owing  to  the  advice,  or 
influence,  of  their  clergy ;  but  naturally  aroie  from  that  irremediable 
diftrefs,  to  which  they  then  found  themfelves  reduced,  and  from  the 
difmal  profpect  of  its  daily  increafe,  until  it  fhould  end  in  their  total  de- 
ftruction. 

"  BUT  no  fooner,"  proceeds  (4)  Lord  Clanrickard,  "  had  thefe  Irifh  un- 
derftood,  that  the  Duke  of  Lorrain's  embaffador  had  arrived  in  Ireland, 
with  offers  of  powerful  affiance  for  the  prefervation  of  the  Catholic  religion, 
and  of  his  Majefty's  fubjecSh'  interefts,  than  they  took  much  comfort  and 
encouragement  thereby,  hoping  that  the  rebels  power  might  be  oppofed. 
And  foon  after,  the  towns  of  Limerick  and  Galway,  and  all  other  places 
yet  in  his  Majefty's  obedience,  feemed  more  chearfully,  than  before,  to 
affift  his  Majefty's  authority,  in  oppofing  the  rebels ;  and  to  difavow, 
and  difclaim,  any  treaty  with  them,  though  formerly  inclined,  if  not  re- 
folved." 

UPON  this  change  in  the  temper  of  the  people,  the  deputy  (5)  "  autho- 
rifed  fome  of  the  Roman  Catholic  prelates,  and  commiffioners  of  truft,  to 
treat  with  the  faid  embaffador;  who  being  accordingly  called  together, 
with  feveral  officers  of  the  army,  after  a  long  and  ferous  debate,  weigh- 
ing the  unavoidable  danger  the  nation  was  in  of  falling  into  the  hands  of 
the  rebels,  did  therefore  advife,  that  it  was  abfolutely  neceffary  to  accept 
of  his  faid  Highnefs's  protection.  But  the  faid  embaffador's  proportions 
being  fuch,  as  Lord  Clanrickard  could  not  confent  to,  the  treaty,  and  con- 
clufion  for  farther  fupplies,  were  put  over  to  be  determined  by  his  Highnefs, 
or  fuch  as  he  fhould  depute ;  and  by  fuch  as  fhould  be  authorifed  by  the  de- 
puty in  his  Majefty's  behalf." 


(4)  ib  (5)  ib- 


Ch.XVII.  CIVIL    WARS    IH    IRELAND.  269 

His  Lordihip  concludes  with  his  own  opinion  upon  the  then  fituation 
of  affairs  thus  (6),  "  It  is  very  evident,  how  great  the  evils  are  that  will 
happen,  if  immediately  great  aids  are  not  haitened  to  this  nation ;  for  the 
kingdom  will,  by  the  forefloing  thereof,  be  entirely  in  the  enemies  power 
pofFeiFion,  and  the  people  univerfally  enforced  to  fubmit  unto  them." 


CHAP.          XVII. 

The  Treaty  with  the  Duke  of  Lorrain  confidered* 

> 

T  mufl  be  confeffed,  that  this  imminent  danger  of  the  whole  king- 
dom's falling  under  the  power  of  the  Engliih  rebels,  did  induce  Sir 
Nicholas  Plunket  and  GeofFry  Brown,  Efq;  (commiilioners  on  that  occafion 
appointed  by  Lord  Clanrickard)  to  yield  to  the  felicitations  of  fome  pri- 
vate agents  of  the  Irifh  clergy,  then  at  Bruffels,  to  agree  to  the  terms 
propofed  by  the  Duke  of  Lorrain,  rather  than  break  off  the  treaty  $ 
for  which  the  deputy  feverely  reprimanded,  and  threatened  to  proclaim 
them.  But  even  that  ftep  they  did  not  take  without  previous  encourage- 
ment from  the  Queen,  the  Duke  of  York,  and  the  Marquis  of  Ormond 
himfelf. 

"  FOR  (i),  their  commifllon  being  accompanied  with  inftruclions  for  ap~ 
plication  to  be  made  to  the  Queen,  the  Duke  of  York,  and  the  Lord 
Lieutenant,  upon  their  landing ;  in  accomplifhment  thereof,  Lord  TaafFe 
repaired  to  Paris,  and  prefented  to  her  Majefly,  the  t)uke  of  York,  and 
Lord  Lieutenant,  all  the  papers,  and  inflruclions,  which  they  had  received 
concerning  that  treaty  j  among  which  were  the  proportions,  agreed  to 
and  advifed,  by  the  general  aiTembly,  for  obtaining  the  protection,  and 
future  fuccour,  of  the  kingdom ;  which  were  in  effect  the  fame  with  the 
articles  afterwards  concluded  with  the  Duke  of  Lorrain.  And  the  faid 
papers  having  been  confidered,  by  her  Majefly,  the  Duke  of  York,  and 
Lord  Lieutenant,  her  Majefty  direded  her  letters  to  Sir  Nicholas  Plunket, 
and  GeofFry  Brown,  Efq;  willing  them  to  give  credit  to  Lord  TaafFe,  in 
what  he  fhould  relate  unto  them,  concerning  that  afFair,  By  Lord  TaafFe 

they 

(6)  ib.  (i)  Clanrick.  Mem, 


270  HfSTORICALREVEWoFTHE          Bk.  VIII. 

they  underftood,  that  her  Majefty,  the  Buke  of  York,  and  Lord  Lieutenant 
wiihed  his  Highnefs  would  undergo  the  charge ;  and  that  he  fhould  meet 
with  no  oppofition  from  any  of  them :  yet  that,  by  any  inftrument  under 
their  hands,  they  could  not  coiifent  to  it,  left  it  might  draw  danger  on 
the  King's  perfon,  being  then  in  the  power  of  the  Scots ;  and,  in  purfuance 
of  this  letter  of  credence,  Lord  Taaffe  advifed,  that  they  fhould  proceed  to  a 
conclusion  of  the  treaty." 

THE  Marquis  of  Ormond,  after  having  been  informed  by  Lord  TaafTe 
of  the  particulars  of  this  tranfedion,  wrote  back  to  his  Lordfhip  (2),  "  that, 
touching  the  bufinefs  of  Ireland,  and  the  Duke  of  Lorrairi,  for  ought  ap- 
pearing to  him,  there  was  nothing  done,  that  were  to  be  wiihed  undone ;  and 
for  what  remained  to  produce  new,  and  further  fupplies,  it  was  left  to  the 
agreement  that  fhould  be  made  with  his  agent  by  the  Marquis  of  Clanrick- 
ard,  affifted  by  fuch  as  the  late  general  alTembly  had  appointed  ;  who,  as 
they  were  beft  judges  of  their  own  condition,  ib  they  had  free  liberty 
from  his  Majefty,  in  cafe  of  high  neceffity,  to  endeavour  their  own  preferva- 
tion,  even  by  receiving  conditions  from  the  rebels,  which  muft  be  much 
more  contrary  to  his  interefts,  than  to  receive  them  from  any  other,  almoft 
upon  any  terms."  He  afterwards  reminds  his  Lordfhip  (3),  "  that  he  had 
already  made  his  application,  where  the  King  (a)  commanded  he  fhould,  and 
that  fo  he  was  fairly  quit  of  the  matter  (b)? 

THIS 

(2)  Id.  ib.  p.  77.  (3)  ib.  (4)  To  the  Queen,  and  Duke  of  York. 

(a)  The  King  hiinfdf,  in  a   letter   to   Lord  Clan-  in   that    tranfaftion,  any  purpofe  of  undutifuJnefs  or 

rickard,  condefcended    to    apologize   for   thefe    coin-  difrefpecl,  towards    hiin,  which,"    adds  hia  Majefty, 

miflioners.     For,  aft^r  having  io!d  that  Lord,  "  that  "   we   are  willing   to  believe,  and    gracioufly  accept 

they  excufed  their  having  confented  to  tb>  t/ea'y  with  their  future  feivice  ;  and  we  recommend  them  to  your 

the  Duke  of  Lorrain,  only  by  the  lemtdilels  necefii-  good  opinion  and  favour,  to   the  end,  that  upon  their 

ti«s  ihey  then  conceived  Ireland    ro  be  in,  and    the  application  to  you,  you  may  receive  them   into  the 

abfolute  <Jefpair  they  had  to  procure  a   piefent   fup-  fame  place  of  confidence,  and  efteem,  you  have  for- 

ply   by   any  other  means,"  he   informs  him,  "  that  jnerly  had  of  them,  and  ufe  their  advice,  and  fer  vice, 

they  kept  both  parts  of  the  articles  in  their  hands,  till  as  heretofore."     Clanrick.  Mem.  Dub.  ed.  p.  120. 
his  pleafure  fhould  be  known  ;  and  that  they  had  nor, 


(1)  Tbe  King  in  a   letter  to  Lord  Taaffe,  from  ber  ;  and  if  therefore  flie  fta II  direct  you  in  any  thing, 

Johnftone, January  ad,  i6,o,ufes  thefe  words,  relative  you  may  fafely  follow   her  advice  and  dire&ion,  aod 

to  this  treaty  with  the  Duke  of  Lorrain.     "  The  ways  have   my  confent  to  it."      Clanrickard's  Memoirs, 

here  for  my  affairs  in  Ireland  being  obftructed,  1  have  Dub.  ed.  p.  76. 
heretofore  intreated  the  Queen  to  take  that  care  upon 


Ch.XVII.  CIVIL   WARS    IN    IRELAND.  271 

THIS  is  the  true  ftate  of  that  negociatkm  for  the  Duke  of  LorrairTs  affif- 
tance,  and  protection.  But  we  will  fuppofe,  for  a-  moment,  the  common 
invidious  reprefentation  of  it  to  be  jnft,  namely,  "  that  the  Catholics  of  Ire- 
land, when  theirs  and  the  King's  forces  were  aimo$  entirely  reduced, 
invited  the  Duke  of  Lorrain  over,  engaging,  upon  his  appearing  among 
them  with  his  forces,  to  deliver  up  the  whole  Ifland  into  his  hands,  and  de- 
clare him  their  fovereign."  I  fay,  even  fuppofing  this  to  have  been  the 
cafe,  let  the  candid  and  impartial  judge,  from  the  difmal  fituation  of  thefe 
Catholics  at  that  juncture  of  time,  whether  a  better,  or  more  juftifiable,  project 
could  have  been  thought  of  (5).  "  They  were  then  reduced  to  flavery,  and 
beggary,  by  the  Englifh  rebels  j  many  thoufands  of  them  murdered,  and 
the  reft  deprived  of  their  eftates.  So  that  the  queftion  will  turn  upon  this, 
whether  the  Catholics  of  Ireland,  in  this  wretched  fituation,  and  in  utter  def- 
pair  of  ever  feeing  the  monarchy  reftored,  for  the  prefervation  of  which 
they  had  fufrered  fo  much,  were  to  be  blamed  for  calling  in  a  foreign  prince 
of  their  own  religion,  who  had  a  considerable  army  to  fupport  them,  rather 
than  fubmit  to  fo  infamous  an  ufurper  as  Cromwell,  or  fuch  a  bloody,  and 
ignominious  conventicle,  as  the  rump-parliament.  Many  Proteftants,  both 
DifTenters  and  Conformifts,  who  have  been  converfant  in  the  hiftory  of 
thofe  times,  -have  freely  confeffed,  that,  confidering  the  miferable  condition 
the  Irifh  were  then  in,  they  could  not  have  thought  of  a  braver,  or  more 
virtuous,  attempt ;  by  which  they  might  have  been  mftruments  of  re- 
ftoring  the  lawful  monarch,  at  leaft,  to  the  recovery  of  England  and 
Scotland,  from  thofe  betrayers,  and  fellers,  and  murderers,  of  his  royal 
father." 

AND,  indeed,  his  Majefty's  affairs  were  then  fo  abfblutely  deiperate,  in 
every  part  of  his  dominions,  that,  after  this  treaty  with  the  Duke  of  Lorrain 
was  entirely  broken  off,  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  himfelf,  abhorrent  as 
he  always  feemed  to  be,  from  any  connection  with  the  Irifh  Catholics,  and 
efpecially  with  their  clergy,  advifed,  that  fpeedy  recourfe  might  be  had 
to  their  fupreme  fpiritual  head,  the  Pope  himfelf,  as  the  only  vifible  means 
of  retrieving  them  j  which  he  feemed  to  think  might  be  happily  effected  by 
his  Holinefs's  mediation,  and  influence,  with  other  Catholic  Princes  and 
ftates.  "  To  come  fhortly,"  fays  he  (6)  in  a  letter  to  the  Marquis  of  Clan- 
rickard  on  that  occafion,  "  to  what  I  would  be  at,  wherein  you  may  be 
concerned,  I  conceive  fome  one  muft  be  found,  that  hath  power,  if  not 
with  all,  yet  with  mod  Chriftian  Princes,  and  ftates.  Among  the  Pro- 
teftants 

(5)  Swift's  Works.        (6)  Carte's  Col.  of  Orm,  Original  papers  vol.  i.  p.  461. 


*7*  HISTORICAL   REVIEW,   &c.  Bk.VIII. 

teftants  there  is  none  fuch ;  and  among  the  Roman  Catholics,  it  is  vifi- 
ble,  that  the  Pope  has  moft  of  authority,  and  perfuafion  j  and  it  ihall  be, 
without  fcruple,  my  advice,  and  that  fpeedily,  that  fitting  Minifters 
may  be  lent,  and  apt  inducements  propofed,  to  him  for  his  interpofition  with 
all  Princes  and  flates,"— »— Here  the  fentence  is  left  thus  abruptly  broken 
off,  with  what  view,  if  done  defjgnedly,  may  be  eafily  conjectured,  from  the 
foregoing  fragment. 


A    N 


HISTORICAL    AND    CRITICAL 

RE      V      I      E     W 


O    F  ~   T    H    E 


CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND. 


BOOK          IX. 


CHAP.          I. 

The  Marquis  o^Clanrickard  leaves  Ireland^  now  entirely  fubjeft  to  the 

Rebels. 

TH  E  affairs  of  the  confederate  Catholics  being  now  abfolutely  irretriev- 
able, the  Marquis  of  Clanrickard,  in  1652,  left  Ireland,  carrying  with 
him  the  royal  authority  ( i ).  "  And  within  a  twelvemonth  after,  Mortogh 
O'Brien,  the  laft  of  the  Irifh  commanders,  fubmitted  to  the  parliament,  on 
the  ufual  terms  of  tranfportation  j  by  the  favour  of  which,"  adds  (2)  my  author, 
"  twenty-feven  thoufand  men  had  been  that  year  fent  away."  "  Cromwell  (3)," 
fays  a  late  hiftorian,  "  in  order  to  get  free  of  his  enemies,  did  not  fcruple  to 
tranfport  forty  thoufand  Irifh  from  their  own  country,  to  fill  all  the  armies 
in  Europe  with  complaints  of  his  cruelty,  and  admiration  of  their  own  va- 
lour." 

THIS,  together  with  the  multitudes  deftroyed  by  the  fword,  during  the 
war,  and  by  famine  and  peililence  after  it,  caufed  a  prodigious  fcarcity  of 

N  n  people 

(t)  Borl.  Irifh  Rebel.  (z)  ib.  (3)  Dalrymp.  Mem.  of  Great  Brit,  vol.  i.  part  z.  p.  267. 


274  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF   THE  Bk.  IX. 

people  in  the  kingdom.  But  to  fupply^hat  defed  (4),  Fleetwood,  deputy  for 
the  parliament,  invited  over  feveral  colonies  from  England  -,  offering  good 
conditions  to  fuch  families,  as  would  fettle  in  Ireland  ;  whereupon  great 
numbers  of  all  forts,  and  fexes,  flocked  to  that  kingdom." 

' 

"  IT  ($)  cannot  be  Imagined,  iri  how  eafy  a  method,  and  with  what  peace- 
able  formality,  that  whole  great  kingdom  was  taken  from  the  juil  owners 
and  proprietors,  and  divided  among  thofe,  who  had  no  other  right  to  it,  but 
that  they  had  power  to  keep  it.  :  In  lefs  than  two  years  after  LordClanrickard 
left  Ireland,  this  new  government  feemed  to  be  perfectly  eftablifhed; 
mfomuch  that  there  were  many  buildings  ereded  for  ornament,  as  well  as 
ufe ;  orderly  and  regular  plantations  of  trees  and  fences,  and  enclofures  raifed 
throughout  the  kingdom ;  purchafes  made  by  one  from  the  other,  at  very 
valuable  rates ;  and  jointures  fettled  upon  marriages ;  and  all'  the  convey- 
ances,, and. fettlements.  executed,  as  in  a  kingdom  at,  peace  within  itfelf,  and 
where  no  doubt  could  be  made  of  the  validity  of  titles.'' 

ON  the  26th  of  September  1653,  the  Rnglifh  parliament  declared,  that  trie- 
rebels  in  Ireland  were  fubdued,  and  the  rebellion  ended ;  and  thereupon  pro- 
ceeded to  the  diftribution  of  their  lands,  in  purfnance  of  the  a6t  of  fubfcriptions 
17°  Caroli.  "  This  being  .notified  to  the  government  of  Ireland  (6),  Lord 
Broghill,  afterwards  Earl  of  Orrery,  propofed  at  a  council  of  war  of  all  the 
chief  commanders  for  the  parliament,  that  the  whole  kingdom  fhould  be  fur- 
veyed,  and  the  number  of  acres  taken,  with  the  quality  of  them;  and  then, 
that  all  the  foldiers  fhould  bring  in  their  demand  of  arrears ;  and  fo 
to  give  every  man,  by  lot,  as  many  acres  as  fhould  anfwer  the  value  of  his 
demand." 

THIS  propofal  was  agreed  to,  and  all  Ireland  being  furveyed,  the  (7)  beft 
land  was  rated  only  at  four  fhillings  an  acre,  and  fome  only  at  a  penny.  The 
foldiers  drew  lots  in  what  part  of  the  kingdom  their  portions  fhould  be 
afTigncd  them  (8).  Great  abufo  was  committed  in  fetting  out  the  adventurers 
fatisfaction  for  the  money  they  had  advanced,  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  ; 
for  they  had  whole  baronies  fet  out  to  them  in  grofs ;  and  then  they  employed 
furveyors  of  their  own,  to  make  their  admeafurements  (9).  "  No  men  had 
fo  great  fhares  as  they,  who  had  been  inftruments  to  murder  the  King. 
What  lands  they  were  pleafed  to  call  unprofitable,  (which  were  thrown  in 
gratis,)  they  returned  as  fuch,  let  them  be  never  fo  good,  and  profitable  ( i  o). 
The  lands  neld  by  the  foldiers,  as  unprofitable,  and  as  fuch,  returned  into 

•the 

(4)  Borl.  ubi  fupra.  (5)  Life  of  Clarend.  vol.  ii.  p.  117.  (6)  Morris's  Life  of  Orrery. 

(7)  Id.  ib.  (8)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii.  fol.  301.  (9)  Id.  ib.    .        (10)  Id.  ib. 


Ch.II.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  275 

the  furveyor's  office,  amounted  to  605,670  acres.  In  this  manner  was  the 
whole  kingdom  divided  between  the  foldiers,  and  the  adventurers  of 
money  (d). 


C      H      A      P.          II. 


The  Tranfplantation  of  the  Irljh  into  Conaught* 

ROM  WELL  (i)  and  his  council,  finding  the  utter  extirpation  of  the 
nation,  which  they  had  intended,  to  be  in  itfelf  very  difficult,  and  to 
carry  in  it  fomewhat  of  horror,  that  made  fome  impreffion  upon  the  ftone- 
hardnefs  of  their  own  hearts,  after  fo  many  thoufands  deftroyed  by  the  fword, 
fire,  famine,  and  the  plague  j  and  after  fo  many  thoufands  tranfported  into 
foreign  parts,  found  out  the  following  expedient  of  tranfplantation,  which 
they  called  an  act  of  grace..  There  was  a  large  tra£t  of  land,  even  to  the  half 
of  the  province  of  Conaught,  that  was  feparated  from  the  reft,  by  a  long  and 
large  river,  and  which,  by  the  plague,  and  many  mafTacres,  remained  almofl 
defblate.  Into  this  fpace,  and  circuit  of  land,  they  required  all  the  Irifh  fa) 
to  retire  by  a  certain  day,  under  the  penalty  of  death  j  and  all  who  after  that 
time,  fhould  be  found  in  any  other  part  of  the  kingdom,  man,  woman,  or 
child,  might  be  killed,  by  any  body  who  faw  or  met  them.  The  land  with- 
in this  circuit,  the  moft  barren  in  the  kingdom,  was  out  of  the  grace  and 
mercy  of  the  conquerors,  affigned  to  thofe  of  the  nation,  who  were  enclofed 
in  fuch  proportions,  as  might  with  great  induftry,  preferve  their  lives.  And 
to  thofe  perfons,  from  whom  they  had  taken  great  quantities  of  land  in  other 
provinces,  they  affigned  greater  proportions  within  this  precin6t.  And  that 
they  might  not  be  exalted  with  this  merciful  donative,  it  was  a  condition 
that  accompanied  this  their  accommodation,  that  they  fhould  all  give  releafes 
of  their  former  rights  and  titles  to  the  land  that  was  taken  from  them,  in 
confideration  of  what  was  now  affigned  them ;  and  fo  they  fhould  for  ever  bar 
themfelves,  and  their  heirs,  from  laying  claim  to  their  old  inheritance.  What 

N  n  2  fhould 

(i)  Clarend.  Life,  vol.  ii.  p.  116. 

(d)  Lord  Antrim's  eftate,  confifting  of  107,611  ration  of  their  adventures,  and  pay,  which  did  not  in 
acres,  was  allotted  to  Sir  John  Clothworthy,  after-  all,  exceed  the  fum  of  7000!.  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii. 
wards  Lord  Maflareen,  and  a, few  others,  in  confide-  fol.  278. 

(a)  "  Whom  Cromwell  had  declared   innocent  of  the  Rebellion."    Lei.  Hift.  of  Irel.  vol.  iii,  p.  409. 

Carte,  &c. 


276  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk  IX. 

fhould  they  do,"  continues  my  author,  "  they  could  not  be  permitted  to  go 
out  of  this  precinct,  ,to  fhift  for  themfelves  elfewhere ;  and  without  this  affigna- 
tion,  they  muft  ftarve  here,  as  many  did  daily  die  of  famine." 

"  IN  (2)  this  deplorable  condition,  and  under  this  confternation,  they  found 
themfelves  obliged  to  accept,  or  fubmit  to,  the  hardeft  conditions  of  their 
conquerors ;  and  fo  figned  fuch  conveyances,  and  releafes,  as  were  prepared 
for  them,  that  they  might  enjoy  thofe  lands,  which  belonged  to  other  men. 
And  by  this  means,  the  plantation  of  Conaught,  as  they  called  it,  was  finifh- 
ed,  and  all  .the  Irilh  nation  was  inclofed  within  that  circuit ;  the  reft  of  Ireland 
being  left  to  the  Englifh.  Some  few  eilates  were  left  to  the  old  Lords,  and 
juft  proprietors,  who  being  all  Proteftants  (for  no  Roman  Catholics  were  ad- 
mitted) had  either  never  offended  them,  or  had  ferved  them,  or  had  made 
compofition  for  their  delinquencies,  by  the  benefit  of  fome  (b)  articles," 


CHAP.          III. 

High  Courts  of  Juftice  in  Ireland. 

ABOUT  this  time,  a  new  tribunal,  under  the  title  of  an  high  court  of 
juftice,  was  erected  in  different  parts  of  both  kingdoms,  for  the  trial 
of  rebels,  and  malignants,  that  is  to  fay,  of  thofe  who  were  ftill  found  faith- 
ful to  the  King.  That,  which  fat  at  Dublin  in  1652,  was  befides,  autho- 
rifed  ( I ),  "  to  hear  and  determine,  all  maffacres  and  murders,  done  or  com- 
mitted, fince  the  firft  day  of  Oclober  1641  ;  that  is  to  fay,  the  actors,  con- 
trivers, promoters,  abettors,  aiders,  and  aflifters,  of  any  of  the  faid  maffacres, 
or  murders,  or  killing  after  quarter  given."  From  the  iniquitous,  and  bloody, 
fentences  frequently  pronounced  in  thefe  courts,  they  were  commonly  called 

Cromwell's 

(2)  Id.  ib.  (i)  Borl.  Irirti  Rebel. 

(1)  This  transplantation,  grievous  and  ftiocking  as  feveral  proportions  of  land  ;  that   fo  the  new  Englifli 

it  appears  in  this  authentic  defcription  of  it,  has  been  planters   might   proceed    without    interruption,    and 

reprefented  by   a  late  hiftorian,  rather  as  a  piece  of  without  that   danger  of  degenerating,  which  former 

neceflary,  and  ufeful  policy  at  that  time,  than  as  an  act  ages  had   experienced   from   an    intercourfe  with  the 

of  feverity,  and  injuftice  to  the  Irifh.  "  Conaught,"  fays  Irifli ;  and  the  natives,  divided   by  the  Shannon  from 

that  writer,  "  was  referved  entirely  for  the  Irifh,  under  the  other  provinces,  and  furrounded  by  Englifli  gar- 

the  qualifications  determined  by   parliament.     Here  rjfons,  might  be  reftrained  from  their  old  barbarous 

they  were  to  confine  themfelves,  and  to  enjoy  their  incurfvons."    Lei.  Hift  of  Irel.  vol.  iii.  p.  396. 


Ch.III.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND,  277 

Cromwell's  (2)  flaughter-houfes ;  "  for  no  articles  were  pleadable  in  them ; 
and  againft  a  charge  of  things  faid  to  be  done  twelve  years  before,  little  or  no 
defence  could  be  made :  and  the  cry  that  was  made  of  blood,  aggravated 
with  expreffions  of  fo  much  horror,  and  the  no  lefs  daunting  afpecl  of  the 
court,  quite  confounded  the  amazed  prifoners,  fo  that  they  came  like  (beep 
to  the  flaughter  (a)" 

AND  indeed,  what  elfe  could  be  expected  at  a  time,  when  all  distinctions 
of  right  and  wrong  were  confounded,  and  loft  in  thofe  of  power,  and  impo- 
tence (3)  j  "  when  the  nobleft  ads  of  loyalty,  (fays  the  Marquis  of  Ormond 
himfelf,)  received  the  judgment  due  to  the  fouleft  treafon ;  due  to  the  un- 
righteous judges  that  pronounced  it,  without  authority  in  the  perfons,  or 
jiiftice  in  the  fentence ;  when  the  benches  were  crowded,  and  opprefTed, 
with  the  throng,  and  wicked  weight  of  thofe,  that  ought  rather  to  have  ftood 
manacled  at  the  bar;  when  fuch  was  the  bold  contempt,  not  only  of  the 
effentials,  but  alfo  of  the  very  formalities  of  juflice,  that  they  gave  no  reafoo. 
for  taking  away  mens  eftates^  but  that  they  were  Irifh  Papifts ;  when  all  men 
were  liable  to  the  entanglements  of  two-edged  oaths,  from  the  conflicts  raifed 
by  them  in  mens  breafts,  between  confcience  and  conveniency ;  between  the 
proftitution  of  their  cpnfciences,  and  the  ruin  of  their  fortunes;  than  which 
an  harder,  and  more  tyrannical,  choice  could  not  be  obtruded  on  chriftians. 
For  here  the  election  was  not  fwear  thus  againft  your  confcience,  or.  you  fhall 
have  no  part  in  the  civil  government,  no  office  in  the  army,  or  benefice  in 
the  church  ;  but  fwear  thus,  or  you  fhall  have  no  houfe  to  put  your  head  in, 
no  bread  to  fuftain  yourfelves,  your  wives,  and  your  children  (b)" 

MANY  inftances  might  be  produced  of  the  barbarous  iniquity  of  thefe 
courts ;  but  I  fhall  mention  only  one,  which  was  exhibited  at  the  trial  of  Sir 
Fhelim  O'Neil,  in  February  1652,  when  an  infamous  attempt  was  made  by 
his  judges  to  blacken  the  memory  of  their  deceafed  King,  with  the  fame 
mock-appearance  of  juftice,  though  not  with  the  fame  fuccefs,  with  which 
their  mafters  in  England  had  lately  murdered  his  royal  perfon. 

SIR 

(2)  Hift.  of  Independency,  (3)  Ormond's  fpeech  to  parliament.     BorL  Ir.  Rebel. 

(a)  Such  was  the  indifcriminate,  and  glaring  in-  corrupt,  or  no  evidence ;  "  yet  in  the  Northern  pro- 

juftice   of  thefe  courts,    that,  although   in  different  vince,  which  had  been  the  great   fcene  of  barbarity, 

parts  of  Ireland,  they  contrived   to  condemn  about  not  one  was  brought  to  juftice  but  Sir  Phelim  O'Neii." 

two  hundred  perfons,  as  guilty  of  murder,  on  forged,  Lei.  Hift.  vol.  iii.  p.  394. 

(I)  Is  not  this  the  cafe,  at  this  day,  of  many  Irifh  Roman  Catholics,  with  refpeft  to  tht  operations  of  the 
prefent  Popery-lawi  ? 


2-3  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.IX. 

SIR  Phelim  O'Neil,  one  of  the  principal  leaders  in  the  infurrection  of  1641, 
eonfcious  that  nothing  would  more  effectually  induce  the  Irifh  to  join  in  his 
confpiracy,  than  their  belief  that  it  was  approved  of,  and  authorifed,  by  the 
King,  counterfeited  his  Majefty's  commiilion  for  that  evil  purpofe;  and  hav- 
ing furprifed  the  caftle  of  Charlemount,  he  there  found  an  old  patent,  theieal  of 
which  he  ordered  to  be  torn  off,  and  affixed  to  that  commiffion.  The  Irifh 
infurgents  believed  the  authority  real,  and,  therefore,  entered  heartily  into 
his  meafures.  The  Englifh  rebels,  for  a  while,  either  believed,  or  pretended 
to  believe,  the  fame  ;  and  from  thence  had  taken  occafion  to  heap  infinite 
reproaches  on  the  Krng,  who  thereby  loft  the  affections  of  many  of  his  other- 
wife  well-difpofed  fubjects.  Thus  the  fame  credulity,  real,  or  affected,  of 
thefe  two  contending  parties,  by  increafmg  their  numbers,  equally  anfwerqd 
their  different  purpofes.  But  the  motives,  by  which  it  operated  in  each,  were  very 
different;  that  of  the  infurgents  being  an  honeft,  though  mifguided,  intention 
of  ferving  his  Majefty  againft  a  factious,  and  diiloyal  adminiftration ;  and  that 
•of  the  others,  an  avowed  defign  to  carry  on,  and  foment  the  rebellion  again!! 
himfelf. 

BUT  the  regicides,  having  now  gotten  into  their  hands  the  known  author 
of  the  forgery,  and  imagining  that  he  would  not  hefitate  to  accept  of  any 
conditions,  that  might  extricate  him  from  his  prefent  dangerous  fituation, 
expected  to  be  able  to  convince  the  world,  by  his  own  teftimony,  that  he  had 
levied,  and  carried  on  that  war  by  a  real  commiffion  from  his  Majefty  -,  hoping, 
by  that  means,  to  wipe  away,  or  at  leaft,  extenuate,  their  own  guilt,  in  the 
late  King's  murder,  as  if  they  had  only  by  that  act,  rid  the  world  of  the  author 
and  abettor  of  a  rebellion,  which  they  every  where  reprefented  as  moft  odious, 
and  deteftable.  Full  of  thefe  hopes,  they  privately  offered  him  his  pardon, 
and  the  reftitution  of  his  eftate  (c)^  if  he  would  make  public  confeffion,  and 
proof  of  trie  genuinenefs  and  authenticity  of  this  commiffion  ;  but  they  being 
anfwered,  "  that  it  was  impoffible  for  him  to  do  fo,"  refolved  to  try,  what 
the  terror  of  their  high  court  of  juftice  would  do;  and  therefore  brought  him 
to  his  trial  (4),  where  his  judges  publickly  repeated  the  fame  tempting  offer, 
and  enforced  it  with  fhamelefs  importunity  ;  but  he  perfifting  refolutely  in  his 
denial  of  the  fact,  his  fentence  was  deferred  till  the  next  day  j  and  then  again, 

for 

(4)  Nalfon's  Hiftoric.  Colleft. 

(-c-)  "  He  had  been  frequently  folicited  thereunto  Ireland  by  King  Charles  II.  who  attended  Sir  Phelim 

by  fair  promifes,  and  great  rewards,  while  he  was  in  in  prifon,  as  Jiis  council,  ufed  frequently  to -mention 

prifon."       Cart.    Orm.     vol.   ii.   fol.     181.       "Sir  this  as  told  him  there  by  Sir  Phelim,  with  great  detefla- 

Richard  Kennedy,  made  Baron  of  the  Exchequer  of  t  ion  of  the  offer."    Id.  ib.  Note. 


Oh.  HI.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  279 

for  the  fame  reafon,  poftponed  to  the  third,  in  order,  as  his  judges  told  him, 
(d)  to  give  him  time  to  reflect  on  their  friendly  propofal, .  But  Sir  Phelim 
ilill  acquitting  his  Majefty  of  having  any  hand  in  that  commiflion,  and  even 
calling  witneffes  to  prove,  that  he  had  himfelf  fixed  the  feal  to  it,  in  the  man- 
ner before-mentioned,  fentence  of  death  was  pronounced  againfl  him,  But 
even  then,  they  did  not  ceafe  to  tempt  him  ;  for  at  the  very  place  of  execu- 
tion, and  after  he  had  mounted  the  ladder,  Ludlow  fent  him  an  offer  of  his 
life,  and  efbte,  if  he  would  then  accufe  his  Majefty  of  having  fent  him  that 
commiflion.  But  he  calmly  anfwered,  "  I  thank  the.  Lieutenant  General  for 
his  intended  mercy ;  but  I  declare,  good  people,  before  God  and  his  Angels, 
and.  all  you  that  hear  me,  that  I  never  had  any  commiflion  (e)  from  the  King, 
for  what  I  have  done,  in  levying,  and^profccuting  this  war."  More  of  his 
fpeech,  fays  (5)  Dean  Ker,  who  was  prefent  at  both  his  trial,  and  execution, 
"  I  could  not  hear,  the  guards  beating  off  thofe,  that  flood  near  the  place  of 
execution." 

SIR  Phelim  O'Neil  is  never  mentioned  in  any  hiftory  of  this  infurreclion, 
but  as  a  monfter  of  cruelty,  perfidy,  and  rebellion:  L  mean  not  to  reprefent 
him  as  quite  innocent  in  any  of  thefe  refpecls ;  but  I  am  inclined  to  think, 
that  thefe  charges  have  been  greatly  aggravated  in. his  particular^  as  we  find, 
they  have  certainly  been,  with  regard  to  his  affociates .  in  this  war  (6).  At 
his  trial  he  fervently  declared,  "  that-  divers .  outrages,  committed  by  his 
ofEcers  and  foldiers,  though  contrary  to  his  intention,  preiTed  his  confcience 

;y  much  (f)"  And,  indeed,  his  whole  conduct,  on  this  occafion,  feems 

to 

(5)  ib.  (6)  ib.  Carte. 

(d)  "  His   trial,"  fays   Mr-.   Carte,  "  was   drawn      his  life,  by  blackening  the  memory  of  the.  late  King.'' 
out  into  a  length  of  feveral  days,  in   hopes  that  the      Onn.  vol.  ii.  fol.  s8i. 

criminal;  might  in  that  time  be  wrought  upon  to  fave 

(e)  "  Lord  Maguire,  alfo,  who  was   privy  to   all      Majefty  in  his  ftnfwer  to  the  parliament's  two  laft  pa- 
the  tranfaftions  of  the  inlurgents,  denied  it  to  the  laft,      pers   concerning   Ireland,)   than   they  who   examine*! 
(io  1644)  with  more  fenfe  of  confcience,  (faith  his     him  expected."     Borl.  liiili  Rebel,  fol.  45. 

(f)  *'  He  declared,  that  his  confcience  was  akeady  the  killing  Lord  Caufield,  on   feizmg   h!s  caftle   of 
oppreffed   by  the  outrages  of  his  followers,  and  that  Charlemount;   but  he  was,  on  the  contrary,  fo  highly 
he   could   not   add   to   the   feverity     of    his   prefent  provoked  at  that  villainy,  committed  by  fome  of  his 
feelings  by  an  unjuft  Calumny  of  the  King.     Even  at  brutal  followers,  that,  in  February  1642,  having  dif- 
his  execution,  he  was  again   tempted  ;  and  returned  covered  fix  of  the  murderers,  he  ordered  them  ro  be 
the  anfwer  above-mentioned  aloud."    Lei.  Hift.   of  firft  hanged,  and  afterwards  beheaded."     MSS.  Irifl> 
Jrel.  vol.  iii.  p.  395.  Journ.  written  by  his  Chaplain. 

He  is  generally  accufed  of  having  given  orders  for 


HISTORICAL   REVIEW    OP    THE  Bk.IX. 

to  afcertain  the  fincerity  of  that  declaration.  In  this  charitable  light,  I  am 
apt  to  confider  that  unfortunate  gentleman,  with  refpecl  to  his  paft  life ;  but 
when  I  compare  his  behaviour  in  this  laft  fcene  of  it,  with  that  of  his  judges, 
I  am  at  a  lofs  to  determine,  which  fhould  be  deemed  greateft,  the  heroifm  of  the 
former,  or  the  villainy  of  the  latter  (gj. 


C      HAP. 


IV. 


Henry  Cromwell'*  Adminiftration  in  Ireland. 


HAD  Henry  Cromwell,   fecond  fon  to  Oliver  Cromwell,    been   placed 
earlier  in  the  government  of  Ireland ;  or  when  he  was  fo  placed,  had 
he  been  fuffered  to  follow  the  bent  of  his  own  humane  difpofition,  the  Irifh 
of  that  period  would  have  had  much  fewer,  and  lefs  grievous,  caufes  of  com- 
plaint than  were  then  given  them ;  for   to  his  favourable  (a)  reprefentation, 

and 


(g)  Notwithstanding  the  confefled  truth  of  the 
above  relation  of  the  trial  of  Sir  Phelim  O'Neil,  a  late 
learned  hiflotian  cenfures  Mr.  Carte,  as  rather  uncha- 
ritable for  faying,  *'  that  they  would  have  pardoned 
and  rewarded  him,  if  he  had  been  profligate  enough  to 
have  falfely  accufed  the  late  King."  And  he  even 
afTerts  on  this  occafion,  that  Sir  Phelim  "  was  not 
tempted  to  accufe  the  King:  and  that  his  pardon  was 
not  promifed  on  any  fuch  condition,  but  that  he  was 
to  purchafe  it  by  producing  a  material,  and  authentic 
proof  of  his  guilt."  Lei.  Hift.  of  Irel.  vol.  iii.  p.  395. 
Now  I  can't  comprehend,  what,  or  whofe  guilt  is 
here  to  be  underftood.  Sir  Phelim  O'Neil  had  already 
confefled  himftlf  guilty  of  the  infurre&ioii,  but  ftill 
denied  that  the  King  had  given  him  a  commiflion  for 
commencing  it.  It  is  not  to  be  fuppofed,  that  they 
would  have  pardoned,  and  rewarded  him,  for  "  pro- 
ducing material  and  authentic  proof  of  that  guilt, 
which  he  had  already  confefled  ;  it  therefore  remains, 
that  they  wanted  him  to  confefs,  and  produce  proof, 
that  the  King  had  granted  him  the  commiflion  in  quef- 
tion,  which  he  could  not  do,  becaufe  no  fuch  com- 


miflion had  been  granted.  And  it  is  fufficiently  evi- 
dent, from  all  the  circumftances  of  his  trial  and  exe- 
cution, that  had  he  been  profligate  enough  to  yield 
to  their  importunity,  by  producing  any  proof,  how- 
ever immaterial  and  unauthenfic,  or  even  by  fimply 
avowing  that  calumny  in  any  public  manner,  it  would 
have  gone  very  far  towards  contenting  them." — Dean 
Ker,  who  was  prefent,  teftifies  exprefsly,  "  that  on 
the  fecond  day  of  his  trial,  fome  of  the  judges  told 
him,  that  if  he  could  produce  any  material  proof  that 
he  had  fuch  a  commiflion  from  Charles  Stewart  (for 
fo  they  called  his  late  Majefty,)  to  declare  and  prove 
it,  before  fentence  of  death  was  pafled  againft  him, 
and  that  the  faid  Sir  Phelim  fhould  be  rellored  to  his 
eftate  and  liberty."  See  Naif.  Hift.  Colled*. 

"  Doftor  William  Sheridan,  formerly  Bifhop  of 
Kildare,"  fays  Mr.  Carte,  "  and  the  late  Mr.  Locke, 
a  very  worthy  man,  and  member  of  parliament,  were 
prefent  at  the  fame  time;  and  have  to  many  gentle- 
men now  living  confirmed  the  truth  of  Dean  Ker'a 
relation."  Lire  of  Orm.  vol.  ii. 


(a)  "  The  aflefiments  whfth  the  Iriih  paid  were 
above  a  fourth  as  much  as  thofe  of  all  England  and 
Wales  ;  which,  he  told  his  father  in  one  of  his  let- 
ter»,  was  ten  times  more  than  in  due  proportion  they 


ought  to  be ;  and  that  they  paid  incomparably  more 
other  charges,  owing  to  the  devaluations  in  the  civil 
war,  than  any  other  of  three  nations."  Warn.  Irifh 
Rebel,  p.  567. 


Ch.  IV.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  281 

and  influence,  it  was  entirely  owing,  that  the  Protector's  council  did  not  add 
new  grievances,  and  oppreifions,  to  thofe  they  already  fuffered.  His  letters 
in  Thurloe's  collection  fhew  his  abilities  and  fkill  in  governing  (i).  As  Chan- 
cellor of  Trinity  College,  he  took  that  feminary  into  his  particular  care,  and 
patronage,  imtituting  anew  all  the  literary  exercifes,  together  with  the  long 
neglected  degrees  in  arts,  and  the  feveral  profeiTorfhips ;  and  prefented  the 
college  with  Primate  Ufher's  noble  library,  which  he  had  purchafed  with  his 
own  money.  He  was  eafy  of  accefs,  and  affable  to  all ;  often  entertaining  at 
his  table,  even  fequeftered  perfons,  and  remitting  to  them  one  half  of  thofe 
large  fums  with -which  they  were  taxed  for  their  loyalty.  Far  from  being  mad- 
dened with  the  enthufiafm  of  the  times,  he  reftored  religion  to  fome  fort  of 
decency ;  gave  back  fome  churches,  which  were  occupied  by  the  Anabaptifts, 
to  the  former  incumbents ;  and  even  had  a  new-born  child  of  his  own  pub- 
lickly  baptized  in  the  cathedral  of  Dublin,  a  ceremony  not  feen  there  of  a 
long  time  before." 

HAD  he  been  endowed  with  fortitude,  equal  tohisjuftice,  and  benevolence, 
his  government  would  have  been  iignalized  by  an  act,  that  would  have  made 
fome  atonement  for  his  father's  ufurpation,  and  parricide.  He  once  (2)  pro- 
mifed  to  declare  for  the  King ;  the  city  of  Dublin  had  undertaken  to  ftand  by 
him,  and  the  Lord  of  Ards  engaged  to  draw  20,000  men  together  in  the 
North,  in  fupport  of  that  defign;  but,  upon  the  receipt  of  letters  from  Eng- 
land, the  very  next  day  after  he  had  made  the  promife,  his  fpirits  failed  him. 
The  King's  friends  in  Dublin  juftly  complained  on  that  occafion(3),  "  that 
no  commifiions  had  been  fent  them,  nor  any  perfons  appointed  to  command 
them  in  fuch  an  attempt.  If  thefe  precautions  had  been  ufed,  they  could 
have  eafily,  at  that  juncture,  feized  upon  the  caftle." 

OF  his  integrity,  and  difintereftednefs,  he  gave  many  fignal  proofs,  during 
his  adminiftration ;  but  none  fo  fignal,  or  indeed  fo  unprecedented,  as  that 
which  appeared  at  the  conclufion  of  it.  "  For  upon  his  (4)  recall  from  Ire- 
land, altho'  he  had  held  the  government  of  that  kingdom  four  years,  he 
was", not  mafter  of  money  enough  after  all,  to  carry  him  back  to  England  j 
and.  was,  therefore,  under  the  neceffity  to  crave  fome  from  thence  for  that 
purpofe." 

WHAT  pity  it  was,  that  fuch  a  man  as  this,  fhould  be  placed  at  the  head  of  a 
nation  without  any  other  power,  but  merely  that  of  executing  defigns  planned, 

O  o  for 

(i)  Bates'  Elenchus  Motuura  Nuperor.  in  Anglia,  part  ii.  p.  57.        (2)  Sir  Ed.  Hyde's  Let.  to  the  Mar- 
quis of  Orrtv  Cart.  Collect,  vol.  ii.  p.  342.  (3)  Id.  ib.  (4)  Warn.  Irifli  Rebel. 


282 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE 


Bk.  IX. 


for  its  deftru&ion,  in  another  kingdom!  To  enforce  ordinances,  by  which 
thofe  who  dared  to  profefs  the  religion  of  their  confciences(5),  or  had  not 
manifefled  their  conftant  good  afTedions  to  the  ufurpation ;  and  alfo  the  con- 
ftant  good  affe&ions  of  thofe  anceflors,  from  whom  any  eftates  defcended  to 
them,  and  had  not  already  proved  the  fame,  and  obtained  judgment  thereof, 
were  adjudged  rebels  convict,  attainted  of  high  treafon,  and  to  have  forfeited 
all  their  honours,  eftates,  and  preferments.  With  what  regret  muft  fuch  a 
chief  governor  have  beheld  thofe  numerous  rapines,  and  (b)  murders,  that 
were  daily  committed  by  his  foldiers  on  that  miferable  people,  not  only  with 
impunity,  but  even  by  his  own  conftrained  order,  or  connivance.  But  injuf- 
tice  and  cruelty  had  then  the  fandion  of  law;  and,  in  fodifmal  a  conjuncture, 
it  is  not,  perhaps,  lefs  meritorious  to  employ  power  to  prevent  the  increafe  of 
evil  (as  he  often  did  his)  than  it  is,  in  better  and  more  equitable  times,  to 
exert  its  authority  and  influence,  for  the  promotion  of  aclual  good. 


(5)  Hughes'  Abridgment,  p.  33. 


(b)  In  thofe  days,  the  name  of  Irifhman  and  rebel 
was  thought  to  fignify  the  fame  thing.  For  when- 
ever the  Cromwellians  met  any  of  the  poor  country 
people  abroad,  or  difcovered  them  lurking  from  their 
fury  in  dens  and  caverns,  they  killed  them  on  the  fpot, 
iffome  unufual,  or  whimfical  circumftance  did  not 
happen  to  fave  them.  Thus  Ludlow  tells  us,  "  that 
being  on  his  march,  an  advanced  party  found  two  of 
the  rebels  ;  one  of  whom,  fays  he,  was  killed  by  the 
guard  before  I  came  up ;  the  other  was  faved,  and 
being  brought  before  me,  I  afked  him,  if  he  had  a 
mind  to  be  hanged  ?  And  he  only  anfwered,  if  you 
pleafe.  So  infenfibly  ftupid,  adds  he,  were  many  of 
thefe  poor  creatures."  Mem.  vol.  i.  At  another 
time  he  tells  us,  he  found  fome  poor  people  retired 
within  a  hallow  rock  j  "  which,"  fays  he,  "  was  fo 
thick  that  he  thought  it  impoflibie  to  dig  it  down  up- 
on them,  and  therefore  refolved  to  reduce  them  by 
fmoak.  After  fome  of  his  men  had  fpent  moft  part 
of  the  day  in  endeavouring  to  fmother  thofe  within, 
by  fire  placed  at  the  mouth  of  the  cave,  they  with- 
drew the  fire ;  and  the  next  morning,  fuppofing  the 
Irifli  to  be  made  incapable  of  refiftance  by  the  fmoak, 
fome  of  them  crawled  into  the  rock;  but  one  of  the 
Irifli,  with  a  piftol,  fliot  the  firft  of  his  men,  by  which 
he  found  the  fmoak  bad  not  taken  the  defigned  effeft ; 


becaufe  tho'  a  great  fmoak  went  into  the  cavity  of  the 
rock,  yet  it  came  out  again  at  other  crevices  :  upon 
which  he  ordered  thofe  places  to  be  clofely  flopped, 
and  another  fmother  to  be  made  j  and  the  fire  was 
continued  till  about  midnight ;  and  then  taken  away, 
that  the  place  might  be  cool  enough  for  his  men  to 
enter  the  next  morning;  at  which  time  they  went  in 
armed  with  back,  breaft,  and  head-piece,  found  the 
man,  who  had  fired  the  piftol,  dead  ;  and  put  about 
fifteen  to  the  fword  ;  but  brought  four  or  five  out 
alive,  with  the  priefts'  robes,  a  crucifix,  chalice,  and 
other  furniture  of  that  kind  (but  no  arms.)  Thofe  with- 
in," fays  he,  "  preferved  themfelves,  by  laying  their 
heads  clofe  to  a  water,  that  ran  thro'  the  rock.  We 
found  two  rooms  in  the  place,  one  of  which  was 
large  enough  to  turn  a  pike."  Such  were  the 
enemies,  whofe  lives  thefe  gallant  regicides  were  in- 
ceflantly  hunting  after.  A  fcore  of  poor  defpoiled 
people,  lurking  in  caverns  from  the  fury  of  their  pur- 
fuers,  and  furnifhed  but  with  one  piftol  to  guard  the 
entrance  of  their  hiding-place  !  From  the  character  of 
thefe  barbarians,  we  may  well  believe  (tho*  Ludlow 
does  not  mention  it)  that  thofe  four  or  five  wretches, 
whom  they  brought  alive  out  of  the  rock>  foon  after 
met  with  the  fate  of  their  companions. 


CHAR 


Ch.V.  CIVIL   WARS   IN    IRELAND. 

CHAP.          V. 

Contrivances  of  Sir  Charles  Coote,  and  Lord  Broghill. 

"  F~r< HE  (i)  King's  intereft  had  been  fo  totally  extinguifhed  in  Ireland,  for 
many  years  pail,  that  there  was  no  perfon  of  any  confideration  there, 
who  pretended  to  revive  it.  At  the  death  of  Cromwell,  and  at  the  depofition 
of  his  fon  Richard,  Henry  Cromwell  was  invefted  with  the  full  authority  in 
Ireland  ;  the  two  prefidents  of  Munfter,  and  Conaught,  were  Lord  Broghill, 
and  Sir  Charles  Coote,  both  equally  depending  on  the  Lord  Lieutenant  ;  and 
they  the  more  depended  upon  him,  and  courted  his  protection,  by  their 
not  loving  one  another,  tho'  ftill  agreeing  in  a  long  averfion  to  the  King,  by 
multiplications  of  guilt.  Amidft  the  many  fucceeding  changes  in  the  govern- 
ment, the  two  prefidents  remained  in  their  feveral  provinces,  with  full  power ; 
either  becaufe  they  had  not  deferved  to  be  fufpeded,  or  becaule  they  could 
not  be  eafily  removed."  Some  fufpicion,  however,  there  was  of  Lord  Brog- 
hill, which  he  took  uncommon  pains  to  remove;  for,  but  a  few  months  be- 
fore the  King  was  reftored,  he  wrote  to  fecretary  Thurloe  (2),  "  that  he  had 
heard,  he  and  his  friends  were  mifreprefented  in  England,  as  perfbns,  that 
intended  to  fet  up  for  themfelves,  and  to  make  Ireland  a  back  door  to  let 
Charles  Stewart  into  England ;  and  thereby,  at  one  blow,  to  cut  up  by  the  roots, 
the  precious  rights,  they  had  been  fo  long  contending  for.  But  he  profeiTed, 
that  he  knew  nothing  further  from  the  thoughts  of  all  his  acquaintance  and 
friends ;  for  that  intereft,  as  well  as  duty,  would  keep  them  from  fo  ruinous 
a  wickednefs." 

IN  the  confufion  that  now  arofe,  from  different  revolutions  in  the  ftate, 
Sir  Charles  Coote  took  an  opportunity  to  fend  an  exprefs  to  the  King,  with 
a  tender  of  his  obedience,  and  with  great  cautions,  as  to  the  time  of  appear- 
ing; only  defiring(3),  "  to  have  fuch  commifllons  in  his  hands,  as  might  be 
applied  to  his  Majefty's  fervice,  in  a  proper  conjuncture ;  which  were  fent  to 
him,  and  never  made  ufe  of  by  him.  He  expreffed  great  jealoufy  of  Broghill, 
and  unwillingnefs  that  he  fhould  know  of  his  engagement.  Coote  found 
afliftance  to  feize  upon  the  caftle  of  Dublin,  and  the  perfons  of  thofe  that  were 

O  o  2  in 

(i)  Clarendon's  Life,  vol.  ii.  p.  107.  (*)  See  Warner's  Hift.  of  the  Irifc  Rebel. 

(3)  Clarend.  ubi  fupra. 


284  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  IX. 

in  authority,  who  were  imprifoned  by  him ;  and  the  government  was  fettled 
in  fuch  a  manner,  as  was  thought  moft  agreeable  to  the  Preibyterian  humour ; 
until,  upon  the  King's  reftoration,  General  Monk  was  declared  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant of  Ireland  ;  foon  after  which,  the  King  was  proclaimed  at  Dublin,  and 
in  every  other  part  of  the  kingdom." 


CHAP.          VI. 

Commijfioners  fent from  Ireland,  their  Characters  and  Dcfigns. 

AS  foon  as  the  King  was  proclaimed,  Sir  Charles  Coote  and  his  affociates 
fent  ( i )  commiffioners  to  his  Majefty,  whom  they  called  commiffioners 
from  the  ftate  ^  and  a  prefent  of  money  from  the  fame,  accompanied  with 
all   thofe  profeffions  of  duty,  which  could   be  expected  from  the  beft   of 
fubjeds. 

THESE  commiffioners  were  the  Lord  Broghill,  Sir  Audley  Mervin,  Sir  John 
Clothworthy,  and  feveral  other  perfons  of  quality,  much  the  greater  num- 
ber whereof  (2)  had  been  always  notorious  for  the  differvice  they  had  done 
the  King.  All  thefe  commiifioners  from  the  ftate  had  infractions,  to  which 
they  were  to  conform,  in  defiring  nothing  from  the  King,  but  the  fettling  of 
his  own  authority  amongft  them,  the  ordering  the  army,  the  reviving  the 
execution  of  the  laws,  and  the  fettling  the  courts  of  juftice,  and  fuch  other 
particulars,  as  purely  related  to  the  public ;  and  their  public  addreffes  were  to 
this,  and  no  other  purpofe.  But  then  (3),  to  their  private  friends,  and  fuch 
as  they  delired  to  make  their  friends,  moft  of  them  had  many  pretences  of 
merit,  and  many  expedients  by  which  the  King  might  reward  them,  and  out 
of  which  they  might  be  able  liberally  to  gratify  their  patrons.  And  by  thefe 
means,  all  who  ferved  the  King  were  furniftied  with  fuits  enough  to  make 
their  fortunes,  in  which  they  prefently  engaged  themfelves,  with  very  trouble- 
forue  importunity  to  the  King  himfelf,  and  all  others,  who,  they  thought, 
had  credit,  or  power,  to  advance  theif  delires." 

LOR  0(4)  Broghill  appeared  fo  very  generous,  and  to  be  without  the  leaft 
pretence  to  any  advantage  to  himfelf,  that  he  quickly  got  himfelf  believed ; 
:..  and 

(i)  Clarendon's  Life.  (2)  Id.  ib.  (3)  Id.  ib. 

(4)  Id.  ib.  vol.  ii.  p.  no. 


Ch.  VII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  285 

and  having  free  accefs  to  the  King,  by  mingling  apologies  for  what  he  had 
done,  with  promifes  of  what  he  would  do,  he  made  himfclf  To  acceptable  to 
his  Majefty,  that  he  heard  him  willingly,  becaufe  he  made  all  things  eafy  to 
be  done  and  compaiTed  j  and  gave  fuch  aflurances  to  the  bed-chamber  men, 
to  help  them  to  good  fortunes  in  Ireland,  which  they  had  reafon  to  defpair  of 
in  England,  that  he  wanted  not  their  teftimony  on  all  occafions,  nor  their 
defence,  and  vindication,  when  any  thing  was  reflected  upon  to  his  difadvan- 
tage  or  reproach." 

THE  Ground-work  of  the  before-mentioned  expedients,  propofed  by  thefe 
commiiiioners  for  the  public  fervice  of  the  kingdom,  was  (5)  the  calling  a  new 
parliament,  confifling  only  of  Proteftant  Peers,  and  Commoners;  a  general 
pardon,  and  indemnity  to  all  the  Proteftants :  and  that  nothing  fhould  be  done 
to  the  prejudice  of  the  adventurers,  or  foldiers  j  or  towards  qualifying  the 
Jrifh  for  recovering  poiTeffion  of  their  eltates. 


CHAP. 

The  Irifb  excluded  out  of  the  General  AB  of  Oblivion. 

IT  was  apprehended  that  the  act  of  oblivion,  and  general  pardon,  which 
the  Engliih  parliament  had  been  drawing  up  to  be  prefented  to  the  King 
at  his  landing,  might  be  fo  extenfive  as  to  comprehend  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholics of  Ireland  ( i ).  To  prevent  this,  other  agents  were  fent  over  by  perfons 
concerned  in  the  new  purchafes  j  all  thefe  attended  the  Houfe  of  Commons, 
fuggefting  continually,  that  they  never  could  be  fecure  in  any  parliament, 
that  could  be  called  in  Ireland,  if  it  did  not  exclude  out  of  that  acl  of  general 
indemnity,  all  perfons  who  bad  any  hand  in  the  rebellion  •,  under  which  notion, 
.they  comprehended  promifcuoufly  all  thofe  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion, 
who  had  been  fequellered,  or  in  arms. 

REPORTS  alfo  wrere  induftrioufly  fpread  by  thefe  agents,  that  the  Irifh  were 
ready  to  rife  in  a  new  rebellion.  But  this  was  a  thing  (2)  impoffible  to  be 
conceived  by  any  body,  that  knew  the  miferable  condition  of  thefe  people  (3). 
There  were,  indeed,  fome  perfons,  who  had  been  deprived  of  their  eftatcs, 
fo  tranfported  with  the  thoughts  of  regaining  them  upon  the  King's  being 

proclaimed, 

(5)  Cart.  Orm.  vcfl,  ii.  (i)  Id.  ib.  (2)  Id.  ib.  (3)  Id.  ib. 


256  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    T  HE  Bk.  IX. 

proclaimed,  that  they  endeavoured  to  take  poffeffion  of  them  immediately, 
without  having  recourfe  to  thofe  methods,  which  the  law  prefcribes,  in  cafe 
of  being  unlawfully  dif-feized.  Thefe  were  chiefly  of  thofe  rilh  gentlemen, 
who  had  been  found  innocent  (4),  when  in  Cromwell's  time,  inquiiition  was 
made  into  the  guilt  of  perfons  concerned  in  the  rebellion ;  and  who  were  af- 
terwards by  him  forced  to  quit  their  antient  eftates,  and  accept  other  lands  in 
Conaught,  or  Clare,  in  lieu  thereof.  They  had  furTered  grievouily  in  the 
exchange,  and  having  been  tranf planted  by  an  ufurped  power,  eafily  imagined, 
they  might  warrantably  re-enter  upon  their  former  poffeffions,  and  eje5  the 
intruders,  as  all  in  England  did,  whofe  eftates  had  been  taken  from  them  (5) 
by  the  ufurpers.  Hence  arofe  feveral  riots,  and  difturbances-,  which  the  con- 
vention at  Dublin  taking  hold  of,  publifhed  on  May  2oth,  a  declaration  for 
preferving  the  peace,  and  quieting  pofleifions ;  and  the  fevere  laws  and  ordi- 
nances, lately  made  by  the  ufurpers  againft  the  Irifh,  were  hereupon  put  in 
execution.  They  were  not  allowed  to  go  from  one  province  to  another,  to 
tranfacl  their  bufinefs ;  abundance  of  the  eftated  men  were  imprifoned,  all 
their  letters  to  and  from  Dublin  intercepted,  and  the  gentry  forbid  to  meet, 
and  thereby  deprived  of  the  means  of  agreeing  upon  agents,  to  take  care  of  their 
interefls,  and  of  an  opportunity  to  reprefent  their  grievances." 


CHAP.          VIII. 

A  Proclamation  publtfbed  againft  the  Irijh. 

TH  E  members  of  both  Houfes  of  the  Englifh  parliament  thus  clofely  fbli- 
cited  by  the  convention-agents,  and  too  apt  of  themfelves  to  believe  the 
worft  things  that  could  be  fuggefted  concerning  thefe  people,  joined  in  a  re- 
prefentation  to  his  Majefty,  as  foon  as  he  came  to  London  ( I ),  u  that  many 
of  the  natives  of  Ireland,  who  had  been  deeply  guilty  of  the  late  rebellion, 
had  broke  out  of  late  into  new  acls  of  force  and  violence,  fome  of  them  rob- 
bing, defpoiling,  and  murdering,  feveral  of  the  Proteftants  there  planted, 
and  others  by  force  entering  upon,  and  difquieting  the  poffeffions  of  the 
adventurers,  and  foldiers,  to  the  great  and  manifeft  difturbance  of  the  Englifh 
plantation;  and  they  defired,  that  a  proclamation  might  be  iffued  to  reprefs 
thefe  attempts." 

THE 

(4)  Id.  ib.  (5)  Id.  ib.  (i)  Carte,  Borlace. 


Ch.  IX.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  287 

THE  King  accordingly,  on  the  3d  of  June,  1660,  iffued  a  proclamation, 
wherein  (2),  taking  notice,  by  the  information  of  the  Lords,  and  Commons, 
that  many  of  the  natives  of  Ireland  had  broken  out  into  the  above-mentioned 
ads  of  violence,  and  bloodfhed,  "  did,  by  the  advice  of  faid  Lords  and  Com- 
mons, hold  it  his  duty  to  God,  and  the  whole  Proteftant  intcreU,  to  command, 
publifh,  and  declare,  that  all  Irifh  rebels,  other  than  luch  as  by  articles  had 
liberty  to  refide  in  his  dominions,  and  had  not  forfeited  the  benefit  thereof, 
that  fhould  refort  to  England,  or  Ireland,  fhould  be  forthwith  apprehended, 
and  proceeded  againfl  as  rebels,  and  traitors  j  and  that  the  adventurers,  fol- 
diers,  and  others,  who  were  on  the  ift  of  January  laft  paft,  in  poffeflion  of 
any  of  the  manors,  caftles,  houfes,  of  lands,  of  any  of  the  faid  Jrifo  rebels,, 
(hould  not  be  difturbed  in  their  pofleffions,  till  either  legally  evicled  by  due 
courfe  of  law,  or  till  his  Majefty,  by  the  advice  of  parliament,  had  taken 
further  order  therein." 

THIS  proclamation  was  not  more  injurious  to  many  of  the  loyal  Irifh, 
whom  it  caufed  to  be  imprifoned,  gr  driven  out  of  both  kingdoms,  than  it 
was  fortunate  to  all  thofe,  whom  the  late  ufurpers  had  left  matters  of  their 
eftates.  For,  by  being  thus  preferved  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  freeholds, 
they  were  enabled  to  chufe  reprefentatives  to  their  mind,  in  the  enfuing 
parliament,  who,  they  knew,  would  confirm,  and  perpetuate,  their 
pofleffions. 


CHAR 


The  Iri/h  Parliament, 

IO  R  D  Chancellor  Euftace,  (a)  Lord  Broghill,  now  Earl  of  Orrery,  and 
j  Sir  Charles  Coote,  now  alfo  Earl  of  Montrath,  were  appointed  Lords 
Juftices  of  Ireland.     They  had  procured   inftrudions  to  be  fent  them  from 
England  ( i ),  "  to  tender  the  oaths  of  allegiance,  and  fupremacy,  to  all  his 
Majefty's  fubjeds  5  \o  proceed  according  to  law  againft  thole,  that  fhould  re- 

fafe 

(2)  Boilace,  Carte.  (i)  Carte's Orm.  vol.  it'. 

(a)  "  Tbefe  two  (new)  Earls,"  fays  Clarendon,  je&ions  might  not  be  made.    With  them  there  were 

41  had  been  eminently  againft   the  King;  but  upon  too  many  others,  upon  whom  honours  were  conferred  ; 

this  turn,  when   all  other  powers  w«re  down,  were  upon  fome,  that  they  might  do   no  harm,  who  wer? 

eminently  for  him.     But  the  King  had  not  then  pow-  thereby  enabled  to  do  the  more."    Clar.  Life,  vol.  ii, 

et  to  chufe  any,  againft  whom  fome  as  material  ob-  p.  219. 


28S  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  IX. 

fufe  them;  and  to  prepare  fuch  bills,  as  by  them  and  the  Privy  Council 
(which  was  then  likewife  appointed)  fhould  be  thought  to  be  for  the  good  of 
the  people,  in  order  to  a  parliament. 

THAT  parliament  met  on  the  8th  of  May  1661.  The  Houfe  of  Commons 
confided  of  two  hundred  and  fixty  members,  of  which  number  all  but  fixty-four 
were  burgeffes.  And  (2)  Cromwell  having  filled  all  the  corporations  through- 
out the  kingdom  with  a  fet  of  people  of  his  own  ftamp,  it  is  eafy  to  account 
for  the  ftrength  and  prevalency  of  that  party  in  the  Houfe,  which  laboured 
to  make  good  all  the  eftates  of  the  adventurers,  and  foldiers,  how  guilty  fo- 
ever,  and  refufed  to  hearken  to  any  reafonable  propofal,  in  favour  of  the  old 
proprietors,  however  innocent." 

BUT  even  this  favourable  (b)  compofition  of  the  Houfe  of  Commons  did 
not  content  thefe  ftate-harpies.  In  order  to  have  the  dividing  the  fpoil  of 
the  nation  entirely  among  themfelves,  and  for  ever  to  preclude  the  Ca- 
tholics from  having  any  fhare,  even  in  their  debates  about  it,  one  of  their 
firfl  illegal  refolutions  was  (3),  "  that  no  members  fhould  be  qualified  to  fit 
in  that  Houfe,  but  fuch  as  had  taken  the  oaths  of  allegiance,  and  fupre- 
macy."  With  the  fame  view  of  banifhing  the  Catholic  Peers  from  the 
Houfe  of  Lords,  Primate  Bramhall,  their  Speaker,  procured  an  order  to  be 
pafled  there  (4),  "  that  all  the  members  thereof  fhould  receive  the  Sacrament 
of  the  Lord's  Supper  from  his  Grace's  own  hands."  To  fuch  vile,  and  pre- 
datory purpofes,  was  one  of  the  mofl  awful  inftitutions  of  religion  proftituted 
at  that  juncture !  But  in  no  other  parliament  but  one  fo  conftituted,  and 
perverted,  could  acts,  alienating  the  juft  properties  of  almofl  all  the  Catholics 
in  the  kingdom,  be  expected  to  pafs. 


(2)  Id.  ib.  (3)  Orrery's  State  Letters,  vol.  I.  p.  35. 

(4)  Bori.  Reduft.  of  Irel.  p.  34. 


(b)  "  That  Houfe  of  Commons  confided  chiefly  of  adventurers  and  foldiers."    Carte's  Orro.  vt>Ui. 
fol.  263. 


C  U  A  P. 


Ch.X.  CIVIL   WARS    IN    IRELAND.  289 


CHAP.          X. 

Falfe  Reports  of  a  Confpiracy  among  the  Irtfi  continued.   TbeEffeftsoftbefe 

Reports. 


>UT  the  Commons,  not  fatisfied  even  with  thefe  advantages,  in  order  to 

^  have  fome  colourable  pretext    for   the    injuftice    intended,  refolved   to 

render  the  party  to  be  injured  as  obnoxious  as  poffible.  For  this  purpofe 
they  left  no  means  unattempted,  however  (a)  wicked  or  abfurd,  to  counte- 
nance, and  diffufe  the  calumny,  lately  raifed  by  their  emiffaries,-  as  if  the 
Irifh  had  actually  entered  into  anew  confpiracy.  They  (i)  had  with*  great 
induftry,  called  before  them  feveral  witneffes  to  prove  that  the  Papifts  were 
fometimes  feen  attending  divine  fervice  in  their  own  way,  and  that  confider- 
able  numbers  of  people  were  gathered  together  on  fuch  occafions  j  that  a 
cutler's  apprentice  had  new  furbiihed  an  old  fword  for  one  of  them;  and  that 
another  was  detected  buying  a  horfe  for  his  necefTary  occafions.  Such  proofs 
of  a  confpiracy,  fays  Mr.  Carte,  might  have  appeared  good,  and  fufficient,  to 
the  two  new  Earls  ;  but  did  not  fatisfy  Sir  Maurice  Euilace,  and  a  few  others. 
Recourfe  was,  therefore,  had  to  an  old  expedient  for  realizing  imaginary 
plots,  which  had  been  formerly  found  fuccefsful  (2).  A  letter  fuppofed  to 
have  been  written  by  one  Irifh  prieft  to  another,  upon  fomewhat  that  was 
deemed  treafonable,  becaufe  dark,  and  unintelligible,  was  fomewhere  found, 
and  laid  before  the  parliament,  by  one  Jephfon,  a  member  ;  who,  with  feve- 
ral other  members,  was  himfelf  about  two  years  after,  convicled  of  a  real 
confpiracy  againft  the  government.  In,  confequence  of  this  pretended  difco- 
very,  a  proclamation  was  ifTued,  and  executed  with  great  rigour  (3),  "  by 
which  all  artificers,  and  fhopkeepers,  who  had  been  left  in  their  habitations 
by  the  ufurpers,  at  the  time  of  the  tranfplantation,  were  now  banifhed  from 
Kilkenny,  and  other  great  towns.  Horfes  and  arms,  being  no  where  elfe  to 
be  found,  were  fought  for  in  trunks  and  cabinets ;  and  filver  cups  were  de- 
fined to  be  chalices.  The  letter  above-mentioned  was  tranfmitted  into  Eng- 
land with  a  reprefentation  of  the  infolence  of  the  Papifts,  for  whofe  fuppre£ 

P  p  fion 

(i)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii.  (z)  Id.  ib.  (3)  Id.  ib. 

(a)  "  The  enemies,  and  competitors  of  the  Irifh,"  the  guilt  of  new  confpiracies ;  and  even  manifeft  for- 
fays  Doftor  Leland  on  this  occafion,  "  were  indefa-  geries  were  received  as  folid  proofs."  Hift.  oflrel, 
tigable  in  endeavouring  to  load  their  whole  party  with  vol.  iii.  p.  426. 


290  HISTORICAL    REVIEW   OF   THE  Bk.  IX. 

fion,  in  order  to  prevent  the  threatened  danger,  his  Majefty's  directions  were 
defired." 

"  BUT  (4)  Chancellor  Euftace  fufpected  the  injuftice,  as  well  as  defign, 
of  this  charge  againft  the  Irifh  j  and  to  difcover  what  ground  there  was  for  it, 
he  directed  the  judges,  in  their  circuits,  to  caufe  the  matter  to  be  enquired 
into  by  the  grand  juries  of  the  feveral  counties,  through  which  they  pafTed. 
The  finding  of  thefe  juries  was  alike  every  where;  there  being  a  great  calm 
in  all  places  ;  no  preparations  for  a  riling,  nor  fo  much  as  a  rumour  of  any  new 
troubles.  Nothing  could  be  more  frivolous,  and  void  of  proof,  than  the  pa- 
per, which  the  Commons  drew  up  on  this  occafion,  ancT  prefented  to  the 
Lords  Juftices ;  who  yet  thought  fit  to  fend  it,  inclofed  in  their  letters,  to 
Secretary  Nicholas,  fignifying  at  the  fame  time  their  opinion,  that  it  would 
be  deftrudive  to  the  Englifh  intereft,  to  admit  the  Iriili  to  trade,  and  fettle 
in  corporate  towns ;  or  to  allow  the  Roman  Catholic  lawyers  to  practice  in 
their  profeflion ;  both  which,  however,  had  been  poiltively  allowed,  by  his 
Majefty's  letters." 


HAP.          XI. 


The  Parties  principally  fuJpeBed  of  this  Confpiracy  voluntarily  appear  before  the 
Lords  Juftices,  in  order  to  detect  the  Forgery. 

*  I  ^HIS  imputation  of  a  new  confpiracy  was  (i)  matter  of  great  confe- 
quence  to  the  whole  body  of  the  Irifh  Roman  Catholics ;  all  their  for- 
tunes depending  on  the  pleafure  of  his  Majefty,  who  was  likely  to  be  ef- 
tranged  from  them,  by  unjuft  reprefentations  of  their  difpofitions,  and  de- 
figns.  Wherefore,  the  fuperior  of  their  clergy  was  prevailed  upon,  to  fend  for 
the  two  priefts,  whofe  names  were  in  the  letter  (2) ;  the  Earl  of  Fingall  wait- 
ed upon  the  Lords  Juftices,  to  defire  a  protection  with  regard  to  their  function, 
but  not  to  extend  to  the  letter,  or  any  other  crime,  with  which  they  might 
be  charged.  But  the  Lords  Juftices  would  not  grant  fuch  a  protection ;  and 
fome  of  the  council  told  Lord  Fingall,  that  they  were  no  friends  to  the  King, 
who  made  any  objections,  or  took  meafures  to  prove  it  a  forged  letter.  Der- 
mott,  however,  the  fuppofed  writer  of  this  letter,  came  to  Dublin ;  as  did 
Phelan,  the  other  prieft,  to  whom  it  was  directed.  Soon  after  the  (3)  former 
prefented  a  petition  to  the  council,  complaining  of  the  injury  done  him,  by 

this 

(4)  Id,  ib.  vol.  ii.  fol,  23 1 .  ( i )  W.  ib.  (2)  Id.  ib.  (3)  Id.  ib. 


Ch.  XII.  CIVIL   WARS    IN    IRELAND.  291 

this  impoflure,  defiring  leave,  notwithftanding  his  fundion,  to  appear  be- 
fore them,  to  juftify  his  innocence,  being  ready  to  fuffer  any  punifhment,  if 
he  fhould  be  found  criminal  as  to  that  letter,  or  any  thing  elfe,  that  might 
tend  to  fedition,  and  the  diflurbance  of  his  Majefty's  government.  After  a 
long  examination,  he  was  committed  to  the  cuftody  of  an  officer ;  and  the 
next  day  Phelan  appearing,  Mr.  Belling  went  with  him  to  the  council,  who 
having  examined  him,  committed  him  in  the  like  manner,  upon  his  denying 
he  had  ever  received  any  fuch  letter." 

"  IT  was  very  improbable,  continues  (4)  Mr.  Carte,  that  the  Irifh  fhould,  at 
a  time  when  their  all  depended  on  the  King's  good-will  to  them,  be  forming 
againfl  him  defigns  of  an  infurredion,  which,  if  they  were  never  fo  unfaith- 
ful, they  were  in  no  condition  to  execute." 


CHAP.          XII. 

Loyalty  of  the  Catholic  Nobility  and  Gentry  of  Ireland,  at  this  Juncture. 

ON  account  of  a  fevere  perfecution  at  this  time  raifed  againfl  them,  and 
in  hopes  of  removing  all  future  pretence  for  the  fame,  the  Catholics  of 
Ireland,  having  agreed  upon  a  remonftrance,  and  proteflation  of  their  loyalty, 
which  was  couched  in  the  ftrongeft  and  moft  explicit  terms  (r),  fent  it  by  the 
Earl  of  Fingall  to  (a)  Mr.  Walfh,  an  Irifh  Francifcan,  then  at  London,  who 

P  p  2  was 

(4)  ib.  (i)  Walk's  Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Remonftrance,  fol.  9. 

(a)  "  This  Religious,"    fays  Mr.  Carte,    "  had  Grace  to  turn  Roman  Catholic  towards  the  latter  part 

always  been  very  cordial  and   fincere   in  all    his  pro-  of  his  life,  the  Duke  told  him,  among  other  things, 

feffions,  and  zeal   for  the    Duke's  fervice.     And   his  "  that  he  wondered,  if  the  condition  wherein  he  was 

Grace,  having  the  poft  of  Senefchall,  or  Steward  to  appeared  fo  dangerous  to  him,  why  fo  good  a  friend 

the  Bifhop  of  Winchefter  (it   being  ufually  given,  in  did  not  admonifh  him  fooner  thereof."     Walfh  foon 

antient  times,  to   fome  of  the  mod  powerful  of  the  faw  there  was  no  good  to  be  done,  and  did  not  ven- 

nobility,  who  were  thereby  engaged  in  the  protection  ture  on  a  fecond  attempt."    Ib. 

of  the  See)  by  a   patent  from  Bifhop  Morley,  with  The  following  paflage  from  Lord  Caftlehaven,  fur- 

the  fee  of  one  hundred   pounds  a  year,  had  fettled  it  ther  illuftrates  this  Irifh  Friar's  character.     His  Lord- 

upon  him  for  his  fubfiftence.     This  was  all  Walfh  fhip  after  having  told  us,  "  that  he  had  received  a 

had  to  live  on.     He  received  it  duly,  and  enjoyed  it  long  letter  by  a  trumpet  from  Ireton,  fetting  forth  the 

till  his  death,  which  happened  a  little  before  the  Duke  great  value  he  had  for  his  perfon,  and  offering  him, 

of  Ormond's."      Orm.  vol.  ii.  fol.  548.     The  fame  if  he  would  retire  from  the  King's  fervice  and  live  in 

hiftorian  informs  us,  "  that  Walfh  having  urged  his  England  privately,  he  fhould  not  only  enjoy  his  eftate, 

but 


292 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE 


Bk.  IX. 


6** 


was  an  humble  confident  of  the  Duke  of  Ormond :  by  whom  it  was  immediately 
prefented  to  his  Majefty,  and  mofl  gracioufly  received. 

WALSH,  having  foon  after  come  to  Ireland,  in  order  to  get  this  remon- 
ftrance  figned  by  all  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy,  nobility,  and  gentry  of  the 
kingdom  (as  many  of  them  as  were  at  London,  when  it  was  prefented,  hav- 
ing figned  it  there)  fucceeded  fo  well,  as  to  obtain,  in  a  fhort  time,  the  fig- 
natures  (2)  "  of  fixty-nine  of  the  clergy,  fecular  and  regular ;  five  Earls,  fix 
Vifcounts,  two  Barons,  twenty-four  Colonels  and  Baronets,  and  fixty  Efquires 
and  Gentlemen." 

BUT  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  now  returned  to  his  government,  and  but  too 
well  acquainted  with  the  late  difTentions,  and  animofities.  Among  the  Irifh 
clergy,  (which,  it  will,  hereafter  appear,  he  then  intended  to  revive)  af- 
fected to  believe,  that  there  could  be  no  certain  reliance  on  any  declaration 
of  loyalty  from  the  Catholic  laity,  until  the  whole  body  of  their  clergy  had  firft 
unanimoufly  fubfcribed  it.  •  He  therefore  wrote  a  letter1  to  Walfh,  which  was  to 
befhewnto  all  thofe,  ecclefiaftics  who  were  backward  in  fubfcribing,  wherein  he 
told  him  (3),  "  that,  confidering  how  well  his  Majefty  received  the  fubfcriptions 
to  the  proteftation,  prefented  to  him  in  England,  he  did  not  a  little  wonder, 
that  the  example  had  not  been  more  readily,  and  frequently  followed  in  Ire- 
land. That  he  had  no.  other  end  in  wiihing  it  fhould,  than  that,  thofe  of 
loyal  and  peaceable  difpofitions  might  thereby  be  diftinguilhed  from  others, 
for  their  own  advantage  ;  that  the  fubfcribers  were  more  likely  to  find  fuch 
advantage  than  the  refufers;  and  that  he  defired  to  know  who  had  already 
fufcribed,  and  who  had  refufed." 


His  Grace  already  knew,  that  as  this  Proteftation  had  been  cenfured  by 
fome  minifters  of  the  court  of  Rome,  on  account  of  its  fomewhat  entrenching  on 
the  Pope's  fpiritual  authority,  it  would  be  hardly  pofTible  to  prevail  on  fuch  of 
the  Irifh  clergy,  as  had  expectations  from  that  court,  to  fubfcribe  it,  in  the 
fame  offenfive  terms,  in  which  it  was  conceived.  For  their  chief,  if  not  only, 
objection  was  to  thefe  terms  j  as  Walfh  himfelf  owns  (4),  "  that  none  at  all 

fcrupled 


(a)  ib. 


(3)  Id.  ib  fol.  94. 


(4) 


but  remain  In  fafety  with  the  eflcein,  and  favour  of  the 
parliament ;"  adds,  "  I  immediately  fliewed  this  let- 
ter to  Father  Peter  Walfli,  my  then  ghoftly  father, 
whom  I  had  always  found  faithful  to  the  King,  and  a 
lover  of  his  country.  With  his  advice,  by  jhe  fame 
tewnpet,  I  anfwered  all  his  points,  and  rejected  his 


propofition  concerning  my  own  pejfon  :  ceding  him 
withal  to  fend  no  more  trumpets  with  fuch  ei rands, 
if  perhaps,  he  would  .not  have  the  ineiTenger  ill- 
treated.  From  this  time,  there  was  an  end  of  all  mef- 
fages,  and  letters  between  us."  Memoirs,  p.  127. 


Ch.  XII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  293 

fcrupled  about  what  he  calls  the  (b)  Catholicnefs  of  it  "  and  that  thefe  non- 
fubfcribers  had  repeatedly  offered  to  draw  up,  and  fign,  a  protection  of  their 
own,  equally  loyal  to  his  Majefty  in  point  of  civil  obedience,  and  lefs  liable 
to  mifconftrudion,  with  refpecl  to  their  fpiritual  fubjedtion  to  the  Pope.  But 
all  their  propofals  of  that  kind  were  conftantly  rejected. 

BUT  the  Irifh  nobility  and  gentry  were  not  quite  fo  {crapulous  in  this  re- 
fpeclj  for  in  order  to  convince  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  that  the  refufal  of  any^ 
number  of  their  clergy  fhould  be  no  hinderance  to  their  fubfcribing,  in  ter- 
minis,  to  the  firft  remonftrance,  tc  they  (5)  aflembled  together  at  Lord  Clan- 
rickard's  houfe  in  Dublin ;  where,  after  Lord  Tyrconnell  had  declared,  that" 
their  agreement  to,  and  concurrence  -in,  that  addrefs  was  wholely  and  folely 
their  own  act;  that  it  was  originally  propofed  by  the  Earls  of  Clancarty  .> 
Carlingford,  and  himfelf  i  and  feconded,  in  very  good  earneft,  by  the  Earl  of 
Inchiquin,  as  many  noblemen  and  gentleman  as  were  then  prefent,  and  had 
not  fubfcribed  at  London  (6),  in  number  thirty-three,  put  their  names  to  \t-y 
which  number  being  joined  to  the  London  fubfcribers  made,  in  all,  one 
hundred  and  twenty-one,  whereof  twenty-one  wrere  Earls,  Vifcounts,  and 
Barons." 

NOT  content  with  this,  they  at  the  fame  time  drew  up  a  letter,  praying 
and  inviting  the  unanimous,  chearful,  and  fpeedy  fubfcriptions  of  all  the  reil 
of  the  Catholic  noblemen  and  gentlemen  of  the  kingdom.  This  letter  \vas 
iigned  by  the  Earls  of  Caftlehaven,  Clancarty,  Clanrickard,  Fingal,  Tyr- 
connel,  and  Carlingford  j  and  expreffed^)  "  their -hopes,  that  the  fame  pru- 
dential, chriftian,  catholic,  and  obvious  reafons,  which  had  induced  them-* 
ielves  to  fign  that  remonftrance,  would  prevail  upon  them  alfo  to  do  the 
like,  as  thefe  reafons  imported  no  lefs  than  the  clearing  of  their  holy  re- 
ligion from  the  imputation  of  moft  unholy  tenets;  the  aflTurmg  his  Majefty 
ever  more'  of  their  loyal  thoughts,  hearts,  and  hands,  in  all  contingencies 
whatfoever^  and  the  opening  of  a  door  to  their  own  liberty,  and  future  eaie* 
from  thofe  rigorous  penal  laws,  under  which  they,  and  their  predccdlors,  had 
fadly  groaned,  during  an  hundred  years  paft.  That  .as  they  hoped  they  could 
not  think,  they  would  even  for  thefe  defirable  ends,  fwerve  in  the  leail  tittle 
from  the  true,  pure,  and  unfeigned,  profeffion  of  the  t Roman  Catholic  faith, 

nor 

(5)  Id.  ib.  (6)  Id.  ib.  fol.  95,  (:)  W.  ib. 

(b)  "  I    roaft  defire    the    render,"  fays   he,  "  to  confcionablenefs,  or  vncatholickne's  in  poin' 

take  notice   here,  that  fince   the   year  «66r,  till  this  religion,  or  morality,  in   the    fiib<crip:iun  ct  trr-.t   r<r- 

prefeot,  about   the  end  of  the  year  1666,  there  was  monftrance,  or  declaration   of   allcgiutiCt-.''     H 

not,  among  fuch  *  number  of"  pretences  and  cscuics,  the  Irifh  Rcment*  rot  <[z. 
%ny  fine  alleged,  by  any  at  all,  of  unlawfulnefs,  uu- 


-  HISTORICAL    R  E  V  E  W    o  F    THE  Bk.  IX. 

nor  from  the  reverence  and  obedience  due  unto  his  Holinefs  the  Bifhop  of 
Rome,  or  the  Catholic  church  in  general ;  fo  they  believed,  that  they  would 
reft  fatisfied,  that  nothing  contained  in  this  remonftrance  reflected  at  all  on 
the  fpiritual  jurifdidtion,  power,  or  authority  of  the  Pope,  or  church ;  the 
whole  tenor  of  it  averting  only  the  fupreme  temporal  power  in  the  Prince  to 
be  independent  of  any  but  God  alone,  and  the  fidelity,  and  obedience  due 
to  him,  in  temporal  affairs,  to  be  indifpenfable  by  any  power  on  earth,  fpi- 
ritual or  civil." 

Two  (8)  and  thirty  copies  of  this  letter  (one  for  each  county  in  the  kingdom) 
were  figned  by  thefe  noblemen.  "  And  (9)  queftionlefs,"  fays  Walfh,  "  had 
they  been  fent  away,  as  defigned,  the  hands  of  all  the  Catholic  noblemen,  and 
gentlemen  of  Ireland  would  have  been  fubfcribed  to  the  remonftrance,  in  lefs 
than  fix  months."  But  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  who  had  been  made  acquainted 
with  the  drawing  up,  and  figning,  of  this  letter,  affected  to  have  it  believed, 
that,  as  there  was  then  lately  difcovered  a  plot  of  the  fanatics  to  feize  the 
caftle  of  Dublin,  if  any  papers  were  known  to  be  carried  about  by  Catholics 
for  getting  fubfcriptions,  their  good  intentions  might  be  eafily  mifinterpreted, 
and  even  a  confpiracy  imputed  to  them  on  that  account ;  fo,  "  his  Grace  was 
pleafed,"  fays  ( i  o)  Walfh,  "  to  countermand,  for  that  time,  and  to  fufpend 
ever  fince,  the  fending  about  of  thefe  letters,  expecting  it  might  be  done  more 
ieafbnably,  when  the  clergy  had  figned  firft." 


CHAP.          XIII. 

The  Irifh  Clergy  s  Remonftrance  of  Loyalty. 

HI S  Grace  ftill  perfifting  in  his  demand  of  a  general  and  uniform  fub- 
fcription  of  all  the  Irifh  clergy  to  the   remonftrance  firft  delivered   by 
Walfh  (which  he  was  privately  afTured,  would  not  be  (a)  obtained)  procured 

his 

(8)  Id.  ib.  fol.  96.  (9)  ib.  fol.  97.  (it>)  ib. 

(a)  One   of   the   reafons,    among  many  others,  laws,  plead  innocency ;  and  all  of  them,  public  ar« 

affigned  by   the  non-fubfcribers,  was,  "  that  none  of  tides  both  of.  war  and  peace,  for  their  faid  eftates, 

either  the  laity,  or  clergy,  who  had  fubfcribed,  were  and  for  the  public,  and  free  eSercife  of  their  reli- 

more  favoured,  or  more  at  liberty,  than  others;  the  gion  too. 

lay-prqprietors  not,  therefore,  reftored  to  their  eftates,  "  Nor  were  the  clergy,  who  had  fubfcribed,  fuf- 

tho'  feveral  of  them  could,  befidcs,  according  to  the  fered  to  enjoy  even  one  chapel}  without  daily  ha- 
zards 


Ch.  XIII.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  29$ 

his  Majefty's  confent,  to  fuffer  them  to  meet  in  a  national  fynod  at  Dublin  j 
which,  notwithftanding  its  favourable  appearance,  he  clearly  forefaw,  would 
only  ferve  to  increafe  thofe  diflentions  already  fprung  up  among  them,  on 
that  fubject.  For,  notwithftanding  all  Walfh's  prolix,  and  learned  harangues  at  this 
meeting,  to  prove  the  great  expediency,  and  even  abfolute  neceffity,  of  their 
general  compliance,  the  majority  of  the  Synod  ftill  refufed  to  fubfcribe  to  that 
particular  addrefs ;  not,  as  they  all  declared,  that  they  thought  it  contained 
any  thing  repugnant  to  the  Roman  Catholic  faith ;  nor  yet,  "  that  they  meant 
thereby  to  decline,  or  difavow  the  fubftance  of  it ;  but  becaufe  they  believed  it 
more  becoming  the  dignity  of  that  meeting,  and  more  refpeclful  to  his  Majefty 
and  his  Grace,  to  prefent  a  remonftrance  of  their  own  framing,  which,  at  the  fame 
time  that  it  expreffed  as  much  loyalty  as  the  other,  fhould  be  fo  unexception- 
able in  point  of  language,  that  not  only  the  Bifhops,  and  other  clergy  there 
prefent,  but  every  Roman  Catholic  prieft  in  the  kingdom,  both  fecular  and 
regular,  would  chearfully  fubfcribe  it.  Wherefore,  after  mature  deliberation 
and  debate,  the  following  remonftrance  of  loyalty  was  drawn  up,  and  figned 
by  this  congregation;  and  on  (i) the  i6th  of  June  1666,  delivered  to  the 
Duke  of  Ormond  by  two  of  their  Bifhops,  together  with  a  petition,  praying 
his  Grace,  to  accept  that  remonftrance  from  them^  and  to  prefent  it  to  his 
Majefty,  the  rather  that  it  was  fo  unanimoufly  agreed  to,  as  there  was  not 
one  diffenting  voice  in  all  their  number." 

"  To  the  King's  moft  excellent  Majefty  Charles  the  Second,  King  of  Great 
Britain,  France,  and  Ireland,  &c. 

*'  WE  your  Majefty's  fubje&s,  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  of  the  kingdom 
of  Ireland  together  affembled,  do  hereby  declare  and  folemnly  proteft  before 
God  and  his  holy  angels,  that  we  own,  and  acknowledge  your  Majefty  to  be 
our  true  and  lawful  King,  fupreme  Lord,  and  undoubted  Sovereign,  as  well 
of  this  realm  of  Ireland  as  of  all  other  your  Majefty's  dominions ;  confequently 
we  confefs  ourfelves  bound  in  confcience,  to  be  obedient  to  your  Majefty  in 
all  civil  and  temporal  affairs,  as  any  fubjecl  ought  to  be  to  his  Prince,  and  as  the 
laws  of  God  and  nature  require  at  our  hands.  Therefore  we  promife,  that  we 
will  inviolably  bear  true  allegiance  to  your  Majefty,  your  lawful  heirs,  and 

fucceftbrs  j 

(0  ib.  fol.  683. 

aards  of  imprifonments,  and  even  men's  lives,  as  ap-  fwords,  aflaulted,  the  altar  rifled,  the  priefts  carried 

peared  by  a  late  perfecution,  when  both  on  St.  Ste-  prifoners  to  Newgate,  and  many  both  men  and  wo- 

phen's,  and  new  year's  day,  in   1662,  the  chapel  of  men  grievoufly  hurt,  fome  flafted  and  wounded  forely, 

the  Francifcans  in  Dublin,  who  had  all  been  fubfcri-  even  to  the  great  endangering  of  their  lives."     WaluVs 

bers,  and  wherein  Walfh  himfelf  did  officiate,  was  by  Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Renaonf.  fol.  26. 
guards  of  foldicrs,  and  whole  companies  with  naked 


296  H  I  S  T  O  R  I  C  A  L    R  E  V  I  E  W    o  p    T  H  E  Bk.  IX. 

fuccefTors;  and  that  no  power  on  earth  fhall  be  able  to  withdraw  us  from  our 
duty  herein ;  and  that  we  will  even  to  the  lofs  of  our  blood,  if  occafion  re- 
quires, affert  your  Majefty's  rights  againft  any  that  fhall  invade  the  fame,  or 
attempt  to  deprive  yourfelf,  or  your  lawful  heirs  and  fucceflbrs  of  any  part 
thereof.  And  to  the  end  this  our  fincere  proteftation  may  more  clearly  ap- 
pear, we  further  declare,  that  it  is  not  our  doctrine  that  fubjecls  may  be  dif- 
charged,  abfolved,  or  freed  from  the  obligation  of  performing  their  duty  of 
true  obedience,  and  allegiance  to  their  Prince  j  much  lefs  may  we  allow  of,  or 
pafs  as  tolerable  any  doctrine  that  perniciouily,  and  againft  the  word  of  God 
maintains,  that  any  private  fubjecl  may  lawfully  kill  or  murder  the  anointed 
of  God,  his  Prince ;  wherefore,  purfuant  to  the  deep  apprehenfion  we  have 
of  the  abomination  and  fad  confequences  of  its  practice,  we  do  engage  our- 
*  felves  to  difcover  unto  your  Majefty,  or  fome  of  your  minifters,  any  attempt 
of  that  kind,  rebellion,  or  confpiracy,  againft  your  Majefty's  perfon,  crown, 
or  royal  authority,  that  comes  to  our  knowledge,  whereby  fuch  horrid  evils 
may  be  prevented.  Finally  as  we  hold  the  premiffes  to  be  agreeable  to  good 
confcience,  fo  we  religioufly  fwear  the  due  obfervance  thereof  to  our  utmoft, 
and  will  preach  and  teach,  the  fame  to  our  refpeclive  flocks.  In  witnefs  where- 
of we  do  hereunto  fubfcribe  the  i5th  day  of  June  1666." 

BUT  the  Duke  of  Ormonc1  not  only  rejected  the  petition,  and  remonft ranee 
of  this  clergy,  but  alfo  ordered  them  immediately  to  difperfe ;  and  foon  after, 
banifhed  them  out  of  the  kingdom  ;  infomuch  that  when  his  Grace  quitted 
the  government,  there  were  not  more  than  three  Catholic  Biihops  remaining 
there,  two  whereof  were  bed-rid,  and  the  third  had  abfconded.  (b). 


(b)  His  Grace  expected  their  fubfcriptions  to  that  alleged,  and  Walfh  himfelf  owns,  in  feveral  parts  of 

very  retnonftrance,  which  had  been  prefented  to  the  his  hiftory,  that  his  remonftrance  feems  to  aflat  all 

King  ;  and  would  accept  of  no  other.     See  Walfh's  that  is  contained  in  the  oath  of  fupremacy  itklf. 
Remoaf.  fol.  489.      Although   the    non-fubfcrihers 


CHAP. 


Ch,  XIV.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  297 

/ 

CHAP.          XIV. 

The  Duke  ofOrmond's  Dejign  in  permitting  this  Meeting  of  the  Irijh  Clergy. 

PETER  Talbot,  titular  Archbifhop  of  Dublin,  and  one  of  the  moft  power-- 
ful  opponents  of  Walfh's  remonftrance,  obferved,  afterwards,  to  that 
religious,  that  he  had  been,  all  along,  only  made  life  of  as  a  tool,  and  a  dupe, 
in  that  bufmefs(i).  "  The  miniftry,"  fays  he,  "  for  reafons  beft  known  to 
themfelves,  were  willing  to  let  you  preach,  and  prefs  a  formulary,  which  they 
forefaw  would  divide  the  Catholics  among  themfelves,  difcredit  their  religion, 
and  give  the  government  the  colour,  and  advantage  of  excluding  from  their 
eftates,  many  meriting  gentlemen,  for  not  profeffing  that  allegiance,  which 
learned  men  of  their  own  religion  maintained  to  be  abfolutely  neceffary  in  a 
faithful  fubjecV  That  there  were  fufficient  grounds  for  fuch  an  obfervation, 
can  be  now  proved  by  unqueftionable  authority  ;  for  about  the  end  of  the  year 
1666,  after  the  before-mentioned  fynod  of  the  Irifh  clergy  had  been  difperfed, 
Lord  Orrery,  taking  advantage  of  that  incident,  wrote  thus  to  the  Duke  of 
Ormond  (2).  "  I  humbly  offer  to  your  Grace,  whether  this  may  not  be  a  fit 
feafon,  to  jnake  that  fchifm,  which  you  have  been  fowing  among  the  Popifh 
clergy,  publickly  break  out,  fo  as  to  fet  them  at  open  difference ;  as  we  may 
reap  fome  practical  advantage  thereby."  And,  when,  fome  years  after,  his 
Grace's  enemies  had  ftrangely  accufed  him  of  having  countenanced,  and  en- 
couraged, Popery  in  Ireland,  during  his  adminiftration,  and  inftanced  his 
permiffion  of  this  fynodical  meeting  of  the  Irifh  clergy,  as  a  proof  of  it;  the 
Duke  himfelf  framdy  declared  (3),  "  that  his  aim  in  permitting  that  meeting 
was  to  work  a  divifion  among  the  Romifh  clergy ;  and  that  he  believed  he 
had  compafTed  it,  if  he  had  not  been  removed,  and,  if  contrary  councils, 
and  courfeshad  not  been  taken,  and  held  by  his  fucceflbrs  in  the  government; 
of  whom,  fays  he,  fome  were  too  indulgent  to  the  whole  body  of  Papifts,  and 
others  not  much  acquainted  with  any  of  them ;  not  confidering  the  advantages 
of  the  divifion  defigned." 

SOME  hopes,  it  appears,  had  been  given,  (which  his  Grace's  before-men- 
tioned letter  to  Walfh  feemed  to  confirm)  that  the  fubfcribers  to  the  firfl  re- 
monftrance would  be  reftored  to  their  eftates.  But  Archbifhop  Talbot  calls 

Q,  q  upon 

(i)  Friar  difciplined,  p.  92.  (2)  StateLet.voI.il.  (3)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii.  .Append. 


298  HISTORICAL    REVIEW   OF    THE  Bk.IX- 

upon  Walfh  (4),  "  to  name  but  one,  who  had  been  the  better  for  his  fub- 
fcription.  A  man,"  fays  he,  "  would  think  that  my  Lord  of  Iveagh's  ex- 
tradion,  innocency,  and  merit,  his  breaking  General  Owen  O' Neil's  army, 
his  raifing,  and  lofing  two  or  three  regiments,  in  the  King's  fervice,  his  ven- 
turing himfelf,  and  his  nearneft  relations,  in  the  towns  befieged  by  Crom- 
well, his  conftantly  following  his  Majefly's  perfon,  and  fortune  in  exile,  need- 
ed no  further  remonftrance  of  his  loyalty  j  but,  however,  that  nothing  might 
be  objeded  againft  him,  he  flgned  yours :  and  yet  is  nothing  the  nearer  his 
eftate.  I  know  you  prefTed  my  Lord  Duke  of  Ormond  very  much  in  Sir  Ro- 
bert Talbot's  behalf,  faying  it  would  be  a  great  fcandal  if  the  only  gentleman 
in  Ireland,  who  never  would  reject  the  peace  of  1646,  and  fuffered  fo  much 
on  that  account,  were  not  reftored  to  his  eftate ;  and  yet  you  fee  he  was,  and 
his  fon  (a)  is,  in  the  fame  condition  with  the  reft  of  your  fubfcribers." 


HAP.          XV. 


The  King  confejfes  his  Obligation  to  make  good  the  Peace  of  the  Tear  1648. 

HIS  Majefty  had,  at  feveral  times,  acknowledged  himfelf  bound  to  ful- 
fil his  engagements  to  the  Irifh  by  the  peace  of  1648.  We  have  already 
obferved,  that  in  a  letter  from  Breda,  in  1650,  he  defired  the  Marquis  of  Or- 
mond (i),  "  to  affure  them,  that  he  would  perform  all  grants  and  conceffions 
which  he  had  either  made,  or  promifed  them  by  that  peace  5  and  which,  as 
he  had  new  inftances  of  their  loyalty  and  affedion  to  him,  he  fhould 
ftudy  rather  to  enlarge,  than  diminifh,  or  infringe,  v  in  the  leaft  de- 
gree." 


IN  his  fpeech  to  both  Houfes  of  parliament,  July  1660,  when  a  general 
of  oblivion  was  intended  to  be  paffed,  his  Majefty  knowing  that  means  had 
been  ufed  to  exclude  the  Irifh  from  the  benefit  of  that  ad,  told  them,  "  that 
he  hoped  the  Irifh  alone  would  not  be  left  without  the  benefit  of  his  mercy  ; 
that  they  had  fhewn  much  affedion  to  him  abroad  ;  and  that  he  cxpeded  the 
parliament  would  have  a  care  of  his  honour,  and  of  what  he  had  promifed 
them."  And  in  his  declaration  of  the  3Oth  of  November  following,  (which  was 

intended 

(4)  Friar  difcipl.  p,  87.  (i)  Carte's  Colleft.  of  Orm.  Orig.  Pap. 

(a)  This  book  was  published  in  the  year  1674. 


Ch.  XV. 


CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND. 


299 

intended  to  be  the  ground-work  of  the  acls  of  fettlement,)  he  again  acknow- 
ledged this  obligation,  and  faid  (2),  "  he  muft  always  remember  the  great  af- 
fedtion  a  confiderable  part  of  the  Irifh  nation  expreffed  to  him,  during  the 
time  of  his  being  beyond  feas;  when,  with  all  chearfulnefs,  and  obedience, 
they  received,  and  fubmitted  to,  his  orders,  though  attended  with  inconve- 
nience enough  to  themfelves  ;  which  demeanour  of  theirs,"  adds  he,  "  cannot 
but  be  thought  very  worthy  of  our  prote&ion,  juftice,  and  favour." 

BUT  the  commiiTioners  from  Ireland,  fearing  that  if  the  Irilh  were  included 
in  the  general  pardon,  they  would  be  of  courfe  reftored  to  their  eftates  (of 
which,  by  the  bounty  of  the  late  ufurpers,  thefe  commifTioners,  and  their  ad- 
herents, were  then  adlually  in  pofTefIion)(  3)  petitioned  both  houfes,  that  they 
might  be  excluded  by  an  exprefs  claufe,  to  be  inferted  in  the  act.  And  upon  a 
motion  being  made  in  the  Houfe  of  peers,  that  this  petition  (hould  be  rejected, 
and  the  Irifh  included  in  the  general  indemnity,  the  Duke  of  Ormond  oppofed 
it,  alleging  (4)  that,  "  his  Majefty  had  referved  the  cognizance  of  that  matter 
to  himfelfj"  (b)  though  it  was  notorious,  that  his  Majefty  in  his  fpeech  to  par- 
liament, but  a  few  days  before,  had  acquainted  them,  "  that  he  expected  (in 
relation  to  his  engagement  to  that  people)  they  would  have  a  care  of  his  honour, 
and  of  the  promife  he  had  made  them."  Excluded  however  they  were,  to  the 
aftonifhment  of  all  honeft  men  ;  who  now  perceived,  what  powerful  inflruments 
their  enemies  made  ufe  of,  to  accomplifh  their  wicked  purpofes. 


(2)  Iri/h  Statutes. 


(3)  Carte  ubi  fupra. 


(4)  Sale  and  fettlement  of  Ireland. 


(I)  I  fliall  hereafter  have  frequent  occafion  to 
quote  this  fniall  traft.  It  was  commonly  called  the 
Coventry-letter,  becaufe  it  was  dated  from  Coventry. 
It  was  written  by  Mr.  Nangle,  Attorney  General  in 
Ireland  in  1685.  The  Earl  of  Clarendon,  when  Lord 
Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  often  mentions  it  in  his  letters 
to  England,  ?.s  a  piece  much  taken  notice  of.  "  I 
have  received,"  fays  he,  in  one  of  them,  "  a  copy  of 


a  letter,  written  by  Mr.  Nangle,  to  the  Ifarl  of  Tyr- 
connel,  from  Coventry,  'tis  a  notable  letter."  St.  Let. 
vol.  i.  p.  156  Elfewhere,  he  fays,  "  I  gave  my  Lord 
Chief  Juttice  Keating  a  copy  of  Mr.  Narigle's  letter, 
and  defired  his  thoughts  upon  it."  ib.  His  Excel- 
lency  mentions  Mr.  Nangle,  in  feveral  of  his  letters, 
as  "  a  perfon  of  undoubted  abilities,  and  integrity, 
in  his  profeffion." 


CHAP. 


HISTORICAL   REVIEW    or    THE  Bk.  IX. 

CHAP.         XVI. 

Ormond's  Reafons  for  his  Ofpojttion  to  the  Irz/b,  confidered. 

^  I  4  H  E  Duke  of  Ormond  affigned  two  reafons,  in  excufe  of  his  unge- 
X  nerous  condud  in  this  particular.  Firft  he  faid(i),  "  if  he  had  not 
oppofed  the  motion  for  including  the  Irifh  in  the  general  pardon,  others  un- 
doubtedly would  ;  who,  by  exaggerating  their  former  mifcondud,  would  have 
excited  rather  the  parliament's  indignation  againft,  than  commiferation  for, 
their  cafe."  But  this  reafon  has  no  manner  offeree.  For  although  the  Eng- 
liih  had  heard  nothing  of  the  infurredion  in  Ireland,  but  what  gave  them 
horror,  and  poflefled  them  with  the  worft  opinion  of  the  whole  Irifh  nation, 
yet  his  Grace  could  have  eafily  fct  them  right,  as  to  that  matter  (2):  for, 
*  befides  his  being  a  witnefs  of  every  man's  behaviour  during  the  troubles, 
he  was  well  acquainted  with  all  the  circumftances  of  their  cafe ;  he  knew 
what  early  attempts  the  moft  confiderable  of  their  nobility  and  gentry  made 
to  return  to  their  duty ;  the  difficulties  they  had  to  ftruggle  with  in  that  work, 
the  perfeverance  with  which  they  purfued  their  defign,  till  they  had  accom- 
plifhecl  it;  and  the  zeal  with  which,  in  the  late  King's  diftrefs,  they  had  em- 
braced the  peace  of  1648.  All  this,  I  fay,  his  Grace  could  have  eafily  made 
known  to  their  Lordfhips,  in  cafe  of  the  fuppofed  exaggeration  of  their  mif- 
condud, and  would  have  been  bound  in  honour  and  juflice  to  do  fo; 
whereas,  by  his  oppofition  to  the  motion  for  including  them  in  the  general 
pardon,  he  gave  occafion  to  their  Lordfhips  to  confider  them,  as  the  moft 
criminal  of  all  his  Majefty's  fubjeds  in  that  refped,  and  as  meriting  peculiar 
and  exemplary  punifhment." 

His  fecond  reafon  was  ftill  weaker  than  the  firft,  and  is  refuted  by  his  own  ex- 
perience. He  pretended  (3), t;  that  he  did  not  think,  that  the  Proteftant  Peers,  or 
Commons  of  Ireland ;  or  even  the  very  Catholic  Irifh,  would  be  concluded  by, 
or  content  with,  an  a£t  of  the  Englifh  parliament."  viz.  An  ad  granting  their 
pardon,  and  thereby  putting  them  in  a  capacity  to  be  reflored  to  their  eftates  ! 
His  Grace  could  not,  ferioufly,  have  meant,  that  either  the  Proteftant  Peers 
or  Commons,  or  the  Catholic  Irifh,  would  have  deemed  an  ad  of  the  Englifh 

parliament 

(i)  Wal/h's  letter  to  the  Bifhop  ofFcrns,  p.  24.  (2)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  ii. 

(3)  Waifh,  ubifupra. 


Ch.XVlI. 


CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND. 


301 


parliament  infufficient  for  the  purpofe  of  their  reftitution  ;  becaufe  it  was  no- 
torious (4)  that  he  himfelf  was  reftored  to  his  lands  in  Ireland,  by  an  act  of 
the  Englifh  parliament;  and  particularly (5),  that  one  Blackwell  was  dif- 
pofTefTed  of  his  Qrace's  large  eftate  of  Killcafh,  in  virtue  of  it." 


HAP. 


XVII. 


The  Earl  of  Orrery  abufes  the  King's  Confidence ',  with  refpetl  to  the  Settlement 

of  Ireland* 


IS  Majefty's  declaration  before-mentioned,  for  the  fettlement  of  Ire- 
land, (which  comprehended  every  foot  of  land  in  the  kingdom)  or- 
dained, that  about  five  hundre.d  Irifh  gentlemen  therein  named,  who  had 
faithfully  ferved  him  abroad,  fhould  be  reftored  to  their  eftates ;  but  not  un- 
til land  of  equal  value  was  found  fa}9  to  reprize  the  Cromwellian  adventurers, 
and  foldiers,  who  then  had  pofTeffion  of  them.  It  alfo  ordained,  that  fuch  of 
the  Irifh,  as  had  never  infringed  the  articles  of  the  peace,  concluded  between 
the  Marquis  of  Ormond  and  them,  in  1648,  fhould  be  reftored,  upon  the  fame 
conditions.  But  the  King  had  already  difpofed  of  fo  great  a  part  of  the 
kingdom,  in  gifts  to  Englifh  and  Irifh  favourites  (fome  of  whom  had  been 
accefTaries  in  his  father's  murder,)  that  the  order  for  reprifals  was  abfolutely  (b) 
impracticable  j  on  which  account  the  adventurers  and  foldiers  ftill  continued 

their 


(4)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  ii.  fol.  398. 

(a)  The  claim  of  the  adventurers  was  founded  on 
nn  Englifh  aft   of  parliament    17°  Caroli,  by  which 
all  thole,  wko  had  lent,  money   towards  carrying   on 
the  war  againft  the  Irifli,  iliould  upon  their  being  fub- 
ducd,  have  a  certain  portion  of  their  forfeited  eftates 
conveyed  to  them.     By  the  fame  aft,  it  was  provided 
that  the  money  fo  lent  fhould  not  be  applied  to  any 
other  ufe  but  that  of  the  Irifli  war.     Yet,  "  fcarce 
was  there  one  hundred    thoufand  pounds  thus  raifed, 
when  the   fame  parliament,  contrary  to  its  own  act 
and  engagement,  caufed  it  to  be  laid  out  for  the  fet- 

(b)  "  If,"  fays  Ormond  on  this  occafion,    "  the 
adventurers  and  foldiers  muft  be  fatisfied  to  the  ex- 
tent of  what  they  fuppofe  intended  for  them  by  the 
declaration;   and,  if  all  that  accepted,  and  conftantly 
adhered  to  ihe  peace  (of  1648)  muft  be  reftored,  as 


(5)  Id.  ib.  vol.  ii.  fol.  392. 


ting  forth  their  army  under  the  command  of  the  Earl 
of  Eflex,  then  ready  for  its  march,  againft  the  King 
at  Nottingham."  Borl.  Hift.  of  the  Irifli  Rebel, 
fol.  121. 

The  foldiers,  who  were  to  be  reprized  with 
lands  of  equal  value,  had  conftantly  fought  for  the 
ufurpers  againft  the  King ;  and  were  thus  to  be  re- 
warded for  that  fervice.  "  They  were,"  fays  Mr. 
Carte,  "  for  the  moft  part,  Anabaptifts,  indepen- 
dents, and  levellers."  Orm.  vol.  ii. 


the  fame  declaration  feems  alfo  to  intend,  there  muft 
be  new  difcoveries  made  of  a  new  Ireland  j  for  the 
old  will  never  ferve  to  fatisfy  thefe  engagements." 
Carte's  Orm.  vol.  iii.  fol.  340. 


302  H  I  S  T  O  R  I  C  A  L    R  E  V  I  E  W    o  P    T  H  E  Bk.  IX. 

their  ufurped  poffefiion  (i) ;  "  altho'  many  of  them,  in  refped  of  their  no- 
torious, and  opprobrious  actions  againft  the  crown,  throughout  their  whole 
employment;  and  of  their  expreffing,  even  after  his  Majefty's  return,  how 
little  they  were  fatisfied  with  the  revolution,  were  univerfally.  odious,  both  in 
England  and  Ireland." 

THE  Earl  of  Clarendon,  who  was  thoroughly  acquainted  with' the  conduit, 
and  intrigues,  of  this  fettlement,  informs  us  (2),  "that  his  Majefty  was  led 
into  this  miilake  by  a  very  pofitive  aflurance  from  Lord  Orrery,  who  was 
believed  to  underfland  the  ilate  of  that  kingdom  very  exaclly,  that  there  was 
land  enough  to  fatisfy  all  the  foldiers  and  adventurers ;  and  that  there  would 
be  a  very  great  proportion  left  for  accommodating  the  Irifh  very  liberal- 
ly." But  his  Lordihip,  at  the  fame  time,  made  ufe  of  every  finifter 
means,  for  his  own  private  advantage,  to  .reduce  that  proportion  to  no- 
thing. 

Fok  (3),  "  believing  he  could  never  be  well  enough  at  court,  except  he 
had  courtiers  of  all  forts  obliged  to  him,  who  would  therefore  fpeak  well  of 
him  in  all  places,  and  companies,  he  recommended  to  many  of  them  divers 
fuits  for  fuch  lands,  as  by  forfeiture,  or  otherwife,  fhould  come  to  his  Ma- 
jefty  ;  altho'  he  knew,  that  his  Majefly  had  refolved,  (and  that  by  his  Lordfhip's 
own  advice)  to  retain  thofe  lands  in  his  own  .power,  to  the  end  that,  when 
the  fettlement  fhould  be  made,  he  might  be  able  to  gratify  thofe  of  the  Irifh 
nation,  who  had  any  thing  of  merit  towards  him,  or  had  been  leaft  faulty  (4). 
His  Lordfhip  often,  even  fent  certificates  to  thefe  courtiers  under  his  own 
hand,  of  the  value  thofe  fuits  might  be  to  them,  if  obtained;  and  of  the  little 
importance,  the  granting  them  would  be  to  his  Majefty;  which  having  been 
fhewed  to  the  King,  difpofed  him  to  thofe  conceffions,  which  otherwife  he 
\vould  not  fo  eafily  have  made." 

(i)  Clarend.  Life,  (a)  ib.  (3)  Id.  ib.  (4)  Id.  ib. 


CHAP. 


Ch.  XVIII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  303 

C      H      A      P.          XVIIL 

'The  Affairs  of  Ireland  brought  before  the  Englijb  Council. 

ABOUT  this  time,  a  warm  difpute  was  carrying  on  at  London,  be- 
tweeri  the  agents  for  the  late  confederate  Catholics,  and  the  commif- 
fioners  from  the  council  and  the  two  Houfes  of  the  Irilh  parliament,  in  feveral 
memorials  prefented  by  them  to  the  King,  in  j  unification  of  their  refpeclive 
claims,  and  pretenfions.     "  But  (i)  the  Iriih  agents  pleaded  their  caufe  under 
great  difadvantages  (2).  The  commiffioners  from  the  council  and  parliament  dif- 
fered a  little  among  themfelves,  about  their  private  and  perfonal  interefts  ;  but 
they  were  all  united  in  one  unhappy  extreme,  that  is  (fays  Lord  Clarendon 
who  was  prefent  in  council,  during  thefe  difputes)   in  their  implacable  malice 
to  the  Irifh ;  infomuch,  that  they  concurred  in  their  defire,  that  they  might 
gain  notning  by  the  King's  return ;  but   be  kept  with  the  fame  rigour,  and 
under  the  fame   incapacity  to  do  hurt,  which  they  were  then  under.     And 
though  eradication  was  too  foul  a  wrord  to  be  uttered  in  the  hearing  of  a 
Chriftian  Prince,  yet  it  was  little  lefs,  or  better,  that  they  propofed,  in  other 
words,  and  hoped  to  obtain.    Whereas  the  King  thought  that  miferable  peo- 
ple to  be  as  worthy  of  his  favour,  as  moft  of  the  other  party ;  and  that  his  ho- 
nour, juftice,  and  policy,  as  far  as  they  were  unreftrained  by  laws,  and  con- 
trads,  obliged  him  more  to  prefer ve  them,  at  leafl  as  much  as  he  could.     And 
yet  it  can  hardly  be  believed,  how  few  men,  in  alt  other  points  very  reafon- 
able,  and  who  were  far  from  cruelty  in  their  nature,  cherifhed  that  inclination 
in  the  king;  but  thought  it  in  him,  and  more  in  his  brother,  to  proceed  from 
other  reafons,  than  they  published.     Whilft  others,  who  pretended  to  be  only 
moved  by  chriftian  charity,  and  companion,  were  more  cruel  towards  them, 
and  made  them  more  miferable   by  extorting  great  engagements  from  them 
for  their  protection,  and  interceffion;  which    being  performed,  would   leave 
them  in  as  forlorn  a  condition  as  they  were  found." 

BESIDES  thefe  impediments  to  their  fuccefs,  from  the  malice  of  their  ene- 
mies, the  ignorance  and  prejudice  of  fome  about  the  King,  and  the  fraud  and 
cruelty  of  others,  thefe  agents  from  the  confederate  Catholics  had  another 
obftacle  in  their  way,  which  was  ftill  more  unfurmountable ;  and  that  was, 

the 

(i)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  if.  (2)  CLrend.  Life. 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OP    THE  Bk  IX. 

the  great  poverty  of  thofe  who  fent  them.  "  The  (3)  new  Earls  of  Orrery 
and  Montrath  had  taken  care  to  raife  (a)  privately  among  the  adventurers  and 
foldiers  twenty  or  thirty  thoufand  pounds,  to  be  difpofed  of  properly,  without 
any  account,  by  way  of  recompenfe  to  fuch  as  fhould  be  ferviceable  to  the 
what  was  called  Englifli  intereft.  The  Irifh  had  no  fuch  fums  to  command ; 
few  friends  about  the  court,  and  no  means  of  procuring  any.  Thofe  of  the 
Englifh  council,  before  whom  they  were  to  plead  their  caufe,  were  highly- 
prejudiced,  and  incenfed  againft  the  whole  nation,  knew  little  of  the  conduct 
of  particular  perfons,  who  deferved  favour  -,  but  were  willing  to  involve  every 
body,  in  the  general  guilt  of  the  maffacre,  as  well  as  the  rebellion." 


CHAP.          XIX. 


\ 

The  Sufferings  of  the  Irijh  fet  forth  by  their  Agents  before  the  King  and 

Council. 


IN  vain  did  the  Irifli  agents  urge(i),  "  the  great  and  long  fufTerings  of 
their  countrymen ;  the  lofs  of  their  eftates,  for  five  or  fix  and  twenty 
years,  the  wafting  and  fpending  of  the  whole  nation  in  battles,  and  tranfpor- 
tation  of  men  into  the  parts  beyond  feas;  whereof  many  had  the  honour  to 
teftify  their  fidelity  to  the  King  by  real  fervices ;  many  of  them  returned  into 
England  with  him,  and  were  ftill  in  his  fervice  •,  the  great  numbers  of  men, 
women,  and  children,  that  had  been  mafTacred,  or  executed  in  cold  blood, 

after 

(3)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  ii.  (i)  Ciarend.  Life. 

(a)  And  as  much  more  publickly,  for  "  the  Irifti  firft  bufinefs  gone  upon. — It  pafTed  without  one  ne- 

Commons,  on  the  4th  of  March  1661,  ordered,  nem.  gative."     Orrery's  State  Let.  vol.  i.  p.  99. 
con.  thirty  thoufand     pounds   Englifh   to    be    raifed          The  fame  Orrery  having  acquainted  Ormond,  that 

throughout  the  kingdom,  and   prefented  to  his  Grace  the  firft  aft  of  fettlement  was   fent  to  England,  adds, 

the  Duke  of  Ormond,  with  a   claufe,  that   they  in-  "  All  this  kingdom  looks  upon  your  Grace  as  their 

tended  not  that  prefent  of  theirs  fliould  be  interpreted  great  patron,  to  whom  they  in  a  high  degree,  owe 

as  an  exclufion  of  his  Grace,  from  any  other  juft  fa-  thofe  hopes,  which  his  Majefty's  gracious  declaration 

vour  his  Majefty  might  think  fit  to  confer  on  him,  or  has  given  them."     State  Let.  p.  37.     This  declara- 

his."     Com.  Jour.  vol.  i.  tion  was  the  bafis,  and  ground-work  of  the  afts  of 

This  order  was  procured  by  his  Grace's  friend,  the  fettlement.     Again,  he  tells  him,  "  your  Lordfhip's 

Earl  of  Orrery,   then  one  of  the   Lords  Juftices  j  for  favour  to  this  poor  kingdom  in  haftening  the  bill  of 

thus  that   Earl  wrote -to  his  Grace,  the  day  after  it  fettlement,  is  fo  fignal  and  great,  that  I  know  not 

was  paft.     "  Yefterday  the  parliament  met   in    this  one  man  concerned   in   the  good  fertlement  of  this 

city.     I  had  engaged  the  Speaker,  and  much  the  mod,  kingdom  but  muft,  and  does,  own  himfelf  your  Grace's 

if  not  all,  the   members,  that  their  motion  for   their  fervant,  for  your  eminent  pains  and  care  in  that  defired 

humble  prefent  for  your  Grace   might   be  the  very  work."     ib.  p.  90. 


Ch.  XIX.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  305 

after  the  King's  government  had  been  driven  from  them ;  the  multitudes  that 
had  been  deitroyed  by  famine,  and  the  plague,  thefe  two  heavy  judgments 
having  raged  over  the  kingdom  for  two  or  three  years;  and  at  laft,  as  a 
perfecution  unheard  of,  the  tranfplanting  of  the  fmall  remainder  of  the  na- 
tion into  a  corner  of  the  province  of  Conaught,  where  yet  much  of  the 
lands  were  taken  from  them,  which  had  been  alFigned  with  all  thofe  for- 
malities of  lav/,  which  were  in  ufe,  and  practice  under  that  govern- 
ment." 

"  IN  vain  did  they  claim  the  benefit  of  the  two  treaties  of  peace,  the  one  in 
the  late  King's  time,  and  confirmed  by  him  j  the  other  confirmed  by  his  Ma- 
jefty,  who  was  prefent  (2);  by  both  which,  they  alleged,  they  flood  indem- 
nified for  all  acts  done  previoufly  by  them  in  the  rebellion,  and  infifted  upon 
their  innocence  fince  that  time ;  and  that  they  had  paid  fo  entire  an  obe- 
dience to  his  iVlajefly's  commands,  while  he  was  beyond  the  feas,  that  they 
betook  themfelves  to,  and  withdrew  themfelves  from,  the  fervice  of  France 
or  Spain,  in  fuch  manner  as  his  pleafure  was  they  ihould  do." 

IT  was  deemed  flrange  indifcretion  and  folly  in  them,  even  by  fome  of  the 
leaft  prejudiced  of  their  judges,  to  mention,  in  that  conjuncture  (3),  u  the 
unworthinefs  and  incapacity  of  thofe,  who  for  fo  many  years  had  poffefled 
themfelves  of  their  eftates,  and  fought  then  a  confirmation  of  their  rebel- 
lious title  from  his  Majefty  -,  or  to  infinuate,  that  their  rebellion  had  been 
more  infamous,  and  of  greater  magnitude,  than  that  of  the  Iriih,  who  had 
rifen  in  arms,  to  free  themfelves  from  the  rigour  and  feverity  that  was  exer- 
cifed  upon  them,  by  fome  of  the  King's  minifters,  and  for  the  liberty  of  their 
conferences,  without  having  the  leaft  intention  or  thought  of  withdrawing 
themfelves  from  his  Majeity's  obedience,  or  declining  his  government  (a) ; 

R  r  whereas 

(2)  Id.  ib.  (3)  Id.  ib. 

(a)  Lord    Clarendon's    He,    and   memoirs,    from  that,  after  his  difgrace,  he  was  heartily  forry  for  It, 

which  thefe  paflage:'  are  cited,  is  a  pofthumous  work,  appeals   troai   the  following   certificate,    wMch    was 

written  by  bimfelr,  but  not  publilhed  till  within  thefe  lately  printed  in  one  01  rhe  public  papers.     Memoran- 

few  years   paft.      In   this   place,  he   feerns  to    exhibit  dum.  "  The  Rev.  Mr.  Cock,  of  Durham  being  .     his 

fome  fymproms  of  remorfe  for  that  Machiavilian  ad-  kinfman's,  Sir  Ralph  Coie  at  Bu'fpeth  caftle,  about 

vice,  which  the  Iiifli  ever  accufed  him  of  havinggiven  the  time    that    Lord   Chancellor   Ciaic^don   was  di(- 

the  King,  while  the  fettlement  of  Ireland   was   under  graced,  Sir  Henry  Brabant  of  NLw  cattle,  onie  thi- 

confideration,  viz.  "  to  provide  for  his  enemies,  who  ther,  in  his  way  from   London,  and   told  Sir  "Ralph, 

might  otherwife  be  troublefome,  and  ro  overlook  his  and  him,  this  paflage      That  he,  Sir  Henry  B    b«nr, 

friends,  who  would  always   ftick   to  him  ;"  and  this  having  been  to  wait  on  Lord  Clarendon  juft  after  m's 

advice  they  ever  confidered,  as  one  of  the  principal  difgrace,  his  Lordfbip  after  telling  him  how  kindly  he 

Caufes  of  their  ruin.     That  his  Lordfhip  did  give  his  took  that  piece  of  fritndfhip,  exprtflld  himfelf  ;o  this 

Majefty  fouie  fuch  counfel,  on   that  occafion,  and  effect.    "  That  there  were  grievous  things  laid  to  his 

chaigej 


3o6  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  IX. 

whereas  the  others  had  carried  on  an  odious  rebellion  againft  the  King's  fa- 
cred  perfon,  whom  they  had  horridly  murthered  in  the  fight  of  the  fun,  with 
all  imaginable  circumftances  of  contempt,  and  defiance ;  and,  as  much  as  in 
them  lay,  had  rooted  out  monarchy  itfelf,  and  overturned,  and  deftroyed, 
the  whole  government  of  church  and  ftate.  And  therefore  they  obferved, 
whatever  punifhment  the  Irifh  had  merited  for  their  former  tranfgrelfions, 
which  they  had  fo  long  repented  of,  and  departed  from,  when  they  had  arms 
and  ftrong  towns  in  their  hands,  (which  together  with  themfelves,  they  put 
again  under  his  Majefty's  protection,)  that  furely  this  part  of  the  Englifh,  who 
were  pofTefTed  of  their  eftates,  and  had  broken  all  their  obligations  to  God, 
and  the  King,  could  not  deferve  to  be  gratified  with  their  ruin,  and  total  de- 
ftruclion.  "  It  was,"  I  fay,  "  deemed  unpardonable  indifcretion  in  the  Irifh 
agents,  to  infift  upon  thefe,  and  other  well  known  topics ;  and  not  lefs  fo,  to 
give  the  moil  diftant  intimation  of  their  humble  hope  (4),  "  that  when  all  his 
Majefty's  other  fubjecls  were,  by  his  clemency  reftored  to  their  own  efta'es, 
and  were  in  full  peace,  mirth,  and  joy,  the  Irifh  alone  fhould  not  be  exempt 
from  all  his  Majefty's  grace,  and  left  in  tears,  aud  mourning,  and  lamenta- 
tion ;  and  be  facrificed,  without  redemption,  to  the  avarice,  and  cruelty  of 
thofe,  who  had  not  only  fpoiled,  and  oppreffed  them,  but  had  done  aH  that 
was  in  their  power,  to  deftroy  the  King  himfelf,  and  his  pofterity ;  and  who 
now  returned  to  their  obedience,  and  fubmitted  to  his  government,  when 
they  were  not  longer  able  to  oppofe  it." 

To  this  juft,  and  afTecling  ftate  of  the  cafe,  with  refpecl  to  both  parties, 
the  commiflioners  from  the  council  and  parliament  of  Ireland,  anfwered  only 
by  a  falfe,  or  exaggerated,  imputation  of  the  crimes  of  particular  perfons 
among  the  Irifh  to  the  generality  of  that  people  (5);  and  by  an  impudent 
revival  of  former  felf-refuted  calumnies ;  which,  though  at  this  day,  they 
are  well  known  to  be  fuch,  were  then  believed,  or  pretended  to  be  believed,  as 
fb  many  certain,  and  unqueftionable  truths,  by  their  corrupt,  malicious,  or  ill- 
informed  judges. 

(4)  Id.  ib.  (5)  See  Clarendon's  Life. 

charge  ;  but  that  he  could  bear  up  againft  all  the  reft,  adding,  "  that  he   took   that  for  the  caufe  of  his  own 

if  his  majefty  would  forgive  him  but  one  thing,  which  ruin,  and  wiilied   it  might   not  occafion  that  of  many 

was,  that  he  was  the  perfon,  who  advifed  him  "  to  others,  and  at  laft  the  King's."     This   is   teftified   by 

prefer  his  enemies,  and  neglefl  his   friends;  fince  the  H.  Bedford,  who  had  it  fiom  the  above  Mr.  Cock, 

principles  of  the  latter  would  fecure  them   to  him;"  London  Chronicle,  Decem.  zd,  1773. 


CHAP, 


Ch.  XX.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  307 

CHAP.          XX. 

A  Court  of  Claims  anointed  in  Ireland. 


*  H  E  (i)  King  found,  that  if  he  deferred  fettling  the  government  of  Ire- 
land, till  a  perfect  adjuilment  of  all  particular  interefts  could  be  made, 
it  would  be  very  long ;  he  faw,  that  there  muft  be  fbme  examination  taken 
there,  before  he  could  make  his  determination  upon  thofe  particulars,  which 
purely  depended  upon  his  own  judgment ;  and  fo  he  paft  that  which  is  called 
the  firft  ad  of  fettlement  j  and  was  perfuaded  to  commit  the  execution  there- 
of to  commiffioners,  recommended  to  him  by  thofe  who  were  moft  conver- 
fant  in  the  affairs  of  that  kingdom,  though  none,  or  very  few  of  them,  were 
known  to  his  Majefty." 

THESE  commiffioners  conftituted  what  was  commonly  called  the  Court  of 
Claims  in  Ireland  (2),  "  but  were  very  ill  qualified  for  fuch  a  truft.  They 
were  for  the  moft  part  engaged,  by  their  interefts,  in  the  party  of  the  adven- 
turers and  foldiers ;  very  many  of  them  were  in  poffeffion  of  thofe  lands, 
which  others  fued  for  before  them  j  and  they  themfelves  bought  broken  ti- 
tles, and  pretences  of  other  men,  for  inconfiderable  iums  of  money,  which 
they  fupported,  and  made  good,  by  their  own  authority.  Thus  the  judges 
themfelves  were  both  parties  and  witneiTes,  in  all  caufes  that  were  brought 
before  them.'* 

"  SUCH  fcandalous  practices  could  not  be  fufTered  to  continue  long  (3).  Thefe 
Commiffioners  were  removed;  and  feven  gentlemen,  of  very  clear  reputations, 
appointed  in  their  room ;  fome  of  them  lawyers  in  very  much  efteem  ;  and 
others,  perfons  of  very  good  extractions,  excellent  underftandings,  and  above 
all  fufpicion  -for  their  integrity,  and  generally  reputed  to  be  fuperior  to  any 
bafe  temptation." 

IT  was  imagined,  however,  by  the  fame  noble  hiftorian,  whom  I  have  hi- 
therto cited,  and  who  has  honoured  them  with  this  very  reputable  character, 
that  thefe  new  commiffioners  decided  fomewhat  too  partially  in  favour  of  the 

R  r  2  Irifh 

(0  Id.  ib.  (z)  Clarend.  Life,  vol.  ii.  p.  231.    Carte's  Onsn.  vol.  ii.fol.  220. 

(3)  Clarend.  Life. 


3o8  HISTORICAL   REVIEW    OP    THE  Bk.  IX. 

Irifh  on  this  occafion  (4) ;  "  that  there  was  reafon  to  believe,  that  the  obfer- 
vation  they  had  made  of  the  great  bitternefs,  and  animofities,  from  the  Bug- 
lifh,  both  foldiers  and   adventurers,  towards  the  whole  Irifh  nation,  of  what 
kind  foever  j  the  fcandalous  proceedings  of  the  firft  commiuloners,  together 
with  the  very  ill   reputation  many  of  the  foldiers  and  adventurers  had  for 
extraordinary  malice  to  the  crown,  and  to  the  Royal  family  j  and  the  notable 
barbarity  they  had  eXercifed  towards  the  Irifh,  who  without  doubt,  for  many 
years,  had  undergone  the  moil  cruel  oppreffions  of  all  kinds,  that  can  be 
imagined  (many  thoufands  of  them  having   been  forced,  without  being  co- 
vered under  any  houie,  to  periih  in  the  open  fields  (5)  for  hunger  j)  the  in- 
famous pUTchafes  that  had  been  made  by   many   perfons,  who  had  compelled 
the  Iriih  to  fell  their  remainders,  and  la.vful  pretences,  for  very  inconiiderable 
fums  of  money  j  thefe,  I  fay,  and  many  other  particulars  of  that  kind,  his 
Lordibip  ima,?in^d,  might  probably  difpofe  thefe  commiiTioners  to  fuch  a  pre- 
judice agaiail  many  of  the   Englifh,  and  to  fuch  a  companion  towards  the 
kith,  that  they  might  be  much  inclined  to  favour  their  pretences,  and  claims, 
and  to  believe,  that  the  peace  of  the  kingdom  might  be  better  provided  for 
by  their  being  fettled  in  the  lands  of  which  they  had  been  formerly  poiTeffed, 
than  by  fupporting  the  ill-gotten  titles  of  thofe,  who.  had  manifefted  all  ima- 
ginable   infidelity,    and   malice    againft   his    Majefty,    whilft  they   had  any 
power  to  oppofe  him."     But  certainly,  every  candid  perfon  will  allow,  that 
men  of  fuch  diftinguifhed  integrity,  and  underftanding,  as  his  Lordlhip  ad- 
mits thefe  commiiTioners  to  have  been,  were  not  likely  to  be   biaffed  even 
by  the  motives  he  has   recited,  to  any  unjuftifiable   partiality  in  favour  of 
a   people,    with  whom  they   had   no   manner   of  connection,    and    againft 
whom,  it  is  probable,    they  had  imbibed   fome   part   at  leaft  of  thofe  un- 
reafonable  prejudices,  which  prevailed  but  too  generally  at  that  juncture  of 
time. 


(4)  Id.  ib.  (5)  Id.  ib, 


CHAP. 


Ch.XXJ.  CIVIL   WARS   IN    IRELAND.  309 

CHAP.          XXf. 

The  Conditions  of  the  Innocency,  or  Nocency  of  the  Claimant!. 

BU  T  although  the  commiflioners  of  the  court  of  claims  were  thus  hap- 
pily changed,  the  rigorous  conditions  of  the  innocency,  or  nocency,  of 
the  claimants,  that  had  been  firft  refolved  upon,  were  ftill  continued.  Ac- 
cording to  thefe  conditions,  to  prove  a.perfon  innocent  (i),  it  was  not  enough 
to  (hew,  that  he  had  never  taken  arms  in  the  late  infurredtion,  or  entered 
into  any  treaty,  or  affociation,  with  thiofe  who  had-  no:  for,  if  fuch  a  per- 
fon  chanced  but  to  dwell,  however  inoffenfively,  in  any  of  the  places  occupied 
by  the  infurgents,  he  was  to  be  judged  nocent. 

THIS  was,  furely,  a  very  hard  condition;  "  for  abundance  of  Roman  Ca- 
tholics," as  (2)  Mr.  Carte  obferves,  "  well  -affected  to  the  King,  and  very 
averfe  to  the  rebellion  of  their  countrymen,  lived  quietly  in  their  own  houfes, 
within  the  quarters  of  the  rebels;  who  out  of  reverence  to  their  virtues,  or 
favour  to  their  religon,  allowed  them  to  do  fo ;  fuch  of  them  as  had  offered  to 
take  fhelter  in  Dublin,  were  by  the  Lords  Juftices  banifhed  thence  on  pain 
of  death  by  publrck  proclamation,  and  ordered  to  retire  to  their  own  houfes 
in  the  country,  where  they  could  not  help  falling  under  the  power  of  the  re- 
bels; and  if  thefe  fuffercd  them  to  live  there  in  quiet,  an  equitable  man, 
who  confiders  the  circumftances  of  thofe  times,  and  the  condition  of  .  air 
countries  that  are  in  a  ftateofwar,  will  hardly  fee  any  iniquity  in  the  receiv- 
ing that  mercy,  or  in  the  unavoidable  neceffity  they  were  under  of  living  in 
their  own  houfes,  as  fhould  bring  upon  thofe  perfons  the  forfeiture  of  their  . 
eftates." 

BUT  of  all  the  marks  of  nocency  eftablifhed  on  this  occafion,  that  of  having 
taken  the  engagement  to  Cromwell,  was  the  moft  extraordinary ;  for  that 
engagement  was  primarily  contrived,  during  the  ufurpation,  by  thofe  very 
(a)  perfons,  who,  after  the  King's  return,  had  acquired  authority  and  in- 
fluence enough  to  have  the  modelling  and  impofing  of  thefe  rigid  conditions. 

From 

(,i)  Sale  and  Settlement  of  Ireland,  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  ii.  (2)  Orm.  vol.  ii, 

(a)  The  new  Bails  of  Orrery  *n«J  Mountratk 


5io  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.IX. 

From  -whence  refulted  this  very  fhocking  injuftice  and  abfurdity,  peculiar, 
certainly,  to  the  policy  of  thefe  times  (3),  that  the  original  framers  and  pro- 
moters of  that  engagement,  who  had  themfelves  voluntarily  taken  and  figned 
k,  and  had  compelled  others  to  take  it,  were  not  only  held  innocent,  but 
rewarded  with  great  honours,  and  employments  of  the  higheft  authority  in  the 
jftate ;  while  thofe  who  abhorred  it,  when  it  was  forced  upon  them,  and  ne- 
ver took  it  but  at  the  laft  extremity,  and  to  avoid  a  violent  and  fhameful 
(b)  death,  were  condemned,  as  nocent,  not  only  to  the  lofs  of  their  eftates, 
but  alfo  to  the  mortification  of  feeing  them  bellowed  upon  the  very  authors, 
and  impofers,  of  that  engagement. 


CHAP.          XXII. 


The  Tim  limited  for  holding  thefe  Courts  found  too  Jbort,  and  not  fuffered  to  be 

enlarged. 

TH  E  time  limited  for  holding  the  court  of  claims  was  a  twelvemonth  ; 
but  it  fat  (i)  only  "  from  February  to  Auguft  following ;  during  which 
fpace,  the  claims  of  near  a  thoufand  innocents  were  heard ;  whereof  half 
were  declared  innocent,  notwithftanding  the  many  difficulties  they  had  to  en- 
counter, as  well  from  the  rigorous  conditions  before-mentioned,  as  from  a 
fwarm  of  corrupt  witneffes,  that  were  daily  employed  againft  them.  For  the 
fuborning  of  witnefTes  at  thefe  trials,  was  Ib  frequent,  and  barefaced,  that 
their  perjuries  were  fometimes  (2)  proved  in  open  court,  by  the  teftimony  of 
honourable  perfons,  who  happened  accidentally  to  be  prefent.  Sir  William 
Petty  boafted,  when  he  had  evicted  the  Duke  of  Ormond  out  of  fome  lands 
before  this  court,  that  he  had  gotten  witneffes,  that  would  have  fworn  through 
a  three  inched  board." 

THE 

• 

(3)  Sale  and  Settlement,  &c.  (i)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii.  (2)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii.  fol.  393. 

(I)  **  This  engagement  was,  during  the  ufurpation,  perfon,  whom  they  fliould  meet  in  their  way,  that 
forced  upon  the  I  ifli  in  fo  violent  and  barbarous  a  could  not  produce  a  certificate  of  his  having  taken  it  ; 
manner,  that  rhofe  who  fefufed  it,  were  not  only  ex-  orders,  which  were  cruelly  executed,  even  on  poor 
eluded  from  all  benefit  of  the  laws,  but  were  alfo  in  peafants,  when  thro'  ignorance,  or  forgetfulnefs,  they 
imminent  danger  of  their  lives  from  the  public  orders  had  left  their  certificates  behind  them."  Sale  and  Set- 
given  to  Cromwell's  foldiers  to  allow  quarters  to  no  tlcment  of  Ireland 


Ch.  XXII.          CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  311 

THE  time  limited  for  the  trial  of  innocents  being  now  expired  (3),  Sir  Rich- 
ard Rainsford,  one  of  the  commiflioners,  and  a  man  of  great  probity,  thought 
it  reafonable  to  fue  for  more  time,  in  order  to  try  the  claims  of  thofe,  who 
could  not  be  heard  within  the  period  above-mentioned,  and  who  certainly, 
had  as  much  right  to  demand  the  reftitution  of  their  eftates,  until  they  were 
heard  and  found  nocent,  as  thofe  who  had  undergone  their  trials,  and  being 
adjudged  innocent.  "  But  thefe  (4),  fays  Mr.  Carte,  were  left  to  be  ruined, 
merely  for  want  of  that  common  juftice  of  being  heard,  which  is  by  ail  nations 
allowed  to  the  worft  of  malefactors  (a).  The  Duke  of  Ormond,"  adds  he," 
"  did  not  think  it  proper,  to  infert  a  claufe  in  the  bill,  in  the  draught  of 
which  he  was  obliged  to  have  the  concurrence  of  the  council,  for  relief  of 
thefe  unheard  innocents."  The  Duke  himfelf  feemed  confcioTis  of  the  in- 
juftice  of  this  omiflion ;  for  in  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  on  that  occa- 
iion,  he  fays  (5),  tc  if  you  look  upon  the  compofition  of  this  council,  and 
parliament,  you  will  not  think  it  probable,  that  the  fettlement  of  Ireland  can 
be  made  with  much  favour,  or  indeed  reafonable  regard,  to  the  Iri'lh.  If  it 
be,  it  will  not  pafs;  and  if  it  be  not,  we  mull  look  for  all  the  clamour,  that 
can  be  railed  by  undone  men," 

THE  King  had  committed  the  drawing  up  of  that  \A\\(b),  chiefly,  if  not 
folely,  to  the  Duke  of  Ormond's  difcretion.  His  Grace  therefore  was  certainly 
blameable  for  not  inferting  the  above-mentioned  claufe,  even  fuppofing  him  to 
have  been  merely  paflive  in  the  omilfion ;  but  that  he  was  equally  active  with 
thofe  of  the  council,  in  hindering  his  Majefty  to  grant  further  time  for  trying 
the  claims  of  fo  many  unheard  innocents,  will,  I  fear,  be  found  too  evident 
for  the  credit  of  his  impartiality,  or  honour. 

(3)  Sale  and  Settlement;  (4)  Ubi  ftipra.  (5-)  Carte's  Ormond,  vol.  iii. 

(a}  "  Of  four  thoufand  claims  of  innocents,  entered  in  that  court  of  claims,  the  commiflioners  had  not 
wme  to  hear  above  fix  hundred,  by  the  zzd  of  Auguft,  when,  their  commifficn  ended.  Id.  Life  ot  Ormond, 
vol.  ii.  fol.  297. 

(b)  There  was  hardly  any  ftep  taken  in  England,  concerning  the  qualifications  of  thofe  whofe  merit  he 

with  refpeft  to  the  fettlement  of  Ireland,  wherein  his  fliould  defire  to  recompenfe."     And  in  another  letter, 

Grace's  advice  was  not  fought  for,  and  followed.     His  he  exprefsly  told  him,  "  that  his  Majefty  had  bid  him 

friend  the  Earl  of  Orrery  told  him,  "  that  he  was  write  to  his  Grace  to  know,  what  perfons  he   would 

allured  by  good  hands,  that  moft  of  the  perfons  to  be  advife  him  to  nominate  to  be  reftored  to  their- eftates.'" 

reftored  by  name,  would  be  nominated   by  his  Grace,  And  foon  after,  the  fame  Lord  fent  him  a   warrant, 

though  afterwards  inferted  in  ihe  aft  by  his  Majefty."  "  Which,"  he  faid,    "  he  drew  up  as  near  as  he 

State  Let.  vol.  i.  p.  184.     Lord  Orrery's  information  could  to  his  Grace's  fenfe,  by  which  his  Majefty  eui- 

was  very  right;  for  Lord  Arlington  had  before  acquaint-  powered  him  to  fend  a  lift  of  the  names."    State  Let. 

Ormond,  "  that   his  Majefty  had   promifed  willingly  by  Brown. 
to  barken  to  his  Grace's  reprefentauons  from  Ireland, 

CHAR 


HISTORICAL  REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk,  IX. 

C      H      A      P.          XXIIL 

An  Enlargement  of  Time  for  bearing  all  tht  Claimants,  by  whom  hindered. 

IS  (i)  Majefty,  by  a  letter  of  February  2ift,  1662, to  the  Duke  of  Ormond, 
had,  probably  at  Sir  Richard  Rainsford's  requeft,  granted  an  enlargement 
•of  time  for  the  trial  of  thofe  innocents,  who  could»not  be  heard  within  the  year. 
But  he  afterwards  revoked  that  grant,  at  the  requeft  of  his  Grace,  and  the  Irilh 
council.  This  appears  from  a  letter  of  Lord  Arlington  to  his  Grace,  of  the  7th  of 
March  following,  wherein  he  tells  him  (2),  "  that  his  Majefty  was  furprifed  at 
Dreading  a  letter  from  him  and  the  council,  of  the  preceding  month,  relating  to 
the  period  that  ought  to  be  put  to  the  commiflioners  fitting  and  determining 
claims,  on  account  of  the  contradiction,  which  that  letter  contained  to  what 
himfelf  h  id  judged,  upon  hearing  that  point  debated  in  the  (Englifh)  council  j" 
but  that,  "  however,  his  Majefty  would  refume  the  confideration  of  it."  And 
accordingly,  on  the  25th  of  July  following,  the  lame  Lord  Arlington  inform- 
ed his  Grace  and  the  council  (3),  "  that  the  king  had  actually  revoked  his 
grant  of  the  2ift  of  February  at  their  requeft,  and  felicitation."  For  after  having 
told  them,  that  upon  receipt  of  their  difpatch  concerning  his  Majefty's  letter 
of  the  2ift  February  directed  to  his  Grace  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  for  receiving, 
and  admitting,  in  general,  all  fuch  perfons  to  put  in.  their  claims  before  his 
Majefty's  commiilioners  in  Ireland,  as  his  Grace  fhould  judge  fit,  notwithftand- 
ing  the  time  limited  by  the  act  of  parliament  was  elapfed,  he  adds  (4),  "  that 
he  had  acquainted  his  Majefty  with  their  opinion  thereupon,  and  that  his  Ma- 
jefty had  accordingly  commanded  him,  to  fignify  to  their  Lordfhips,  that  it 
was  his  Majefty's  pleafure,  that  his  faid  letter  of  the  2ift  of  February  fhould 
be  wholely  fufpended,  and  laid  afide ;  finding  that  faid  letter  was  gained  upon 
grounds,  f.  emingly  equitable,  tho'  now,  by  their  Lordfhips  found  to  be  (a)  in- 
confiftent  with  the  act  of  fcttlement."  And  thus  above  three  thoufand  perfons, 

who 

(0  State  Let.  (2)  State  Let.  Colleft.  by  Brown,  p.  356.  (3)  Id.  ib.  (4)  ib. 

(a)  "  The  King  referred  the  preparing  of  this  bill  of  the  Commons."     Id.  ib.     Thefe  Commons,  as  we 

to  Ormond,  and   the    Irifli  council."     Lei.    Hift.  of  have  feen,  "  were,  for  the  moft  part,  Cromwellian 

Irel.  vol.  iii.  p.  435.  "  But  the  Lieutenant  and  Council  rebels,  independents,  anabaptifts,  and  levellers  ;  and, 

were  empowered  to  explain  any  difficulties,  and  amend  by  the  appointment  of  the  regicides,  actually  pofTcfled 

any  defects  in  it."     Id.  ib.  p.  443.  '"  Ormond  pro-  of  the  cftates  of  the  Irifh." 
mifcd  to  explain  and  amend,  agreeably  to  the  wiihes 


Ch.  XXIII.         CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  313 

who  had  entered  claims  of  innocency,  were  not  heard,  and  yet  were  left  to 
be  utterly  ruined, 

FOR  the  court  of  claims  being  now  at  an  end,  that  which  was  called  the 
explanatory  bill,  put  an  abfolute  period  to  all  future  hopes  of  thefe  un- 
heard claimants.  By  that  bill,  it  was  enacted  (5),  "  that  no  perfon  or 
perfons,  who  by  the  qualifications  in  the  former  acl  of  fettlernent,  had  not 
been  adjudged  innocent,  fhould  at  any  time  after,  be  reputed  innocent,  fo  as 
to  claim  any  lands,  or  tenements  thereby  veiled ;  or  be  admitted  to  have 
any  benefit,  or  allowance  of  adjudication  of  innocency  j  or  any  benefit  of  ar- 
ticles (b)  whatfoever  (6)."  This  bill  (which  the  Irifh  called  the  (c)  black  act) 
was  brought  over  to  Ireland,  figned  and  fcaled,  by  the  Duke  of  Ormond 
himfelf. 

THE  articles  above-intended,  of  which  the  Irifh  were  to  receive  no  benefit, 
were  thofe  of  the  peace  of  1 648  ;  on  the  conclufion  of  which,  Ormond  him- 
felf, then  Lord  Lieutenant,  declared  by  proclamation,  in  his  Majefly's  name, 
"  that  all  perfons. rendering  due  obedience  to  the  faid  peace  fhould  be  pro- 
teded,  cherifhed,  countenanced,  and  fupported,  according  to  the  true  in- 
tent, and  meaning  of  the  faid  articles." 

I  MUST  here  obferve,  that  the  King  was  fo  fenfible  of  his  obligation  to  perform 
his  part  of  the  articles  of  that  peace,  that  mentioning  it  in  his  declaration  for  the 
fettlernent  of  Ireland,  which  was  to  be  the  foundation  and  ground- work  of  thefe 
acls,  he  ufed  the  following  remarkable  words.  "  We (7) cannot  but  hold  ourfelves 
obliged  to  perform  what  we  owe,  by  that  peace,  to  thofe  who  have  honeflly  and 
faithfully  performed  what  they  promifed  to  do,  though  both  we  and  they  were 
miferably  difappointv  d  as  to  the  effects  of  thofe  promifes."  Nor  did  any  of  the  di£- 
pofTeffed  Irifh  then  claim  the  benefit  of  it,  but  fuch  as  were  confcious,  and  could 
produce  authentic  and  undeniable  proof  (fome  of  them  by  appealing  even  to  his 

S  s  'Grace's 

(5)  See  A£ts  of  Settlement.     Lei.  uhi  fupra.  p.  440.  (6)  Walk's  Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Remon.  fol.  568, 

(7)  See  that  declaration,     AQs  of  Settlement. 

(1)  "  Thus  every  one  remaining  of  thofe  nurne-  ance  was,    that  more   than  three  thoufand  perfons 

rous  claimants,  whofe  caufes  had  not  been  heard,  was  were  condemned   without  the  juftice  granted  to   the 

entirely  cut   off.     They  complained  of  perjury  and  vileft  criminals,  that  of  a  fair,  and  equal  trial."     Lei. 

fubornation   in  the  caufes  that  were  tried  before   the  Hift.  of  Irel.  vol.  iii.  p.  440. 
court  of  claims  j  but  their  great,  and  ftriking  griev- 

(c )"  By  this  aft,  Ormond  is  faid  to  have  got  the  city  his  friends  of  the  council  but  at  60,000 1.  though 
«»f  Kilkenny,  and  fix  other  corporate  towns,  together  they  are  well  worth  1^0,000 1."  Unk,  Defert.  9.165. 
with  their  lands  and  liberties,  valued  by  himfelf,  and 


3i4  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  IX. 

Grace's  knowledge)  that  they  had  all  along  faithfully  obferved  the  conditions 
of  it.  And  thefe,  furely,  had  an  inconteftable  right  to  the  benefits  of  a  peace, 
"  which,  as  Lord  Caftlehaven  witnefleth  (8),  they  had  fealed,  and  confirmed, 
with  the  blood  of  more  than  twenty  thoufand  of  their  beft  men ;  who  loft  their 
lives  to  maintain  it,  refufing,  in  the  mean  while,  all  offers  of  peace,  and  that 
to  the  very  laft,  from  the  Engliih  parliament  (d)" 


H      A      P.          XXIV. 


Some  Refle&ions  on  the  foregoing  AEls. 

BU  T  matters  were  now  fo  ftrangely  altered,   that  the  very  claiming  the 
benefit  of  that  peace,  was  made  ufe  of  as  an  argument  againft  their  hav- 
ing any  right  to  obtain  it(i);  "  becaufe,"  fays  Mr.  Carte,  "  fuch  claim  was 

deemed  a  plain  confeffion  of  former  offences  ; in  (2)  fhort  the  King  now 

declared  for  an  Englifh  intereft  to  be  eftablifhed  in  Ireland  j  and  considered 
the  fettlement  of  that  kingdom,  rather  as  a  matter  of  policy,  than  juftice. 
He  faw,  that  one  intereft  or  other  muft  fuffer,  and  he  thought  it  moft  fit,  for 
the  good  of  the  nation,  the  advantage  of  the  crown,  and  the  fecurity  of  the 
government,  that  the  lofs  fhould  fall  upon  the  Irifh." 

THE  Duke  of  Ormond's  confolatory  argument,  with  refpecl  to  thefe  de- 
fpoiled  people,  in  his  fpeech  to  parliament  on  palling  the  firft  act  of  fettle- 
ment, is  fomewhat  remarkable  (3).  "  Thofe,"  fays  he,  "  that  fhall  be  kept 
out  of  their  antient  eftates,  the  inheritance  of  their  fathers,  through  the  defect 
of  their  qualifications,  and  by  the  all  difpofing  providence  of  God,  who  was 
not  pleafed  to  make  them  active  inftrumetits  in  this  happy  change,  are  deli- 
vered from  tyrannous  confinements,  caufelefs  imprifonments,  and  a  continual 

fear 

(8)  Memoirs,  firft  ed.  (i)  Orm.  vol.  ii.  Lcl.  ubi  fupra.  (2)  Carte,  ib. 

(3)  Id.  ib.  vol.  ii.  Append,  fol.  25. 

(d)  i.  e.  While  they  could  keep  any  confid«rable  their   beft  holts,  the   terms   fo  offered,    and   rejtcV 

number  of  their  people  together;  for  even   Borlace  ed    by    the  aflembly,    when     t«gether,    were    foon 

**  confefles,  that  while  their  affembly  continued,  fuch  after  embraced  by  all  of  them,  when  fcattered  and  di- 

terms  were  tendered  to,  and  refufed    by,  rhe  confe-  vided   into   parties  ;  on   which  they  fubmitted,    and 

derates,  as  were  agreeable  to  a  conquering  army  to  laid  down  their  arms  ;  having  by  the  conditions,  li- 

gi?e  (fuch  as  that  of  the  ufurpers  then  was)  to  a  brok-  berry  to  tranfport  themfelves  into  foreign  parts,  or  to 

en  fcattered  party,  as  the  confederates  were."    But  ftay  in   the   kingdom."      Hift   of  the   Irifh  Rebel, 

being  then  (1652)  reduced  to  bogs  and  woods,  as  fol,  385-6. 


CH.XXIV.          CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  315 

fear  of  their  lives.  The  (a)  good  land  lies  afore  them;  their  induftry  is  at 
liberty,  and  they  are  reftored  to  the  freedom  of  fubjecls,  and  the  protection 
of  the  laws;  if  an  Irilh  Papift  be  oppreft,  they  (hall  relieve  him;  if  the  blood 
of  the  meaneft  of  them  be  fhed,  it  fhall  be  ftriclly  enquired  after.  Let  this 
ftate  be  compared  with  that  they  were  in  before  the  King's  refloration,  and 
it  will  be  found  that  the  greateft  lofer  has  got  fomething."  But  this  cajoling 
amounts  to  no  more,  than  an  oflentatious  fuppofition,  that  his  Grace's  admi- 
niftration  of  Ireknd  was  not,  altogether,  fo  unjuft,  tyrannous,  and  bloody,  as 
that  of  the  regicides,  his  now  favoured  predeceffors  in  the  government  of  that 
kingdom.  And  the  difference  will  appear  ftill  lefs,  when  it  is  confidered,  that 
the  innocent  fufferers  under  Cromwell,  had  at  leaft  the  comfort  of  a  remote, 
but  reafonable  hope,  that  juftice  might  ,be  one  day  done  them  on  his  Majefty's 
reiteration ;  but  of  this,  their  only  remaining  profpeft,  they  were  then  to- 
tally deprived,  under  Ormond,  by  this  explanatory  bill. 

'  IT  (4)  will  be  difficult,"  fays  a  contemporary  writer,  "  to  perfuade  thole, 
who  were  not  eye-witnefTes  of  the  fact,  that  the  royal  authority  of  a  chriftian 
King,  which  in  one  part  of  his  dominions  maintained  the  Peer  in  his  dignity, 
the  commoner  in  his  birth-right  and  liberty ;  which  protected  the  weak  from 
the  oppreffion  of  the  mighty,  and  fecured  the  nobility  from  the  infolence  of 
the  people ;  and  by  which,  equal  and  impartial  juilice  was  diftributed  to  all, 
Ihould,  at  the  fame  time,  be  made  ufe  of,  in  another  part  of  his  dominions, 
to  condemn  innocents  before  they  were  heard,  to  confirm  unlawful,  and 
ufurped  pofTeflions,  to  violate  the  public  faith,  to  punifti  virtue,  and  coun- 
tenance vice,  to  hold  loyalty  a  crime,  and  treafon  worthy  of  reward ;  in  a 
word,  to  exempt  fo  many  thoufands  of  faithful  and  deferving  fubjeds,  from 
a  general  pardon,  which,  by  a  mercy  altogether  extraordinary,  was  extended 
to  fome  of  the  murderers  of  his  royal  father." 

4;  COLONEL  (5)  Talbot,  afterwards  Duke  of  Tyrconnel,  fufpeding  the 
Duke  of  Ormond  to  have  done  ill  offices  to  the  Irifh  on  this  occafion,  expofhi- 
lated  with  his  Grace  in  fo  huffing  a  manner,  that  it  looked  as  if  he  meant  to 
challenge  him ;  and  his  Grace,  waiting  upon  his  Majefty,  defired  to  know  if 
it  was  hispleafure,  at  this  time  of  day,  that  he  ihould  put  off  his  doublet  to 

S  s  2  fight 

(4)  Sale  and  Settlement  of  Irel.  (5)  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  ii. 

(•a)  Before  the  year  1641,  "  the  Irifli,"  fays  Col  feven  acres. So  that,"  adds  my  author,  "  if  the 

Laurence,  "  were  proprietors  of  ten  acres  to  one  that  majority  of  proprietors   may  give  the  denomination  to 

the  EnglilTi  had   in  Ireland  j  but,  after  the  aft  of  fet-  a  country,  which  ufually  it  doth,  Ireland   is  become 

tlement,  thefe  Englifli  were  in  pofTefiion,  by  that  aft,  Weft-England."    Intcrcft  of  Irel.  part  ii.  p.  50-51. 
of  four  millions,  five  hundred  fixty  thoufand  thirty- 


316  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  IX. 

fight  duels  with  Dick  Talbot ;  for  fo  he  was  ufually  called.  Talbot  here- 
upon, wasfent  to  the  tower,  but  after  fome  time  was  rcleafed  upon  his  fub- 
million,." 


CHAP.          XXV. 

A  dangerous  Conjpiracy  of  the  Puritans. 

Til  E  confcioufnefs  of  having  done  a  wrong  is  ever  attended  with  fome 
fear  of  refentment  from  the  party  injured.  Such  was  the  Duke  of  Or- 
mond's  fituation  at  this  jun&ure,  with  refpecl  to  the  defpoiled  Irifh  (r).  "  He 
had  fpies  and  intelligencers  in  every  part  of  Ireland,  who  ferved  him  fo  well, 
that  there  was  not  the  leafl  motion  among  them,  but  it  came  to  his  know- 
ledge." Complaints,  indeed,  that  wretched  privilege  of  fufferers,  were  heard 
from  all  parts  j  but  no  traces  of  a  confpiracy,  nor  even  endeavours  for  redrefs 
were  any  where  difcovered.  The  cafe  was  very  different  with  thofe  rebellious 
feclaries,  who  had  got  pofTeffion  of  (a)  their  eftates.  For  upon  the  reftoring 
of  a  few  innocents,  legally  adjudged  fuch  (2),  "  they  conceived  fuch  refent- 
ment againft  the  government,  for  not  having  divided  the  fpoil  of  the  whole 
nation  among  them, that  they  entered  into  two  dangerous  confpiracies  on  that  ac- 
count i  firft,  in  1663,  to  furprife  the  caftle  of  Dublin,  and  afterwards  in  166.5,  f°r 
a  more  defperate  purpofe.  For,  at  this  later  period,  there  was  a  general  deiign 
concerted  in  England,  Ireland,  and  Sctland,  to  rife  at  one  time,  and  to  fet  up  the 
long  parliament,  of  which  above  forty  members  were  engaged.  Meafures  had  been 
taken  to  gather  together  the  difbanded  foldiers  of  the  old  Cromwellian  army ;  and 
Ludlow  was  to  be  general  in  chief.  They  were  to  rife  all  in  one  night,  and  to 
fpare  none,  that  would  not  join  in  the  deiign ;  which  was  to  pull  down  the 
King,  with  the  Houfe  of  Lords ;  and,  inftead  of  Bifhops,  to  fet  up  a  fober, 
acid  painful  miniftry."  In  thefe  confpiracies  feveral  (4)  Prefbyterian  minifters, 

and 

(i)  Id.  ib.  (z)  Id.  ib.  (3)  Orrery's  State  Let.  vol.  i.  p.  225. 

(4)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii. 

(a)  "  I  confefs,"  fays  Lord  Arlington  in  a  letter  rent  and   torn,  fjnce  his  Majefty's  reftoration.     I  can 

to  Orinond  on  thisoccafion,  "  It  will  be  a  hard  mat-  compare  it  to  nothing  better,  than  the  flinging  the 

ter  to  be  very  fecure  of  thofe,  who  fee  their  eftates  reward,  upon  the  death  of  a  deer,  among  a  pack  of 

enjoyed  by  other  men,  till  time  hath  accuftomed  them  hounds,  where  every  one  pulls  and   tears,  where  he 

to  fuch  digeftion."     State  Let.  by  Brown,  p.  408.  can,  for  himfelf ;  for,  indeed,    it  has  been  uo  Other 

"  This  country  (Ireland),"  fays  the  Earl  of  EfTex,  than  a  perpetual  fcr.am.ble."    State  Let.  p.  334. 
Lord  Lieutenant  in  1675,   '.!  has  been  perpetually 


Ch.XXVI.~-.         CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  317 

and  feven  members  of  the  Irifh  parliament,  were  found  to  be  ( 5)  engaged. 
The  prifons  of  Dublin  were  (6)  crowded  with  thefe  miniilersi  and  the  mem- 
bers of  parliament  were  ignominioufly  expelled. 

LORD  Orrery,  from  whom  this  account  is  moilly  taken,  has  confeffed  a  truth 
on  this  occafion,  which  he  certainly  never  intended  fhould  be  made  public. 
In  a  private  letter  to  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  he  tells  him  (7),  "  that  he  had 
brought  over  Captain  Taylor,  one  of  the  leaders  in  the  latter  confpiracy,  to 
make  confeffions  to  him $  and  that  he  had,  as  well  as  he  could,  laid  open  to 
him,  the  inexpreffible  mercy  of  his  Majefty  to  that  vile  party  he  had  engaged 
himfelfwithj  not  only  in  pardoning  to  them  their  pail  crimes,  but  alfo  giving 
them  the  lands  of  many,  who  had  feryed  under  his  royal  enfigns  abroad,  to 
pay  the  arrears,  which  had  been  contracted  againft  his  fervice  at  home." 
Such,  in  thofe  days,  were  confefTedly  the  rewards  of  loyalty,  and  the  punith- 
ment  of  rebellion,  in  Ireland! 


HAP.          XXVI. 


The  Duke  of  Ormond  apologizes  for  the  Favour  he  had  Jhewn  to  the  Cromwef- 

lian  Party  in  Ireland. 


H  E  Duke  of  Ormond's  (a)  ftrange  partiality  in  favour  of  the  partizans 
of  the  late  ufurpers,  to  the  ruin  of  fo  many  thoufands  of  his  Majefty's 
loyal,  innocent,  and  meriting  fubjecls,  is  thus  more  flrangely  accounted  for 
by  himfclf.     Having,  in  his  fpeech  to  parliament  on  parTing  the  firft  ac"l  of 

fettlement, 

(5)  Com.  Jour.  vol.  i.  (6)  Carte  ubi  fupra.  (7)  State  Let.  vol   i.  p.  226. 

(a)  A  rema<kable  inftance  of  this  partiality  we  find  teftant  ;  that  his  mother  Lady  Tburies,  his  brotherf. 

:n  one  of  his  Grace's  letters  to  John  Walfh,  Efq;  one  fitters,  and  all  his  relations  continuing  Roman  Catho- 

of  his  commiffioners.  "  You  know,''  fays  he,  "  what  lies,  ftill  remained  in  the  Irifh  quarters,  during  the 

my  inftruftions  have  always  been  to  my  commilfioners  late  infurredion  ;  and  iuch  of  them  as  were  able  to 

andfervants;  to  give  up,  even  whilft  I  might  legally  bear  arms,  as  Lord  Muikerry,  Colonel  Fitzpatn'ci:, 

do  otherwife,  whatever  I  was  poflefled  of,  which  his  brother-in-law,  his  brother  Colonel  Butler  of  Kil- 

was  but  fet  out  to  adventurers,  or  foldiers,  though  cafh,  and  Colonel  George  Mathews,  and  other  his 

they  had  not  cleared  their  title  in  the  court  of  claims."  relations,  as  the  Lord  Mountgarret,  Dunboyn,  and 

Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii.  Append,  fol.  34.  divers  other  Lords  and  gentlemen  of  his  name  arid  fa- 

This  partiality  will  appear  ftill  more  flrange,  when  mily,  were  generals,  or  commanders  of  lower  quality 

it  is  confidcred,  "  that  his  Grace  was  the  firft  of  in  the  army  of  the  confederates."  See  Earl  of  Angle- 

that  family  of  the  Butlers,  that  was  educated  a  Pro-  fea's  Let.  to  the  Earl  of  Caftlehaven,  p.  62. 


3*8  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk  IX. 

fettlement,  given  a  moft  odious,  and  Shocking  (b)  defcription  of  thefe  ufur- 
pers,  he  thought  fit  in  a  fubfequent  fpeech  to  the  fame  parliament,  on  palling 
the  explanatory  ad,  to  obferve,  "  that  it  might  feem  liable  to  fome  objec- 
tion, that  whilft  he  declaimed  againft  the  proceedings  of  thefe  men,  he  yet 
undertook  to  fee  them  ratified."  After  which,  he  ludicroufly,  and  as  if  he 
were  fporting  with  the  deftrudion  of  a  whole  people,  adds,  w  to  this  I  ihall 
only,  for  the  prefent,  fay,  that  unjuft  perfons  may  fometimes  do  juftice ;  and 
for  inftance,  I  will  affure  you,  that  Ireton,  at  Limerick,  caufed  fome  to  be 
kanged,  that  deferved  it  almoft  as  well  as  himfelf." 

THUS,  according  to  the  Duke  of  Ormond's  cafuiftry,  Ireton's  fuppofed  me- 
rit in  hanging  up  fome  Catholics,  (obnoxious  perhaps  to  his  Grace,  though 
otherwife,  (c)  good  fubjeds)  entitled  that  Regicide's  vile  adherents  to  be  le- 
gally invefted  with  the  eftates,  and  properties,  of  fo  many  thoufands  of  the 
innocent,  and  loyal  natives ;  and  that  too  in  breah  of  articles,  by  which  his 
Grace  had  folemnly  engaged,  to  fee  thefe  natives  reftored. 

BUT  leaving  this  frivolous  apology  to  the  contempt  it  deferves,  let  us  now 
fee,  if  we  cannot  aflign  more  probable  caufes  of  this  partiality  from  the  con- 
ftant  tenuor  of  his  Grace's  conduct,  during  the  whole  time  of  the  preceding 
war,  and  for  fome  years  after  his  Majefty's  refloration. 


(b)  viz.  As  "  murderers  of"  his  Majefty's  father, 
and  ufurpers  of  his  inheritance  ;  whole  endeavours 
were  inceffam  to  deftroy  his  peribn,  and  to  blaft  his 


(c)  The  chief  of  thofe  executed  at  Limerick,  by 
Ireton's  order,  were  the  titular  Bifliop  of  Emely,  Major 
General  Purcell,  Sir  Geoffry  Baron,  Sir  Geoffry  Gal- 
laway,  and  the  mayor  of  that  ciry.  Thefe  Ireton 
caufed  to  be  put  to  death,  In  revenge  for  their  noble 
perfcTerance  in  defending  that  city,  tho'  infeded  with 
the  pleague,  againft  him,  for  his  Majefty.  "  Ireton  had 
ient  in  articles  of  furrender,  in  which  he  infixed  that 
about  feventeen  of  the  principal  perfons  of  the  place, 
who  were  ftill  for  holding  it  out,  fhould  be  excepted 
(from  mercy).  —  But  thefe  made  fo  ftrong  a  party, 
that  the  treaty  was  broke  up,  without  any  agreement. 
But  the  town  being  afterwards  furrendered  (by  the 
treachery  of  Col.  Fennel)  tiic  Bifhop  of  Emely,  Major 


fame  ;  who  drove  him  into  exile,  and  nH  the  afHi&fng 
circumftances  of  that  miferable  flats  of  a  King,  &c." 
See  Borl.  Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Rebel. 

General  PurceH,  &c.  were  taken  in  the  Peft-houfe, 
where  they  were  hid."  Ludlow's  Memoirs,  vol.  i. 
p.  370,  &c.  Irefon  himfelf,  a  few  days  after  he  had 
taken  Limerick,  caught  the  infection,  and  died  of  it 
there.  N.  B.  Ludlow,  from  whom  the  above  is 
cited,  was  one  of  the  judges  of  that  court-martial, 
which  condemned  thefe  gentlemen. 

"  Colonel  Fennel,"  fays  Lord  Caftlehaven,  "  hav- 
ing cowardly,  or  treacheroufly  left  the  defence  of  the 
pafs  at  Killaloe,  fled  into  Limerick,  with  all  his 
party;  where,  upon  the  rendition  of  the 'town,  which 
was  not  long  after,  Ireton,  with  more  than  his  ordi- 
nary juftice,  hanged  him."  Mem.  p.  ia8. 


CHAP. 


Ch.  XXVII.         CIVIL   WARS   IN    IRELAND,  319 


HAP.          XXVII, 


The  probable  Motives  of  the  Duke  of  OrmondV  faft  and  prtfent  Conduct^  with 

refpeft  to  the  Iri/h. 

"  t  |  ^ WO  (i)  grants  were  made  to  the  Marquis  of  Ormond  by  the  King, 
I  foon  after  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  in  1641  ;  one  was  the  vefting 
in  him  all  the  fecurities,  and  mortgages,  upon  his  eftate,  formerly  made,  and 
belonging  to  fuch  perfons,  as  were,  or  had  been,  in  the  infurrection.  The 
other  grant,  was  that  of  the  lands  held  under  him,  and  forfeited  to  him  for 
breach  of  conditions.  This  grant  was  confirmed  by  a  claufe  in  the  firft  act 
of  fettlement,  and  the  eftates  thus  granted  contained^  a  prodigious  quantity 
of  land,  which  had  been  granted  to  gentlemen  upon  fee-farm,  or  quit-rents, 
and  military  tenures ;  by  which  they  were  obliged  to  follow  their  Lord,  the 
head  of  that  family,  upon  any  occafion  of  hofting,  into  the  field ;  and  upon 
failure  thereof  the  lands  were  forfeited  to  their  Lord." 

FROM  his  Grace's  early  application  for  thefe  grants^  it  is  evident  enough, 
what  ufe  he  intended  to  make  of  them ;  as  alfo  what  were  the  true  motives 
of  his  backwardnefs  to  conclude  the  ceiTation  in  1 643  ;  and  of  his  frequent 
difobedience  to  his  Majefty's  urgent  commands  to  haflen  the  peace  of  1646; 
of  his  carrying  on,  at  the  fame  time,  a  private  correfpondence,  and  treaty 
with  the  Scotch  covenanters  in  Ulfter,  in  oppolition  to  that  peace  j  and  of  his 
hindering  the  Irifh  to  be  included  in  the  general  act  of  indemnity,  after  the 
reftoration,  or  to  be  indulged  with  the  neceifary  enlargement  of  time,  for 
proving  their  innocence,  in  the  court  of  claims.  From  all  this,  I  fay,  it  is 
manifeft,  that  his  Grace  forefaw,  that  a  different  conduct,  in  any  of  thefe 
conjunctures,  would  have  precluded  him  from  fome  part  of  that  vaft  emolu- 
ment, which  he  expected  from  thefe  grants,  and  which  he  knew,  was 
in  the  end,  to  be  proportioned  to  the  extent,  duration,  and  henioufnefs,  of 
the  infurrection. 

"  AND 

(i)  Carte'*  Orm.  vol.  ii.  fol.  306. 

(a)  It  is  affirmed,  that  he  got  as  many  gentlemen's     him  any  chiefry,  as  were  vrorth  at  leaft  150,000 1." 
eftates,  upon  the  pretence  of  a  grant  of  enjoying  all     Unkind  Dc&rt.  &C.  p.  166. 
that  he  could  prove  (by  witnefics)  to  have  paid 


320 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE 


Bk.  IX. 


"  AND  thus  we  find,  his  noble  (b)  friend,  the  Earl  of  Anglefey,  acknow- 
ledging in  print,  in  1681  (2),  "  that  it  was  then  apparent,  that  his  Grace 
and  his  family,  by  the  forfeiture  and  punifhment  of  the  Irifh,  were  the  greateil 
gainers  of  the  kingdom,  and  had  added  to  their  inheritance,  vail  fcopes  of 
land,  and  a  revenue  (c)  three  times  greater  than  what  his  paternal  eftate  was, 
before  the  rebellion  j  and  that  moil  of  his  increafe  was  out  of  their  eftates, 
who  adhered  to  the  peaces  of  1646,  and  1648,  or  ferved  under  his  Majefly's 
eniigns  abroad."  From  whence  his  Lordihip  juilly  concluded,  that  "  his  Grace 
could  not  have  been  very  fmcere,  in  making  either  of  thefe  peaces  with  the 
Irilli ;  but  that,  whatever  moved  him  thereto,  whether  companion,  natural 
affection,  or  any  thing  elfe,  he  was  in  judgment,  and  confcience,  againftthem; 
and  fo,"  adds  he,  "  he  has  iince  appeared,  and  hath  advantage  by  their  lay- 
ing afide  (d)  (e)? 

(i)  Letter  to  the  Earl  of  Caftlehaven.    Caftlehav.  Mem.  ift.  ed. 

(I))  When   the   Duke  of  Buckingham  was  endea-  tures  with  indignation,  and  gave    Ormor.d    notice   of 

vouiingto   fupplanl   Ormond    in    the   King's  favour,  the  defigns  formed  agoinft  him."    Lei.  Hift.  of  Ireland, 

and  made  overtures   to   the  Earl  of  Anglefey  to  join  vol.  iii.  p.  453.     See  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  ii.  Ibl.  482. 
him  for  that  purpofe,  the  "  Earl  rejected  thefe  over- 


(c)  A  knowing  contemporary  writer  aflerts,  4<  that 
the  annual   rents  of  Ormond's   etfaie  before  the  war, 
were  bur  feven  thoufand  pounds  fterling,   (his  antient 
<ftate  being   then   encumbered    with    annuities    and 
leafes,  which    otherwife  was   worth   forty    thoufand 
pounds  fterling  per   annum,)  and   at   prefent  (1674) 
it  is  upon  eighty  thoufand.     Now  the  fuft  part  of  his 

(d)  It  is,  therefore,  no  wonder,  that  his  Grace's 
noble  brother-in-law,  Lord    Mufkerry,  when    on    his 
dearh-bed,  declared   to    himfelf,  "  that  the    heavieft 
fear  that  pofielled  his  foul,  then  going   into  eternity, 

(e)  "  My  Lord   Duke  of  Ormond,"  fays  the  Earl 
ofEflt-x  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland  in  1674-5,  "  has 
received  above  300,^00  1.  in  this  kingdom,  befides  all 
his  great  places,  and  employments;  and  1  am  fure 


new  great  revenues  ts  the  King's  grant  of  all  thofe 
lands  of  his  own  eftate,  which  were  leafed,  and 
moifgaged;  the  red  were  graurs  of  other  men's 
eftates,  and  other  gifts  of  his  Majefty."  His  gifts  and 
grants  are  thought  to  amount  to  630,000!.  Unkind 
Defer t.  p.  i6i-a.  See  Queries,  ib.  Appen.  p.  168. 


was  for  his  having  confided  fo  much  in  his  Grace, 
who  had  deceived  them  all,  and  ruined  his  poor 
country,  and  countrymen."  Unkind  Deferter,  &c. 


the  lofles  in  his  private  eftate  have  not  been  equal  to 
thofe  I  have  furrered  (in  the  preceding  civil  war)  and 
yet  he  is  fo  happy,  as  no  exception  is  taken  to  it.:? 
State  Let.  p.  213-14. 


CHAR 


Ch, XXVIII,         CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  321 

. 

CHAP.         XXVIII. 

The  Duke  of  Ormond  befriends  the  Irijb. 

HISTORICAL  juftice  has  hitherto  obliged  me  to  exhibit  the  Duke  of  Or- 
tf  C? 

mond,  as  acting  very  unfuitably  to  that  character  of  eminent  loyalty, 

integrity,  and  honour,  which  the  generality  of  our  hiftorians  have  bellowed 
upon  him.  But  we  are  now  come  to  a  period  of  our  hiftory,  wherein,  more 
willingly  complying  with  the  fame  hiftorical  juftice,  we  (hall  be  able  to  repre- 
fent  his  Grace's  conduct  in  a  far  different  light,  in  all  thefe  refpedts. 

IN  the  year  1679,  when  fo  much  innocent  blood  was  {hed  in  England,  by 
means  of  the  perjuries  of  Titus  Oates,  and  his  flagitious  affociates,  encouraged 
and  patronifed  by  the  Earl  of  Shaftfbury  (i),  "  the  peace  and  quietnefs  of 
Ireland  was  a  great  difappointment  to  that  Earl,  and  his  party ;  and  they  took 
all  poffible  methods  to  provoke,  and  exafperate  the  people  of  that  kingdom, 
already  too  much  difcontented.  For  that  end,  they  procured  orders  from  the 
council  of  Ireland,  to  tranfmit  fevere  bills  againft  the  Irifh  Catholics  in  mat- 
ter of  religion,  in  hopes  to  drive  them  into  a  new  rebellion.  It  was  now  pro- 
pofed  to  introduce  the  teft-acl,  and  all  the  Englifh  penal  laws,  into  Ireland ; 
and  that  a  proclamation  fhould  be  forthwith  hTued  for  encouraging  all  perfons, 
that  could  make  any  further  difcoveries  of  the  horrid  Popifh  plot,  to  come  in, 
and  declare  the  fame  (a}" 

THE  Duke  of  Ormond,  then  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  and  luckily,  at 
that  juncture,  in  England,  employed  all  his  intereft  with  the  King,  to  prevent 
the  calling  a  parliament  for  thefe  cruel  purpofes  (2).  "  I  will  venture,"  fays 
his  Grace,  in  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Arran  on  that  occaflon,  "  to  tell  you,  with- 

T  t  out 

(i)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii.  fol.  494.  (2)  Cart.  Orm.  vol.  ii.  fol.  535. 

(a}  On  the  firft  report  of  the  Popifli  plot,  "  Peter  ard  Talbot,  (afterwards  Duke  of  Tyrconnel)  Lord 

Talbot,  Archbifhop  of  Dublin,  in  a  dangerous  fit  of  Mountgarret  and  his  fon,  and  a  Colonel  of  the  name 

the-ilone,  was  imprifoned  in  the  caflle.     Orders  were  of   Peppard.     Lord    Mounrgarret,    reprefenied  as   a 

ifTued,  that  all  officers  fhould  repair  to  their  refpe&ive  dangerous  confpirator,  was  of  the  age  of  eighty  years, 

gnrrifons;  that  Popifli  ecclefiaftics  fhould  depart  from  bed-ridden,  and   in   a   ftate  of  dotage  ;   and,    to  the 

the  kingdom,  Popifli  feminaries,  and  convents,  fliou Id  further  difcredit  of  the  evidences,  no  Colonel  Peppard 

be  fuppreft.      Informations  quickly  multiplied,    and  was  known,  or   could    be   found   in  Ireland."     Lei. 

directions  were  received  from  England  to  feize  Rich-  Hift.  of  Irel.  vol.  Hi.  p.  474. 


322  HISTORICAL    REVEW    OF    THE  Bk.  IX. 

out  a  cypher,  that  the  reafon  why  the  calling  of  a  parliament  in  Ireland  fticks, 
is  the  feverity  of  two  bills  tranfmitted  againft  the  Papifts;  the  one  taking 
away  the  votes  of  Peers,  whilft  they  are  Papifts  ;  and  the  other  inflicting 
death  upon  a  certain  fort  of  Popilh  clergy,  if  found  in  Ireland;  the  one  feem- 
inp-  unjuft,  and  the  other  cruel,  and  neither  neceffary.  For  my  part,  I  con- 
fefs,  if  I  had  been  here,  when  the  expelling  of  the  Popifh  Lords  patted,  I 
ihould  have  voted  againft  it  in  confcience,  and  prudence ;  in  confcience, 
becaufe  I  know  no  reafon  why  opinion  fhould  take  away  a  man's  birth-right ; 
or  why  his  goods,  or  lands  may  not  be  as  well  taken  away ;  fince  money  mif- 
applied  is,  for  the  moft  part,  a  more  dangerous  thing  in  difarTeded  hands, 
than  a  word  in  his  mouth.  And  I  think  no  lefs  of  the  other  bill,  for  upon 
ferious,  and  cool  thoughts,  I  am  againft  all  fanguinary  laws,  in  matters  of  re- 
ligion purely,  and  properly,  fo  called." 

"  JT  (s)  was"  a  terrible  flur  upon  the  credit  of  the  plot  in  England,  that 
after  it  had  made  fuch  an  horrible  noife  in  a  nation,  where  there  was  fcarce 
one  Papift  to  an  hundred  Proteftants,  there  fhould  not,  for  a  year,  be  found 
one  witnefs  from  Ireland,  to  give  information  of  any  confpiracy  of  the  like 
nature  in  that  kingdom,  where  there  were  fifteen  Papifts  to  one  Proteftant. 
But  the  proclamation  above-mentioned,  which  was  publifhed  according  to 
the  order  fent  from  England,  fupplied  that  defect.  For  upon  the  encourage- 
ment given  in  it,  Tories,  and  other  criminals,  confined  in  jails,  pretended  to 
have  great  difcoveries  to  make  on  that  head,  and  obtained  their  liberty,  and 
had  money  given  them  by  the  government  of  Ireland,  to  tranfport  them  to 
England  for  that  purpofe;  though  thefe  wretches  knew  nothing  of  the  mat- 
ter, till  they  were  inftrucled  by  Mr.  Hethringto-n^  Lord  Shaftfbury's  agent  in 
managing  and  providing  for  them." 

IT  may  not  be  unentertaining  to  the  reader,  to  find  here  an  exact  defcrip- 
tion  of  thefe  witneffes,  left  us  by  the  Lord  Lieutenant  himfelf,  after  his  re- 
turn to  Ireland  (4).  "  At  council,"  fays  he,  "  there  is  little  more  to  do  than 
to  hear  witnefles,  fome  come  out  of  England,  and  fome  producing  themfelves 
here,  and  all,  I  doubt,  forfwearing  thcmfeives.  Thofe  that  went  out  of 
Ireland  with  bad  Englifti,  and  worfe  cloaths,  are  returned  well-bred  gentle- 
men, well-caronated,  periwigged,  and  cloathed.  Brogues  and  leather  ftraps 
are  converted  into  faihionable  Ihoes  and  glittering  buckles ;  which,  next  to 

the 

(3)  Id.  ib.  (4)  Carte's  Orni.  vol.  iii. 


Ch.  XXVIII.          CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  323 

the  zeal  Tories,  Thieves  (b)^  and  Friars  have  for  the  Proleftant  religion,  is  a 
main  inducement  to  bring  in  fhoals,of  informers.  They  find  it  raoie  ho- 
nourable,  and  fafe,  to  be  the  King's  evidence,  than  a  cowflealcr,  though  that 
be  their  adual  profeflion ;  but  as  they  have  not  the  honefty  to  fwear  truely, 
they  want  the  wit  to  fwear  probably  (c)." 

JONES  (5),  Bifhop  of  Meath,  who  was  both  the  procurer,  and  examiner, 
of  thefe  witnefTes  in  Ireland,  had  been  Scout-mafter  General  to  Oliver  Crom- 
well's army. 

.YET,  upon  the  bare  testimony  of  thefe  notorious  mifcreants,  feveral  of  the 
Irifh  nobility,  clergy,  and  gentry,- were  at  that  juncture,  either  thrown 
into  jails,  or  forced  to  quit  the  kingdom.  Primate  Plunkett,  (as  Biftop 
Burnet  informs  us,  on  the  report  of  the  Earl  of  Eflex,  who  had  been  Lord 
Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  and  knew  him  perfonally)  (6),  "  was  a  wife  and 
fober  man,  fond  of  living  quietly  and  in  due  fubjedion  to  the  government, 
without  engaging  in  intrigues  of  flate  "  yet  he  was  brought  over  to  England, 
and  condemned,  and  executed  at  Tiburn,  on  the  accufation  of  thefe 
fuborned  witnefTes.  But  the  (d)  Duke  of  Ormond,  by  his  refolution, 

T  t  2  and 

(5)  Id.  ib.  vol.  ii.  fol.  498.  (6)  Hift.  of  his  own  times,  vol.  i.  fol.  230. 

(b)  "  I  dare  nor,"  fays  his  Grace  in  another  letter,  On  the  other  had,   "  Tome   perfons  to  whom  the 
*'  fay,  though   it  be  manifeft,  that  moft  of  our  dif-  Duke  of  Ormond's   moderation    was  not  agreeable, 
coveries   gfve   more  difcredit,  than   confirmation,    to  imagining  that  he  might  be  driven  out  of  it  by  the 
the  plot.     It  is  well  that  1  am  not  like  to  be  charged  danger  of  an   aflailination,    dropped     letters   in   the 
for  a   plotter,    or  a  Papift."      Carte's  Onu.  vol.   ii.  ftreets  of  Dublin,  infinuating  a  confpiracy  formed  for 
.Append.  murdering  his  Grace;  and   feveral  pretended  to  give 

"  There   were  too  many  Proteftants  then  in  Ire-  an  account  of  what  they  had   heard,  or  fufpefled  of 

land,"  fays  Mr.  Carte,  "  who  wanted  another  rebel-  fuch  a  defign.     Divers  examinations  were  taken,  and 

lion,  that  they  might  increafe  their  eftates  by   new  the  Duke  could  not  well  tell  at   firft  wha:  to  think  of 

forfeiture's.     And  letters  were  perpetually  fending  in-  the  matter  ;  as  it   feemed  to  agree,  with  what   was 

to  England,    mifreprefenting  the    Lord    Lieutenant's  mentioned  in  general  by  Gates,  and  Dugdale,  whofe 

conduct,    and   the  ftate  of  things  in   Ireland.     The  depofitions  it  was  calculated  to  countenance.     But  lie 

Earl  of  Anglefeygave  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  a  friend-  had  too  much  firmnefs  of  mind  to  be  moved  by  fuch 

ly  advertifement  of  thofe  mifreprefentations  and  fug-  dark  and  inexplicable  informations   as  were  given,  to 

geftions  againft  his  proceedings,  made  by  one  of  the  alter  a  condudt  founded  on  fo  much  reafon,  as  what 

greateft  perfons  in  the  kingdom,  tranfmitted  to  feveral  he  had  hitherto  obferved."     Id.  ib.  vol.  ii.  fol.  481. 
perfons  in  London,  and    particularly  to  fome  mem- 
bers of  parliament,  and  of  the  privy  council."     Orm. 
vol.  ii.  fol.  482. 

(c)  Alluding  to  two  Friars  that  informed  againft  the  titular  Primate  Plunkett. 

(d)  His  Grace  in  one  of  his  letters  to  England  on      pofe  to  give  evidence  againft  Oliver  Plunket  (the  Pri- 
ihis  occafion,  fays,  *'  Here  is  one  Owen  Murphy  au-     mate.)     He  has  been  as  far  as  the  county  of  J  ippe- 
thorifed  to  fearch  for,  and  carry  over  witnefies,  I  fup-     rary,  and  brought  thence  about  a  dozen  people,  not 

like 


324  H  I  S  T  O  R  I  C  A  L    R  E  V  I  E  W,    &c.  Bk.  IX. 

and  activity,  put  a  ftop  to  this  fpreading  mifchief,  not  without  expoiing 
himfelf  to  the  danger  of  being  reprefented  by  the  faction  in  England,  as  a 
plotter,  or  a  Papift,  on  that  account. 


like  to  fay  any  thing  material  as  to  Plunket."     Carte's  "  how  much  the  imprifonments,  and  other  feverities 

Orm.  vol.  ii.  Append.  of  Sir  William   Parfons    had   contributed    to   hurry 

His  Grace  was  urged  to  imprifon  all  the  principal  numbers  into  the   laft   rebellion  ;    and    neither   the 

Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland  at  this  juncture;  but  he  Duke,  nor  the  privy  council,  deemed  it   prudent  to 

xefufed  to  do  it,  becaufe,  as  he  faid,"  "  it  could  not  make  another  experiment  whether  the  fame  meafures 

be  known,  how  many  might  be  thus  driven  to  de-  might  not  be  attended  with,  the  fame  effects."    Lcl, 

fperate  courfes.  It  was  well  kuown,"  adds  my  author,  Hift.  of  Irel.  vol.  iii.  p.  547. 


AN 


A    N 


'HISTORICAL    AND    CRITICAL 

R     E.V.I      E     W 


OF       THE 


X. 


C      H      A      P.          I. 

Archbijbop  King'x  State  of  the  Proteftants   of  Ireland^  under  King  James  IL 

conftdered. 

MANY,  and  foul,  are  the  mifreprefentations  of  Irifh  Catholics,  exhibited 
in  Archbifhop  King's  ftate  of  the  Proteftants  of  Ireland  under  .King 
James  II.  and  although  Mr.  Lefley,  a  learned  contemporary  Protef- 
tant  divine,  has  demonflratively  proved  moft  of  his  charges  to  be  either 
abfolutely  falfe,  or  greatly  exaggerated,  (without  any  defence,  or  reply,  from 
his  Grace,  or  his  friends)  yet  the  Archbifhop's  book  has  paffed,  with  applaufe, 
through  feveral  editions  fince  Mr.  Lefley's  deceafe;  and  is  generally 
quoted,  as  of  unqueftionable  authority,  by  all  writers,  foreign  and  domeftic, 
who  have  fince  treated  of  that  part  of  Irifh  hiftory ;  while  Mr.  Lefley's  refuta- 
tion of  it,  is  hardly  any  where  to  be  met  with,  having  been  fuppreffed  by 
authority,  in  the  firfl  edition  of  it ;  and  it  was  then  fo  far  ftifled  in  its  birth, 
that  it  has  never  fince  been  re-printed. 


INSTEAD 


3^6  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk  X. 

INSTEAD  of  taking  pains  to  extol  Mr.  Lefley's  character  for  (a)  veracity,  or 
to  depreciate  that  of  Doctor  King  for  the  want  of  it,  I  (hall  make  ufe  of  no 
other  argument,  for  either  purpofe,  but  fuch  as  will  naturally  arife  from 
the  plain  and  certain  evidence  of  fads,  alleged  and  vouched  by  the 
former  writer,  -but  never  difproved,  nor  fo  much  as  contradicted,  by  the 
latter. 

"  No  (r)  man,"  fays  Mn  Lefley,  "  was,  or  could  be,  an  higher  affertor  of 
paflive  obedience,  than  Doctor  King  had  been  all  his  lifetime.  Even  at  the 
beginning  of  the  revolution,  he  told  a  perfon  of  honour,  from  whofe  mouth 
I  had  it,  "  that  if  the  Prince  of  Orange  came  over  for  the  crown,  he  prayed 
God  might  blaft  his  defigns."  In  a  letter  to  a  perfon  of  undoubted  credit,  in 
the  year  1686,  he  faid,  "  the  principle  of  non-refiftance,  was  a  fteady  prin- 
ciple ofioyalty ;  that  it  was  intolerable  for  the  members  of  any  fttate,  to  flee 
to  foreign  fuccours,  on  pretence  that  their  own  governors  had  made  laws 
againft  reafon,  confcience,  and  juftice ;  yet  this  is  one  of  his  principal  argu- 
ments, in  the  book  above-mentioned,  for  juftiiying  the  revolution.  "  What 
I  have  above-written,"  adds  Lefley,  "  I  have  from  the  perfon  to  whom  he 
wrote  it,  and  if  he  defires  it,  his  letters  fhall  be  produced."  But  it  does  not 
appear,  that  he  ever  did  defire  it. 

BY  fuch  feigned  afTurances  of  loyalty,  which  he  had  often  given  to  King 
James,  after  his  arrival  in  Ireland  (2),  "  that  King  had  once  fo  good  an 
opinion  of  him,  that  he  had  him  frequently  in  private,  and  trufted  him  in 
his  affairs ;  until  at  laft,  he  found  he  was  holding  correfpondence  with  his 
enemies  in  England,  and  in  the  North  of  Ireland,  and  he,  thereupon,  im- 
prifoned  him.  But  his  old  friend,  Chief  Juftice  Herbert,  was  fo  far  mifiaken 

in 

(i)  Anfw.  to  King,  p.  113.  (2)  Id.  ib  p.  106. 

(a}  It  will,  probably,  be  objected   to  this  writer's  theRcformation,  is  worthy  of  norice  "Without  doubt," 

testimony,  that  he  was  a  non-juror.     But  to  this  nb-  fays  he,  "  Mr.  Lefley  is  unhappily   mifled    in  his  pOr 

jcction  I    fhall   only  anfwer  in   the   words  of  Billiop  lilies;  but  he  IK  s  given  the  world   fuch  a  proof  of  his 

Burnet,  on  a  fimilar  occafion.     "  I  never,"  fays  that  foundnels  in  religion,  as  many  a  Bifliop  ought  to  be 

Prelate,  "  think  the  worfe  of  mm  for  their  different  proud  of.     I  never  (aw  the  gentleman  in  my  I  f.j :  I 

fentiments  in  fuch  matters  ;  I  am  fure  I  am  bound  to  know  he  is  the  fon  of  a  great  and  excellenr  Prelate, 

think  much  better  of  them,  for  adhering   ftrictly   to  who^  cpon  feveral  accounts  was  one  of  the  me  ft  ^x- 

tbe  -dictates  of  their  conferences,  when  it  is  fo  much  traordinary  men  of  his  age.     I  verily  believe,  fhat  he 

to  their  lofs,  and  when  fo  facred   a  thing  as  an  oath  actea  from  a  miftaken  confcience,  (in  refilling  to  fvvear 

is  in  the  cafe.     I  wifli  all,  who   had  the  fame   per-  *Mcgiance  to  K.  William  )  and  thetefore  I  diftinguiili 

fuafions,  had  acted  with   the  fame  ftficlnefs,  and  ten-  between  the  principles,  and  the  perfon.  However,  it  is 

dernefs."     See  Defence  of  the  Bifhop  of  Warcelkr's  fome  mortification  10  me,  when  I  iff  an  avowed  non- 

Vindication  of  the  church  of  England,  p.  63.  juror  contiibute  more  to  the  confounding  of  Popery, 

Doctor  Swift's  teftimohy  of  this  writei's  merits,  in  his  than  could  ever  be  done  bv  an  hundred  thoufan-J  fuch, 

preface  to  Bifhop  Burnet's  introduction  to  his  hiftory  of  introductions."     Works,  Dub.  cd.  vol.  viii.  p.  240. 


Ch.  II.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  327 

in  him,  that  he  vouched  for  him  at  the  council-table,  with  fb  much  zeal,  as 
to  fay,  that  he  was  as  loyal  a  man  (to  King  James)  as  any  that  fate  at  the 
board ;  which  did  retrieve  the  Doctor  from  fome  inconveniences,  and  con- 
tinued him,  for  fome  time  longer,  in  King  James's  good  opinion." 


CHAR          II. 

The  fame  Subject  continued  in  general. 

SUCH  is  Lefley' s  untroverted  account  of  Doctor  King,  as  a  fubject,  and 
a  man.     His  judgment  of  him,  as  author   of  the  book  in  queftion,  is 
partly  as  follows. 

u  I (i) CAN'T  fay,"  proceeds  he,  u  that  I  have  examined  into  every  {ingle 
matter  of  fact,  which  this  author  relates ;  I  could  not  have  the  opportunity ; 
but  I  am  fure  I  have  looked  into  the  moil  material,  and  by  thefe  you  will 
eafily  judge  of  his  fincerity  in  the  reft.  But  this  I  can  fay,  that  there  is  not 
one  I  have  enquired  into,  but  I  have  found  it  falfe  in  the  whole,  or  in  part; 
aggravated,  or  mifreprefented,  fo  as  to  alter  the  whole  face  of  the  ftory,  and 
give  it  perfectly  another  air,  and  turn ;  infomuch,  that  though  many  things 
he  fays,  are  true,  yet  he  has  hardly  fpoken  a  true  word,  that  is,  told  it  truely, 
and  nakedly,  without  a  warp."  Mr.  Lefley  adds  this  particular  caution,  for 
thofe  who  perufe  that  book  (2),  "  that  where  Doctor  King  feems  moft  exact, 
and  fets  his  quotations  in  the  margent,  that  the  reader  might  fufpect  nothing, 
there  he  is  to  fufpect  moft,  and  ftand  upon  his  guard." 

THESE  are  heavy  accufations,  of  which,  and  feveral  others,  Mr.  Lefley 
has  exhibited  many  convincing  proofs ;  and  more  fhall  be  added  in  the  fequel, 
from  undeniable  authority.  His  Grace's  continued  filence  under  them,  for 
more  than  thirty  years,  that  he  furvived  the  publication  of  this  anfwer,  is 
the  more  wonderful,  on  account  of  his  folemn  atteflation  of  the  facred  name 
of  God,  in  the  conclufion  of  his  book,  "  that  he  had  not  mifreprefented,  or 
aggravated,  any  thing  therein,  in  prejudice  to  any  body,  or  out  of  favour 
or  affection  to  a  party;  or  infifted  on  fuch  particulars,  as  might  feem  to 
ferve  no  other  purpofe,  but  to  make  his  adverfaries  odious." 

(i)  Id.  ib.  p.  105.  (z)  Id.  ib.  p,  175, 

CHAR 


323  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OP    THE  Bk.X. 

C      H      A      P.          III. 

Particular  Facts  related  in  Archbifttop  King's  Book,  proved  falfe,  concerning  Po~ 


UT  to  come  now  to  the  teft  of  this  folemn  atteftation;  I  mean  his 
relation  of  particular  fads.  Dodor  King  tells  us  ( i ),  "  that  no  fooner  had 
the  Papifls  of  Ireland  got  judges  and  juries,  that  would  believe  them,  but 
they  began  a  trade  of  fwearing,  and  ripping  up  what  they  pretended  their 
Proteftant  neighbours  had  faid  of  King  James,  whilft  Duke  of  York,  in  the 
time  of  the  Popifh  plot ;  and  that  of  thefe  Proteftants,  many  were  found 
guilty,  and  exceflively  fined ;  and  fome  of  them  imprifoned  for  their  "fines, 
not  being  able  to  fatisfy  the  King,  who  feized  both  their  body  and  ef- 
tates." 

THE  Dodor  likewife  informs  us  (2),  "  that  thefe  Popifh  judges,  and  ju- 
ries, connived  at  a  wicked  contrivance,  which  was  discovered  to  the  very 
bottom,  in  the  county  of  Meath,  to  carry  on  this  trade  of  fwearing  againft  all 
the  Proteftant  gentlemen  in  the  .country." 

BUT  unfortunately  for  Dodor  King's  credit,  as  an  hiftorian,  that  eminent, 
and  zealous  (a)  Proteftant  nobleman,  Henry  Earl  of  Clarendon,  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant of  Ireland  in  1685,  nas  kft  us  a  velT  different  account  of  the  beha- 
viour 

(i)  State  of  the  Proteftant?,  &c.  p.  75.  (2)  ib.  p.  76. 

(a)  "  All  the  Irifli   Proteftants,"  fays  Mr.  Lefley,  Prince  of  Orange's  arrival  in  England,  they  made  all 

"  fpeak  exceeding  good   things  of  Lord   Clarendon.  their  applications  to  him,  through  his  Lord/hip."  Life 

They  never  parted  with  any  chief  governor  with  fo  of  King  William,  fol.  187.     That  the  Roman  Catho- 

much  regret;  and,  as  I  have  been  told,  none  courted  lies  of  Ireland  did  not  think  him  partial   in  their  fa- 

him  more  than  Doclor  King,  who  was  admitted  one  vour,  appears   from  one   of  his   Excellency's  letters 

of  his  chaplains."     Anfw.  p.  132.     His  Lordfliip  him-  from  Water  lord,  Sept.    12th,   1686,  wherein  he  fays, 

felf  fufpecled,  that  he  was   recalled  from  the  govern-  "  Lord  Tyrone  came  to  fee  him  there,  and  had  con- 

ment   of  Ireland,  on  account  of  his  religion.     "   If,"  tinued  with  him  all  the  time  of  his  being  there;   but 

fays  "he,  "  my  being  a  Proteftant  be    the  caufc  of  my  that  not  one  of  the  other  Roman  Catholic  gentlemen 

ill  ufage,  I  am  fo  far  from  being  troubled,  that  I  look  had  been  with  him.      And   that  none  of  the  Roman 

xipon  it  as  a  great  honour,  to   be  found    worthy    to  Catholic  inhabitants  of  that  city  (tho' there  were  there 

iuffer  for  my   religion."     State  Let.   vol.   ii.  p.   158.  fome  pretty  confkkrable  merchants,}  had  taken  notice 

Harris  informs  us,  "  that  he  was  fo  much  depended  of  him.''    State  Let.  vol.  i.. p.  402. 
4ipon  by   the   Proteftants  of  Ireland,    that  after  the 


Ch.III.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  329 

viour  of  thefe  Popifh  judges  and  juries,  on  that  occafion.  He  tells  us,  "  that, 
when  thefe  Popiih  judges  went  to  the  alfizes  in  the  county  of  Down  and  Lon- 
donderry, where  many  confiderable  perfons  were  to  be  tried  for  words  former- 
ly fpoken  againfl  King  James  (3),  they  took  as  much  pains,  as  it  was  poffible, 
to  quiet  the  minds  of  the  people,  wherever  they  went;  and  that  they  took 
care  to  have  all  the  juries  mingled  half  Englifh,  half  Irifh."  And  particularly 
with  refpect  to  the  county  of  Meath,  where  Doctor  King  tells  us,  they  prin- 
cipally connived  at  this  wicked  trade  of  fwearing,  his  Lordfhip  adds  (4),  "  that 
Judge  Daly  (one  of  thefe  Popiih  judges)  did,  at  the  affixes  of  that  county,  en- 
large much  on  the  unconfeionablenefs  of  indicting  men  upon  words  fpoken 
fo  many  years  before  ;  that  he  told  the  jury,  that  moil  of  thofe  then  charged 
before  him  in  court,  could  give  a  good  account  of  themfelves,  and  were  well 
known  in  the  countries  where  they  lived,  and  that  thereupon  the  juries,  the 
major  part  of  whom  were  Irifh,  acquitted  them ;"  that  Mr.  Juflice  Nugent 
(another  Popifh  Judge)  (5),  "  made  the  fame  declaration  at  Drogheda,  where 
feveral  perfons  were  tried  for  words,  upon  bills  found  at  the  former  affizes ; 
and  that  they  were  all  acquitted,  except  one  man,  who  was  found  guilty, 
and  fined  five  pounds^." 

BUT  who  would  fufpect  this  impartial  writer  to  have  known,  while  he  was 
committing  thefe  falfehoods  to  the  prefs,  that  Lord  Clarendon  had,  by  King 
James's  exprefs  command,  published  a  (6)  proclamation,  fo  early  as  July  1686, 
(the  Popiih  judges  were  made  (7)  only  in  April  preceding,)  "  forbidding  all  profe- 
cutions  of  that  kind ;  and  ordering,  that  no  perfon  fhould  be  accountable  for 
any  words  fpoken  againfl  his  Majefly,  at  any  time  before  his  acceflion ;" 
which  proclamation  his  Excellency  immediately  fent  off  to  the  judges,  then 
on  their  circuits.  Yet  thefe  known  facts,  Doctor  King  has  difingenuoufly 
fupprefTed;  for  nobody,  I  think,  will  have  the  hardinefs  to  pretend,  that  he, 
who  was  one  of  his  Lordfhip's  chaplains,  and  a  bufy  enquirer  into  all  the 
tranfactions  of  that  time,  could  poffibly  be  ignorant  of  a  matter  fo  notorious 
as  this  proclamation  muft  have  then  been,  in  every  part  of  Ireland. 

(3)  State  Let.  Dub.  ed.  vol.  i.  p.  326.  (4)  ib.  (5)  ib.  (6)  Id.  ib.  p.  324. 

(4)  Id.  ib.  vol.  i.  p.  162. 

(b)  That  Lord  Clarendon  was  no  way  partial  in  tion  among  the  judges  (in  Ireland)  but  that  men  will 

his  account  of  the  Irilli  judges,  appears  from  a  letter  be  fent  out  of  England  to  fill  their  places;  and  that 

of  his  March   zoth,   1685-6,  wherein  we  find  this  none  of  the  natives  will  be  admitted;  I  wifh  it  may 

paflage:  "  Some  letters  fay,  there  will  be  an  altera-  be  true."    State  Let.  vol.i.  p.  108. 


Uu  CHAP. 


330  HISTORICAL   REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  X, 

CHAP.          IV. 

The  Execution  of  Captain  Afhton. 

THE  execution  of  one  Captain  Afhton  for  murder,  is  another  of  Dodor 
King's  inftances  of  the  cruelty  and  injuftice,  of  thefe  Popifh  judges  and 
juries.  "  The  Papifts,"  fays  he  (i),  "  might  kill  whom  they  pleafed,  with- 
out fear  of  the  law,  becaufe  they  had  Popifh  judges  and  juries  on  their  fide ; 
but  if  any  killed,  or  hurt  them,  they  were  fure  to  fuffer  (a}"  And  then  he  com- 
plains, that  Afhton  was  hanged  for  killing  a  Papift ;  who,  he  fays,  "  abufed 
his  wife  in  the  ftreet."  What  the  nature  of  the  abufe  was,  or  whether  it  was 
by  words  or  actions,  he  does  nofinform  us  •,  from  whence  we  may  probably 
conclude,  that  it  was  not  of  a  very  heinous  nature ;  and  that  the  Doctor  would 
infinuate,  that  the  killing  of  a  Papift,  tho'  but  upon  a  flight  provocation, 
ought  not  to  be  punifhed,  as  a  capital  offence. 

BUT  we  find  that  Lord  Clarendon,  in  whofe  time  it  happened,  thought 
very  differently  of  this  affair.  For  his  Lordfhip  informs  us,  that,  at  that 
gentleman's  trial  (2),  "  care  was  taken  to  have  a  good  jury ;  but  that  they 
brought  him  in  guilty  j  that  great  interceflion  was  made  with  himfelf  in  his 
behalf;  but  that,  in  good  earneft,  the  fad  was  fo  horrid,  and  fo  fully  proved, 
and  the  Captain  had  fo  little  to  fay  for  himfelf,  that  he  did  not  think  him  a 
fit  object  of  the  King's  mercy."  His  Lordfhip  adds  (3),  "  that  the  pannel  was 
made  up  of  the  beft  men  in  the  city ;  that  is,"  fays  he,  "  men  of  the  beft  repu- 
tation, and  credit,  without  regard  to  religion ;  and  that  there  were  as  many 
of  the  one  perfuafion,  as  of  the  other  returned ;  that  the  Captain  excepted 

againft 

(i)  State  of  the  Protefl.  p.  47.  (2)  State  Let.  p.  196.  (3)  ib. 

(a)  There  is  a  paflage  in  Lord  Clarendon's  letters,  a  Proteftant,  were  for   putting  off  the  bufinefs,  and 

which   demonftrates   a   very    different    difpofition   in  particularly  the  three  new  (Popifh)  judges  faid  the 

thefe  Popifh  judges  towards  Proteftants,  from  what  gentleman  would   be   more  careful   for   the   future." 

Doclor  King  has   imputed  to  them.     "  Upon  a  full  State  Let.  vol.  i.  p.  292.     His  Excellency  allb  takes 

hearing,"  fays  his  LordJliip,  "  at  the  council-board,  notice  of  the  fingular  modefty  of  thefe  Popifh  judges, 

there  was  a  complaint  of  the  commiilioners  of  the  re-  when  they   were   made  privy  counfellors;   and  fays, 

venue  proved  againft  a  juftice  of  peace,  who  had  dif-  "  they  were  almoft  out  of  countenance  on  that  occa- 

countenanced  a  collector  of  the  excife  in  the  executi-  fion  j  that   they  thought  it   would  bring   envy  upon 

on  of  his  office.     When  the  board  came  to  deliberate  them,  when  it  was  not  needful  j  they  being,  every 

what  to  do,  "  This,"  adds   his   Lordfliip,  "  is  re-  way,  as  well  qualified   to  do  the  King  all  poflible 

markable,  that  feveral  of  our  new  Roman  Catholic  fervice,  without  the  burden  of  that  honour."  ib.  231, 
counfellors,  tho'  the  juftice  was  an  Englishman,  and 


Ch.V.  CIVIL   WARS   IN    IRELAND.  331 

againft  as  many  of  the  jury,  as  the  law  allowed  him,  who  were  all  Roman 
Catholics ;  but  that  the  reft,  who  were  very  honeil  men,  regarded  nothing 
but  the  evidence  and  their  oaths." 

EVEN  Chief  Juftice  Nugent,  a  Papift,  and  one  of  the  judges  before  whom  this 
unhappy  man  was  tried,  and  to  whom  Doctor  King  has  been  pleafed  to  give 
a  moft  profligate  character  (4),  "  had  been  with  his  Excellency,  and  defired 
he  might  intercede  with  his  Majefty,  that  he  would  be  pleafed  to  bellow  the 
Captain's  eftate  upon  his  wife  and  children."  Which,  for  any  thing  I  have 
found  to  the  contrary,  appears  to  have  been  done. 


HAP.          V. 


The  Affair  of  the  g>jio  Warrantos  againfi  the  Corporations  not  truly  ftated  by 

Doctor  King. 

9 

BU  T  thefe  Popifh  judges,  not  content  with  taking  away  the  lives  and 
properties  of  Proteftant  individuals,  confpired,  it  feems,  with  the  Popifh 
lawyers,  to  deftroy  whole  corporate  bodies,  by  ifTuing  quo-warrantos  againft: 
their  charters ;  although,  (if  we  believe  Dodor  King,)(i)  "  there  was  not 
one  of  thefe  corporations  found  to  have  forfeited,  by  a  legal  trial,  fo  that  all 
the  corporations  in  the  kingdom  were  difTolved  without  any  reafon,  or  pre- 
tence, of  abufe  of  privilege." 

"  BUT  (2)  will  any  man  believe,  that  lawyers,  (and  fome  of  them, 
this  author  acknowledges,  underflood  their  profeflion)  would,  bring  a 
quo-warranto  againft  a  charter,  and  not  fo  much  (a)  as  pretend  any 

U  u  2,  abufe, 

(4)  Id.  ib.  p.  204.  (i)  State  of  the  Proteft.  p.  68.  (2)  Lefley's  Anfw. 

(a)  "  The  feveral  corporations  in  Ireland  having  void,  and  new  ones  given  them  with  additional  fran- 

forteited  their  charters  by  mifcarriages,  mifdemeanors,  chifes."     See  Harris's  Life  of  King  William.     It  ap- 

and  other  offences  during  the  rebellion  in  1641,  and  pears  from  Lord  Clarendon,  "  that  King  James's  in- 

fince,  Charles  II.  had  empowered   his  chief  governor  tention  in  all  this  was  nothing  more  than  that  religion 

of  that  kingdom  to  grant  new  Charters  to  fuch  of  thefe  fhould  be  no  hinderance  to  the  natives  from  enjoying 

corporations,  as  he  fhould   think  fit ;  and  for  fuch  of  the  benefit  of  being  freemen,  and   holding  offices,  as 

them  as  fhoujd   not  make  application  for  renewing  the  reft  of  his  firbje&s  did."  State  Let.     But  Dr.  King 

their  charters,  to  ifTue  quo-warrantos  againft  them  for  would  have  that  benefit  monopolized   in  the  hands  of 

avoiding  the  fame.     And  King  James  being  informed  Proteftants  alone,  excluding  the  papifts  from  freedom, 

that  very  few  had  made  fuch  application,  directed  his  and  votes  in  the  corporations."    State  of  the  Proteft. 

deputy  Tyiconnel  to  caufe  thefe  quo-warrantos  to  be  p.  66. 
iflued,  by  which  their  former  charters  were  made 


332  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  X. 

abufe  (b),  or  forfsiture  ?  Of  Mr.  Nangle,  the  then  Attorney  General,  who 
was  chiefly  employed  in  that  bufmefs,  Lord  Clarendon  makes  very  honour- 
able mention  in  feveral  of  his  letters  (3),  "  as  a  man  of  great  knowledge,  very 
able  in  his  profeffion,  and  of  the  beft  reputation  for  learning,  as  well  as  ho- 
nefty,  amongft  that  people." 

BUT  Dodor  King's  precipitate  paTion,  or  prejudice,  againft  thefe  Popifh 
judges  and  lawyers,  feems  to  have  fo  far  tranfported  him,  that  he  has  entirely 
miftaken,  or  mifreprefented,  this  tranfaftion.  "  Lord  (4)  Tyrconnel  (c)f  he 
tells  us,  "  knowing  that  the  Proteftants  would  not  give  up  their  charters,  did 
endeavour  to  prevail  with  them,  to  admit  Papifts  to  freedom  and  offices,  in 
their  corporations,  that,  by  their  means,  he  might  have  their  charters  furren- 
dered ;  but,"  adds  he,  "  the  refolution  of  the  Lord  Mayor  of  Dublin  fpoiled 
that  defign,  and  forced  the  King  to  bring  quo-warrantos  againft  them."  Har- 
ris, in  his  life  of  King  William,  has  retailed  this  ftory  from  King,  and  dates 
it  in  the  year  1686,  in  the  mayoralty  of  Sir  John  Knox.  But  it  is  manifeft, 
from  Lord  Clarendon's  authentic  account  of  thefe  matters,  that  the  Lord  Mayor 
and  Aldermen  of  Dublin,  and  many  other  corporations,  had  been  prevailed 
upon,  long  before  Tyrconnel's  time,  to  admit  Papifts  to  freedom  and  offices 
among  them(t));  "  for  his  Lordfhip  had  himfelf  difpenfed  with  no  lefs  than 
fifteen  Roman  Catholic  merchants  of  Limerick,  according  to  the  King's  order, 
from  taking  the  oath  of  fupremacy,  when  admitted  to  the  Common-council 
of  that  city;  and,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Sunderland,  July  6th,  in  this  very  year, 
his  Excellency  fays  (6),  "  that  he  had  fent  letters  to  all  the  corpora- 
tions for  giving  their  freedoms  to  all  the  Roman  Catholics,  as  to  his  Majefty's 
other  fubjeds,  without  tendering  them  the  oath  of  fupremacy;  and  for  pre- 

fenting 

(3)  vol.  i.  p.  ,72.    vol.  ii.  p.  373.  (4)  State  of  the  Proteft.  p.  67.  (5)  State  Let.  vol.  i. 

(6)  ib.  vol.  i.  p.  304. 

(I)  Upon  much   lefs  provocation,  Capel  Earl   of  the   avoiding   their  charter    by   quo-warranto,    and 

Effex,  Lord   Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  (that  celebrated  granting  them  a  new  one ;  for  the   body  of  the  Com- 

champion  for  liberty,  and  who  was  laid  to  have  fallen  mons  are  fo  numerous, — and  moft  of  them  being  ex- 

a  martyr  to  it)  thought  the  bringing  of  quo  warrantos  treme  poor  men,  are  continually  mutinous  and  fa&ious; 

againft   the  charter  of  Dublin  neceflary.     That  chief  whereas,  if  they  had  a  new  charter,  and  the  number 

governor,  in  a  letter  to  Secretary  Coventry,  in  1674-5.  reduced  to  fewer,  and   thofe  named  cut  of  the  raoft 

on  occafion  of  a  trifling  difpute  between  the  Aldermen  fubftantial  chief  trading  men  of  the  city,  whofe  in- 

and  Commons  of  that  city,  fays,  "  in  my  own  thoughts,  tereft  it  is  to  be  quiet,  I  am  confident,  it  would  be 

lam  of  opinion,  and  have  been  long  fo,  that  nothing  the  only  way   to  bring  them  into  order  and   peace." 

will  reduce  this  city  to  a  due  compoiure,  unlefs  it  be  EfTex's  Letters,  p.  114. 

(t)  Doctor  King  was  fo  ridiculoufly   prejudiced  tells  us,"  their  very  names  fpoke  barbarities."  State  of 

againft   fuch  natives  of  Ireland,  as  were  afterwards  theProteft.  p*6g.  So  much,  it  feerus,  were  the  Doctor's 

appointed  to   city-ofRes,  under  Tyrconnel's  govern-  delicate  ears  offended  with  the  harfh  found  of  Irifii 

merit,  that  not  content  to  reprefent  them,  as  poor  and  firnames. 
unworthy,  (the  contrary  of  which  can  be  proved,)  he 


Ch.  V. 


CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND. 


333 


fenting  to  him  fuch  as  fhould  be  chofen  into  offices,  that  he  might  difpenfe 
with  their  taking  the  faid  oath  according  to  the  rules  j  that  he  had  then  re- 
ceived returns  from  about  twenty  of  the  corporations,  all  full  of  duty  and 
obedience  j  and.  that,  in  fome  places,  where  they  had  two  bailiffs,  which  are 
there  the  chief  magiftrates,  they  had,  without  any  conteft,  chofen  one  of  each 
religion." 

AND  although,  in  the  year  1686,  fome  fecming  oppofition,  in  that  re- 
fpecl,  was  made  by  the  Lord  Mayor  and  Aldermen  of  Dublin  j  or  rather  as 
Lord  Clarendon  expreffes  it  (7),  "  not  fo  fpeedy  a  Compliance  given  to  the 
King  s  commands  as  he  expected  ;"  yet  it  is  by  no  means  true,  that  they  were 
fo  very  refolute,  or  uncomplying  in  that  particular,  as  King  and  Harris  have 
reprefented  them.  On  the  contrary,  it  appears,  that  they  afterwards  not  only- 
complied  with  the  King's  orders,  but  alfo  made  a  proper,  and  reafonable  apo- 
logy, for  their  not  having  done  fo  fooner.  For  his  Excellency,  having  (8)  fent 
for  the  Lord  Mayor  of  Dublin  to  come  to  him,  he,  with  the  Aldermen,  ex- 
preffed  great  readinefs  to  obey  the  King  in  any  thing  he  fhould  command 
them  j  but  faid,  that  it  being  their  conftitution,  that  freemen  fhould  be  elected 
only  at  certain  terms,  they  could  not  prevail  with  the  Commons  (without 
whofe  confent  that  rule  could  not  be  altered)  though  they  tried  twice,  by  his 
Lordfhip's  pofitive  directions,  to  admit  any  freemen,  till  the  ulual  time;  and 
when  that  time  came,"  adds  his  Lordfhip,"  all  the  Roman  Catholics,  who  made 
application,  were  admitted  (d)? 


(7)  ib. 

(d)  The  following  extracts  from  papers  relating  to 
the  admitting  of  Papifts  into  corporations,  and  fent  by 
Secretary  Coventry  to  Lord  EfTex,  in  1674,  chief 
governor  of  Ireland,  may  throw  fome  light  on  this 
affair. 

41  Inmoftof  the  corporations  of  Ireland,  the  free- 
men were  generally  papifts  in  the  year  1641,  and  fo 
continued  till  about  the  year  1652  ;  and  although 
motr,  of  the  perfons  who  were  then  free,  may  now  be 
prefumed  to  be  dead,  yet  there  being  a  cuftom  in 
wo  ft  corporations,  that  all  the  fons  of  freemen  are 
alfo  free  of  the  corporations,  whereof  their  fathers 
were  free,  there  cannot  but  be  now  very  many  Pa- 
pifts living,  who  art  entitled  to  their  freedoms  in 
their  feveral  corporations.  In  the  Ufurper's  time,  all 
the  Papifts,  that  were  freemen,  were  hindered  from 
enjoying  the  benefit  of  their  fre«dom. 

"  Since  the  King's  restoration,  many  difputes  have 
happened  concerning  the  Papifts  (in  Ireland)  who 


(S)  ib. 


CHAR 


were  formerly  free,  being  admitted  again  into  the 
corporations. 

"  By  a  letter  from  the  King,  dated  the  22d  of 
May,  1661,  his  Majefiy  declared  his  pleafure,  that 
the  refpective  former  inhabitants,  natives  and  freemen, 
and  fuch  as  had  right  to  be  freemen  in  any  of  the 
cities  or  towns  in  this  kingdom  (Ireland)  fliould  be 
forthwith  reftored  to  their  accuftomed  privileges  and 
immunities,  and  admitted  to  trade,  in  the  faid  re- 
fpedive  cities  and  towns,  as  freely  as  heretofore,  with- 
out making  any  national  diftinclion,  or  giving  any 
interruptions,  upon  pretence  of  difference  of  judg- 
ment, or  opinion,  in  matters  of  religion.  Notwith- 
ftandingthis  letter,  many  of  the  antient  freemen,  that 
were  Papiftsj  were  kept  out  of  feveral  of  the  corpo- 
rations. 

"  His  Majefty  afterwards,  by  his  letters  bearing 
date  26th  February,  1671,  in  the  time  of  Lord  Berk- 
ley's government,  did  again  declare  his  plcafure  that 

all 


334  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  X. 


CHAP.          VL 


The  Behaviour  of  the  Irijh  Priefts,  and  new  Recruits^  under  King  James^  im- 
partially conftdered. 

HA  D  Doctor  King  been  as  candid  in  his  relation  of  facts,  as  he  ought, 
and  as  he  folemnly  profefTed  to  be ;  at  the  fame  time  that  he  reproach- 
ed the  Papifts  of  Ireland,  with  the  forwardnefs  of  fome  of  their  clergy,  and 
the  infolence  of  the  new  recruits,  at  this  period,  in  Dublin ;  (neither  of 
which  fhall  I  undertake  to  juftify)  he  would  have  given  us,  at  leaft,  fome  in- 
timation of  the  provocations,  which  both  of  them  had  received  from  the  Pro- 
teftant  inhabitants  of  that  city ;  which  indeed  were  fo  great  and  notorious, 
that  Lord  Clarendon  takes  frequent  notice  of  them  in  his  difpatches  into  Eng- 
land. In  one  of  thefe,  he  complains  (i),  "  that  the  new  recruits  were  often 
affronted  by  the  boys  in  Dublin,  and  that  the  foldiers,  that  were  put  out, 
did  rap  them  foundly  at  fifty-cuffs."  From  another  of  thefe  difpatches  it  ap- 
pears, that  thefe  infults  and  diforders  of  the  inhabitants  of  Dublin  towards 
thefe  recruits  had  rifen  fo  high,  that  his  Lordfhip  was  obliged,  "  to  fend  to 
the  (2)  Lord  Mayor,  to  let  him  know,  that  he  expected  he  would  keep  the 
town  in  order,  and  not  fuffer  any  rudenefs  to  be  committed."  And,  as  for 
the  forwardnefs  of  the  Popifh  priefts,  at  that  juncture,  fuch  provocation  was 
really  given  them  from  the  pulpit  (a),  and  otherwife,  not  only  by  the  infe- 
rior 

(i)  Ib.  vol. i.  p.  295.  (2)  Ib.  vol.  i.  p.  294. 

all  the  antient  freemen  of  the  refpe&ive  corporations  exprefly  declared  in  his  feveral  letters,  and  fince 
fhould  enjoy  their  fomier  freedoms,  and  privileges. —  made  public  by  proclamation  ;  that  by  the  rules,  Pa- 
Yet  in  fome  of  the  corporations,  "in  which  the  num-  pifts,  who  are  foreigners,  may  be  admitted  to  be  free 
ber  of  Proteftants  is  great,  many  of  the  Papifts  are  ftill  in  the  corporations,  and  that  it  will  be  hard  to  bar 
kept  out,  and  hindered  from  their  freedoms.  If  they  Papifts,  who  are  natives,  from  enjoying  that  freedom, 
fliould  be  hindered  from  their  freedoms,  they  will  which  has  been  already  granted  them."  Lord  Eflex's 
complain  that  there  is  no  law  to  take  that  benefit  Letters,  p.  185-6  7.  &c. 
from  them  ;  that  it  is  againft  the  King's  pleafure 

(a)  On  this  occafion  his  Excellency  "  afliired  fome  too  many  in  all  religions."     State  Let.  vol.  i.  p.  136  7. 

of  the  Roman  Catholic  Bifliops,  that   he  would  give  In  this  letter  10  Lord  Sunderland,  his    Excellency  ac- 

effedtual  orders,  that  whatever  ftiould  happen  of  that  quaints  him,  "  that  he  was  then  giving  the  neceflary 

kind,  the  parties  fliould   not  be  countenanced,  and  orders,  which  Lord  Sunderland   had  directed,  to  all 

that  their  fuperiors  ihould  have  notice  of  them.     For  Archbifliops,  Bifhops,  Sheriffs,  &c.  that  the  Roman 

that  he  was  too  well  acquainted  with   the  mifchief  Catholic  clergy  might  not  be  molefted  in  the  exercife 

that  fort  of  loafe  clergy  had  done,  who  would  fubmit  of  their  functions."  ib. 
to  no  authority;  of  which/'  adds  he,  "  there  are 


Ch.VU.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  335 

rior  Proteftant  clergy,  but  even  by  the  Bifhops  (3),  "  that  his  Excellency 
thought  himfelf  bound  to  fend  for  the  Bifhop  of  Meath  to  rebuke  him,  on 
that  account ;  and  to  let  him  know  his  mind  on  that  head,  which  that  Bifhop 
promifed  to  obferve."  And  (4)  although  he  had  refolved  "  to  hold  the  fame 
courfe  with  other  Bifhops,  and  had  even  fufpended  fome  of  the  turbulent 
preachers  (5),"  yet,  he  fays,  "  he  could  not  anfwer,  but  fome  impertinent 
things  would  be  faid  even  before  himfelf;  and  that  he  duril  not  undertake  to 
keep  the  inferior  clergy  of  Dublin  within  the  bounds  of  duty  and  good 


manners." 


C      H        A      P.          VII. 

The  CondnB.  of  the  Irijh  and  Englifb  Army  compared: 

IF  the  new  Irifh  recruits  were  infolent  and  flagitious,  their  officers,  accord- 
ing  to  Doctor  King's  account  of  them,  were  infinitely  more  fo.  Thefe  offi- 
cers were,  in  truth,  the  fons  of  fome  of  the  beft,  but  defpoiled,  families  of  the 
kingdom.  But,  if  we  (^believe  the  Doctor  (i),  "  they  were  the  fcum,  and 
(b)  rafcality  of  the  nation,  who  ruined  all  the  Proteftant  inns ;  and  might 
have  killed  whom  they  pleafed,  without  fear  of  the  law."  In  fhort,  thero 
was  no  irregularity,  vice,  or  villainy,  which  he  has  not  reprefented  them 
capable  of,  and  difoofed  to  commit. 

MR. 

(3)  Id.  ib.  vol.  i.  p.  84.  (4)  ib.  (5)  ib. 

(i)  State  of  the  Proteftants,  p.  47. 

(a)  Lord   Chief  Juftice  Keating,  (  "  whom,"  as  when  in   the  government,  had  recommended  feveral 
Lord  Clarendon  teftifies,  "  all    parties  owned    to  be  of  thefe  Roman  Catholic  officers  to  be   provided  for, 
a  good  man"     State  Let.  vol.  i.  p.  140.)  in  a  letter  as    Lord   Brittas,  Captain   Builer,   Major  McCarthy, 
dated   1688,  fays,  "  that    the  Roman  Catholic  nobi-  Colonel   Lacy,    and    others.     Stare  Let.   paflim,  and 
li'ty  and  gentry  of  Ireland  were  univerfa I ly  concerned  vol.  i.  p.  4.     The   firft   and  laft  of  the  above-named 
both  in  the  Irifh  army  then  raifed,  and  in  that,  which  officers,  he  fays,  were  almoft  ruined  by  Oatcs's  vil- 
was  afterwards  to  be  raifed."     Append,  to  King's  ftate  lainy.  ib. 

of  the  Proteftants,    &c.      Lord  Clarendon   himfelf, 

(b)  This  fcurrility  feems  lefs  indecently  applicable  ciplined,  and  trie  fituation  of  their  camp  as  well  cho- 
to  King  William's   officers    in  Ireland;    for  Marfhal  fen  as   the  ableft  generals  could  contrive.'*  ib-.  p.  51. 
Scomberg,  in  a  letter  to  his  Majcfty   from   Lifburn,  Of  his   own  officers    he  fays,     **  I    never   was   in 
January  1689,  tells  him,  "  that  moft  of  the  Irifb  of-  an   army,      where    there    were    fo  many    new  and 
ficers  under  him,  particularly  thofe  of  the  Ennifkillen-  kzy  officers.     The  officers  of  the  artillery  are  igno- 
«rs  and  Derry-men,   were  Peafants."      Dalrymple's  rant,  lazy,  and  timorous.     I  difcovered  that  in  the 
Mem.  vol.  ii.  p.  72.  part  ii.      The    fame  Marfhal  artillery,  there  has  been  a  great  deal  of  roguery."  ib, 
Scomberg  mentioning  the  Irifli  army,  fays,  "  theene-  p.  60,  ZJ,  et  paflim. 

jny  are  not  only  ftrong  in  numbers,  but  alfo  well-dif- 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  X, 

334-  H 

^efley  has  juftly  .obferved  on  this   occafion,  "  that  there  never  was, 
jrhaps  never  will  be,  a  war,  wherein  there  were   not  forne  di (orderly 
,  wicked  perfons ;  and  that,  that  army  is  beft  conduded  and  difciplined, 
/herein  fuch  crimes  are   feweft  and  leaft.     Now/'  fays  he,  "  whether  the 
Proteftant  army,  then  in  Ireland,  was  not  much  more  mifchievous  and  un- 
governable, than  the  Popifh,  I  appeal  to  the  teftimony  of  an  enemy  then  on 
-the  fpot" 

THAT  enemy  was  Doctor  Gorge,  fecretary  to  Marfhal  Scomberg,  who  in 
a  letter  to  Colonel  James  Hamilton  (2),  (after  having  told  him,  "  that  the  fol- 
diers  in  the  Proteftant  army  under  King  William,  robbed  and  plundered  at 
pleafure,  that  fome  of  its  (c)  leaders  ridiculed,  fcorned,  and  condemned,  all 
motions  for  its  good  government,  and  order,  and  faid,  that  religion  was  no- 
thing but  canting,  and  debauchery  the  neceflary  pradice  of  a  foldier)  takes 
notice,  by  way  of  contraft,  of  the  good  difcipline,  principles,  and  practices,  of 
the  Popifh  army  under  King  James,  the  ftricl  proclamations  publifhed  by 
that  King,  for  the  obfervance  of  good  order,  and  how  the  penalties  enjoined 
by  them,  were  feverely  and  impartially  executed."  J  odor  Gorge  adds, 
"  that  too  many  of  the  Engliih,  as  well  as  French  and  Danes,  in  King 
William's  army,  were  highly  oppreflive  to  the  poor  country-people,  whereas," 
fays  he,  "  their  enemies  (the  Irifh)  had  reduced  themfelves  to  that  order, 
that  they  exercifed  violence  on  none,  but  the  properties  of  fuch  as  they  knew 
to  be  abfent,  or  as  they  phrafed  it,  in  rebellion  againft  them  -,  whofe  ftock, 
goods,  and  eftates,  were  feized,  and  fet  by  the  civil  government,  and  the 
produce  applied  towards,  and  for,  the  charge  of  the  war." 

(2)  See  Append,  to  Lefley's  Anfwer  to  King. 

(c)  Marflial  Scomberg,  in  a  letter  to  King  Wil-  five  or  fix  Ennifkillen-troopers  began  to  ftrip  and  rob 

liam,  in  Febiuary  1690,  informs  him,  that  "  the  En-  him,  although  he  cried  out  that    he  was  Pay-mafter, 

niflcillen  and   Londonderry   regiments    were   upon  a  and  that  he  would  give  them  money  to  carry   him  to 

footing  oflicence  both  to  rob  and  fteal."     Dalrymp.  the  camp;  but  that  a  French  officer,  in  paffing,  hav- 

Mem.  vol.  iii.  p.  78.     In  another   letter,  he  tells  his  ing  known  him,  the  Ennifkilleners  brought  him  back." 

Majefty,  that,  "  one  muft  count  upon  the   troops  Id.  ib.  p.  66.      "  I   don't  love  to  pillage,"  adds  the 

railed  in  Ireland,  (for  his  Majefty's  fervice,)  only  as  Marfhal,  "  I  do  what  I  can  to  prevent  others  from 

To  many  Cravats.     That,  in  the  day  of  battle,  they  doing  it,  who  think  of  nothing  elfe."  Id.  ib.     "  Your 

will  always  throw  themfelves  upon  the  firft  plunder.  Majefty,"  fays  the  fame,   "  had  need  of  officers  of 

Thar  Mr  Harbord  (Pay-mafter  General  of  his  army)  juftice  to  reprefs  the  diforders  among  thefe  people 

had  experience  of  this.     For  that,  having  gone  one  (officers)  who  are  lazy,   and  live  only  bjr  theft  and 

night  with  his  fowling-piece,    upon   a   party  with  pillage."    ib.  p.  59. 
Count  Scomberg,  and  baring  fallen  from  his  horfe, 


CHAP. 


Ch.VIII.  CIVIL   WARS   IN    IRELAND.  337 


C      H      A      P.         VliL 


Irijh  Rafparees. 

A  LTHOUGH  Doctor  King  confefTes  (i),  "  that  the  hearts  of  the  Irifh 
,X\.  foldiery  were  generally  funk,  and  that  they  openly  declared  themfelves 
to  be  defirous  to  lay  down  their  arms,  propofing  to  themfelves  no  other  con- 
ditions, but  to  return  to  the  flation  in  which  they  were  in  at  King  James's 
acceffion  ;"  yet,  he  at  the  fame  time,  reprefents  that  whole  army  as  a  band 
of  furious  freebooters  and  robbers  (  a),  "  plundering  the  Proteftants  in  every 
part  of  the  country;  and  its  new  commiflioned  officers,  under  the  denomina- 
tion of  rapparees,  as  committing  fo  many  depredations  and  outrages,  on 
their  Proteftant  neighbours,  that  they  could  not  be  fafe  in  their  houfes."  This 
confcious  untruth,  I  fay,  he  was  not  afhamed  to  aflert,  in  the  body  of  his  book, 
though,  in  his  appendix  to  it,  he  has  published  a  letter  of  Lord  Chief  Juftice 
Keating  already  cited,  which  teftifies{2),  "  that  the  thefts  and  robberies,  then 
committed,  were  done  in  many  places,  by  the  cottiers  and  idlers  in  the  coun- 
try, and  often  by  King  William's  foldiers,  though  generally  fathered  on  King 
James's  army."  And  even  Burnet  has  owned,  that  (3)  "  many  of  King  Wil- 
liam's army  were  fufpecled  of  robbing  in  their  turns,  though  the  rapparees  car- 
ried the  blame  of  all  (b)." 

X  x  THE 

(i)  State  of  the  Proteft.  p.  82.  (2)  See  Append.  (3)  Hift.  of  his  own  times,  vol.  ii. 

(a)  This    the    Doftor    aflerts    without    proof;  better  ferved  by  them.     I  have  worked  all  this  week 
but  if  we  may  rely  on  what  JViaiftial  Sconiberg  fays  of  to  regulate  what    the   captains    fhould  give  their  fol- 
the  officers  under  his  comma:  d,  we  fhall  find  them  diers,  to  prevent  their  cheating  the  men."     Dalrymp. 
much  worfe  than  thofe  of  King  James.    "  The  troops  vol.  iii.  p.  50.     In  another  letter  to  the  King,  wherein 
of  Londonderry,  and  Ennifkillen,"  fays  he,  "  (as  well  he  ecu  fares   one  Major   Broadnax,  he   fays,  "  there 
as   the  French)  pillage  on   their  fide.  —  I  muft,  how-  are  many  other  officers  whom  1  could  wifli  in  England. 
ever,  tell  your  Majefty,  that  if  our   Irifli  Colonels  I  never  faw  any  more  wicked,  and  more  interefted." 
were  as  able  in  war,  as  they  are  to  pillage  the  country,  ib.  p.  33. 

and  not  to  pay  the  foldiers,  your  Majefty  would  be 

(b)  "  They  (among  the  Irifh)  who  received  pro-  The  following  paflage  from  Bilhop  Burnet,  is  ap- 
teclions  from  King  William's  generals,  and  were  yet  plicable  on  this  occafion.     "  The  King's  (William's) 
plundered  by  his  foldiers,  ran  with  particular  animo-  army  in  Ireland  was  almoft  as  heavy  on  the  country, 
fity  to  fwell  the  number  of  thefe  ravagers."   Lei.  Hift.  as  the  rapparees  were.    There  was  a  great  arrear  due 
of  Irel.  vol.  iii.  p.  589.     "  The  people  exclaimed,  in  to  them;  for  which  reafon,    when  the  King  fettled 
the  bitternefs  of  grief,  that  the  (Englifh)  army  were  a  government  in  Ireland,  of  three  Lords  Jumces,  be 
worfe  than  the  rapparees."    Id.  ib.  p.  590.  did  not  put  the  army  under  the  civil  authority,  but 

kept 


HISTORICAL   REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.X. 

THE  accounts,  ferioufly  given  us  of  thefe  Irifh  rapparees,  by  fome  Britifh 
writers,  are  really  as  ridiculous,  as  their  treatment  by  the  Englifh  foldiers, 
was  cruel  and  unjuft.  We  are  told  (4),  "  that  they  carried  the  locks  of  their 
mufkets  in  their  pockets,  and  hid  them  in  dry  holes  of  old  walls  j  and  that 
they  laid  their  mufkets  charged,  and  clofely  corked  up  at  the  muzzel,  and 
touch-hole,  in  ditches,  with  which  they  were  acquainted ;  that  their  xetreat 
was  fafe ;  for  that  they  hid  themfelves  in  the  unequal  furfaces  formed  by  bog- 
grafs;  or  laid  themfelves  all  along  in  muddy  water,  with  nothing  but  their 
mouths,  and  noftrils  above  it." 

BUT  Mr.  Lefley's  account  of  them,  who  had  much  better  means  of  infor- 
mation, is  both  piteous  and  (hocking.  <He  relates  it  as  a  well-known  fact, 
"  that  (5)  thofe,  who  were  then  called  rapparees,  and  executed  as  fnch,  were 
-for  the  moft  part,  poor  harmlefs  country  people  -,  that  they  were  daily  killed, 
in  vaft  numbers,  up  and  down  the  fields  -,  or  taken  out  of  their  beds,  and  fhot 
immediately;  which,"  adds  he,  "  many  of  the  Proteflants  did  loudly  atteft; 
and  many  of  the  country  gentlemen,  as  hkewife  feveral  officers  of  King  Wil- 
liam's army,  who  had  more  bowels,  or  juftice,  than  the  reft,  did  abhor  to  fee 
what  fmall  evidence,  or  even  prefumption,  was  thought  fufficient  to  condemn 
men  for  rapparees ;  and  what  fport  they  made  to  hang  up  poor  Iriih  people 
by  dozens,  almoft  without  pains  to  examine  them  ±  they  hardly  thought  them 
human  kind."  In  Dean  Story's  lift  of  perfons,  who  died  in  this  war,  there 
are  (6),  "  of  rapparees  killed  by  the  army,  or  militia,  one  thoufand  nine  hun- 
dred and  twenty-eight ;  of  rapparees  killed  and  hanged  by  the  foldiers,  with- 
out any  ceremony,  one  hundred  and  twenty-two." 

/ 

(4)  Sir  John  Dalrymp.  Mem.  of  Brit,  and  Irel.  part.  i.  p.  1 76.  (5)  Anfw.  to  King. 

(6)  Sir  John  Dalrymp.  ubi  fupra,  p.  176. 

kept  them  in  a  military  fubjeclion  to  their  officers;  were  fent  to  the  Lords  Juftices,  to  be  cautious  in  the 

for  he  fa  id,  fince  the  army  was  not  regularly  paid,  it  exercife  of  their  authority  over  them;  fo  the  country 

would  be  impoflible  to  keep  them  from  mutiny,  if  they  fliil  fuffered  much  by  thefe  forces."   Hift.  of  his  own 

were  put  under  ftricl  difcipline,  and  punifhed  accord-  times,  vol.  ii.  fol.  39.     Even  Harris  confeiTes,  "  that 

ingly.     The  under  officers   finding,    that    they  were  the  diforders,  and  robberies  committed  by  King  Wil- 

only  anfwerable  ro  their   fuperior  officers,  took  gieat  Ham's  army,  afforded  matter  for  infinire  complaints, 

liberties  in  their  quarters ;  and  inftead  of  protecting  that  it  was  found  by  experience,  that  that  army   waa 

the  country,  they  opprefled  it.  The  King  had  brought  almoft  as  heavy  on  the  country  as  the  rapparees  ;  that 

over  an  army  of  7000  Danes,  but   they  were  cruel  they  took  vaft  liberties  in  their  quarters,  and,  inftead 

fiiends,  and  though  they  were  matters ;  nor  were  the  of  protecting  the  country,  oppreflcd  it.     And  that, 

Englilh  troops  much  better, — but  the  pay,  due  for  notwithftanding  the  orders  of  the  Lords  Juftices,  ex- 

fome  months,  being  now  fent  over,  the  orders  were  travagant  outrages  were  daily  committed  by  it."    Life 

changed,  and  the  army  was  made  fubjecl  to  the  civil  of  King  William,  fol.  295-6. 
government.    Yet  it  was  underftood,  that  inftruftions 

CHAP. 


Ch.  IX.  CIVIL   WARS   IN    IRELAND.  339 

C      HA      P.         IX. 

A  Conf piracy  of  the  Proteftants  of  Dublin  againft  the  Government. 

DOCTOR  King  muft  have  entertained  a  very  mean  opinion  of  his  readers' 
underftanding,  if  he  expecled  to  be  believed  when  he  faid  ( i },  "  that 
the  government  of  Ireland,  during  Tyrconnel's  adminiftration,  purpofed  to 
ruin  the  trade  of  both  Proteftants  and  Papifts,  in  order  to  make  King  James 
abfolute  and  defpotic ;  that,  for  the  fame  end,  it  had  formed  a  fcheme,  to 
hang  up  one  half  of  the  Proteftants,  and  ftarve  the  other  (a)"  Thefe  notions 
are  fo  perfectly  burlefque,  that  they  do  not  deferve  a  ferious  anfwer  j  and 
yet  the  Doctor  has  fo  gravely  fet  about  proving  the  latter  affertion,  from  the 
circumftance  of  difarming  the  Proteftants  of  Dublin,  on  the  24th  of  February 
1688,  and  on  the  2oth  of  July  1689,  that,  I  hope,  I  fhall  be  excufedfor  tak- 
ing fome  notice  of  it. 

As  for  the  firft  disarming  (2),  "  this  author  himfelf  knew,  (and  probably 
at  that  time,  avowed)  that  the  neceflity  of  it  was  very  great,  and  urgent  j  as 
Derry  had  before  (b)^  on  the  yth  of  December  1688,  fhut  its  gates  againft 
the  King's  army ;  and  as  the  Ennifkilleners  (c)  had  marched,  attacked  and 

X  x  2  defeated, 

(i)  State  of  the  Proteft.  p.  71,  74.  (2)  Lefley's  Anfw.  p.  77. 

(a)  He  is  guilty  of  ftill  greater  extravagance  in  fay-      that  fo  he  compared   that  defign,  he  cared   not  if  he 
ing,  "  that  the  Proteftants   could   not  but   conclude,      enflaved  himfelf",  and   the  kingdoms."     State  of  the 
that  King  James  was  fo  intent   upon  deftroying  them,      Proteft.  p.  59. 

(b)  "  By  an  order  of  the  Irilh  Commons,  Decem-  fubmitted   to,  almoft  through  the   whole  kingdom; 
ber  yth,   1695,  the  Lord  Lieutenant  was  acquainted,  and  that  what  was  taken  from  the  Proteftants,  before 
that  it  was  the  unanimous  opinion  of  that  houfe,  that  that  tim»,  was  difowned  by  the  late  King  James,  as 
the  late  rebellion  in  this  kingdom  could  not  be  thought  may  appear  by  feveral  proclamations  declaring,  that 
to   have  begun  before  the  loth  of  April  1689,  being  whoever  fhould  plunder  any  Proteftant,  fliould  be  an- 
the  time  given  by  his  Majefty's  (King  William's)  de--  fwerable  for  the  fame,  and  undergo  the  penalties  of 
claration  to  the  Irifti  to    lay  down   their  arms.     But  the  law."  Com  Jour.  vol.  ii.  fol.  801.     N.  B.  Auguft 
that  it  Aiould  feem  more  reafonable  to  have  its  firft  i3th,   1689,  Duke  Scomberg  landed  at  Banger  in  the 
beginning  from  the  time  Duke  Scomberg  landed  with  North  of  Ireland,  with  about  1 0,000  men.     Which, 
with  his  army  in  the  kingdom  ;  that  till  Duke  Scorn-  then,  of  the  two  parties  in  arms  fo  long  before  that 
berg's  landing,  the  late  King  James's  authority  was  time,  ought  to  be  deemed  rebels? 

^  Thefe  Ennifkilleners  were  mercilefs  enemies.  At  weapons  of  an  enemy,  tranfported  by  zeal,  and  re- 

the   battle  of  Lifnifkea,  they  *'  defeated,   and  pur-  femment.      Above  five  hundred   plunged  into  lake 

fued  the  Irifli  with  great  daughter,  granting  quarter  Earne,  and  but  one  of  that  multitude  efcaped."    Lei. 

to  none  but  officers.    About  two  thoufand  fell  by  the  Hift.  oflrel,  vol.  iii.  p.  534. 


340  HISTORICAL    REVIEW   OF   t&E  Bk.X. 

defeated,  a  party  of  his  Majefty's  forces.  He  knew,  that  the  Proteftant  gen- 
tlemen in  Ulfter  had  fent  a  deputation  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  December 
the  8th  1688;  that  they  had  received  commiffions  from  him  (and  they 
actually  proclaimed  him  in  the  beginning  t>f  March  following)  that,  by  reafon 
of  a  (d)  villainous  forged  letter,  found  in  Cumber,  letting  forth,  that  the  Pa- 
pifts  intended  to  maffacre  all  the  Proteftants,  the  whole  North  of  Ireland  ap- 
peared of  a  Hidden  in  one  blaze,  though  the  Proteftants  then  were  fo  far  from 
having  any  reafon  to  fear  the  poor  Irifh  there,  as  they  pretended  they  did  fear 
them,  that  they  had  them  panting  under  their  feet,  in  as  much  fubmiffion>  as 
ever  a  hawk  had  a  lark.'* 

DOCTOR  King  himielf  confefTes,  that,  before  King  James  left  England,  the 
Proteftants  of  Dublin  had  entered  into  a  plot,  to  (3)  feize  the  Lord  Deputy 
with  the  caftle,  where  the  ftores  of  arms  and  ammunition  (<?)  lay  (4) ;  "  he 
knew,  that  thefe  Proteftants  (and  himfelf  among  the  reft)  had  a  private  un- 
derftanding,  and  connection  with  the  Northern  rebels,  as  they  were  then 
called  *  that  when  they  were  difarmed,  February  24th,  1688,  all  the  Pro- 
teftants, generally,  in  Ulfter,  Munfter,  and  Conaught,  and  in  all  Ireland, 
except  Dublin,  and  other  parts  of  Leinfter,  (which  the  Lord  Deputy  kept  in 
awe,  with  what  forces  he  had)  were  then  actually,  in  arms  in  oppofition  to 
the  government,  and  had  entered  into  aflbciations;  to  carry  on  their  war. 
And  he  has  even  owned  (5),  "  that  King  James's  army  was  but  an  handful 
to  the  Proteftants,  there  being  even  after  the  difarming,  men  and  arms  enough 
m  Dublin,  fays  he,  to  have  dealt  with  them."  And  yet  this  impartial  writer  has 
reprefented  the  government's  difarming  the  Proteftants,  at  fuch  a  critical  junc- 
ture, as  nothing  lefs  than  a  defign  to  maffacre  them. 

(3)  State  of  the  Froteft.  p.  82.  (4)  Lefley,  ubi  fupra,  and  p.  189.  (5)  King,  ib.  p.  82. 

(d)  Chief  Juftice  Keating,  fays,  "  Copies  of  that  letter  were  difperfed  all  over  the  Kingdom."     Append, 
to  ftate  of  the  Proreft.     "  That  letter  cauied  the  Proteftants  of  the  North  to  meditate  the  defign  of  rifing  againft 
the  government."     Lei.  vol.  iii.  p.  513. 

(e)  "  When  the  news,"  fays  he,  "  came  to  Ire-  fides  the  four  thoufand  of  the  army,  were  generally 
land,  that  King  James  had  fent  commiflioners  to  treat  without  arms  ;  and  that  thofe  who  were  in  arms,  were 
with  the  Prince  of  Orange,  it  was  propofc=d  by  fome  raw  and  cowardly.     To  do   it  effeftually,  there  need- 
to  feize  the  caftk   of  Dublin.     The  fuccefs  was  ex-  ed  no  more,  than  to  feize  the  Deputy  Tyrconnel,  &C. 
tnemely  probable ;   confidering  that  the  Papifts,  be-  King's  State  of  the  Proteft.  p.  83. 


CHAP. 


Ch.X.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IREL  AN7  D.  341 

CHAP.          X. 

The  dif arming  of  the  Proteftants  further  confidered. 

AS  for  the  fecond  difarming  of  the  Proteftants,  on  the  2oth  of  July,  1 689,  ( i ) 
"  It  was  in  the  very  heat  of  the  war,  between  King  James,  and  the 
Northern  aflbciators,  when  Kirk  had  came  from  England,  and  was  riding 
with  his  fhips  in  Loughfoil,  for  the  relief  of  Deny ;  which,  wkh  the  before- 
mentioned  confpiracy  of  the  Proteftants  of  Dublin,  to  feize  the  Lord  Deputy 
and  caftle,  will  furely  juiiiry  the  fufpicion  which  the  government  entertained 
of  thefe  Proteftants,  from  the  beginning." 

WITH  refped  to  the  fcheme  of  ftarving  one  half  the  Proteftants  of  Dublin, 
which  Do&or  King  fcas  imputed  to  King  James,  Mr.  Lefley  obferves  (2), 
"  that  the  hanging  two  of  his  Irifh  foldiers  before  a  Proteftant  baker's  door, 
for  ftealing  two  loaves,  not  worth  a  {hilling ;  and  the  leaving  £hem  to  hang 
there  forty-eight  hours  (which  Doctor  Gorge  teftifies)  to  terrify  others,  did 
not  look  like  ftarving  the  Proteftants  of  Dublin ;  but  rather  like  feeding  them, 
by  letting  them  have  bakers  of  their  own,  and  protecting  them  in  that  man- 
ner." And  as  for  that  King's  defign  of  hanging  the  other  half  of  the  Pro- 
teftants, Mr.  Lefley  alfo  obferves,  "  that  in  all  the  time  the  Proteftants  of 
Dublin  were  in  King  James's  power,  viz.  in  fummer  1689,  he  did  not  hang 
one  of  them,  though  fome  of  them  deferved  it  by  the  law  then,  as  Doctor 
King  —  could  witnefs." 

(0  Lefley ,  ubi  fepra.  (2)  Ubi  fupra.    See  Do£lor  Gorge's  letter.  Append. 


CHAP, 


HISTORICAL    REVEW   OF    THE 


Bk.  X. 


CHAP. 


XI. 


General  De  Rofen'/  Cruelty  before  Derry. 


AFTER  Derry  had  (hut  its  gates  againft  King  James,  and  feveral  times 
refufed  to  fubmit  to  his  authority  upon  any  conditions  whatever,  Ge- 
net^ De  Rofen,  a  foreigner,  was  fent  to  befiege  it ;  who  made  ufe,  indeed, 
of  a  barbarous,  tho'  not  unufual,  expedient  to  reduce  it  under  his  Majefty's 
obedience.  For,  finding  that  the  town  was  in  extream  want  of  provilions, 
lie  purpofed  to  increafe  their  diilrefs,  by  adding  to  their  number  j  for  which 
purpofe,  he  ifTued  orders  for  a  general  driving  of  all  the  Proteftants.  protected, 
and  unprotected,  within  thirty  miles  round ;  who  were  brought  to  his  camp, 
and  placed  before  the  walls  of  the  town,  in  hopes  that  their  friends  within 
would  receive  them  into  it,  rather  than  fuffer  them  to  remain  in  fo  perilous  a 
(ituation.  On  account  of  this  inhuman  order  of  De  Rofen,  Doclor  King 
thought  himfelf  entitled  to  brand  the  whole  Irifh  army  under  him,  with  the 
decent  appellation  of  (a)  murderers,"  becaufe(i),  "  he  did  not  remember  to 

have 

(i)  State  of  the  Proteftants,  &c. 


(a)  «  Had  Do&or  K?ng,"  fays  Mr.  l.efley,  "  fuch 
a  ftory  as  that  of  Glenco,  to  tell  of  any  of  King  James's 
officers  in  Ireland,  O  J  what  declamations  we  fliould 
have  of  the  bloody  Irifli  cut-throais.  maflacrers,  &c. 
And  what  ufe  would  he  have  made  of  iheir  giving  it 
under  their  hands,  that  what  they  did,  was  by  the 
King's  exprefs  command,  and  none  punifhed  for  it?" 
Anlw.  to  King,  p.  184. 

That  Shocking  ftory  of  Glenco  is  thus  briefly  relat- 
ed by  a  late  intelligent  and  unprejudiced  writer.  "  A 
proclamation  was  publ  fhed  in  Aurunin,  1691,  which 
declared  that  all  rebels  who  took  the  oaths  to  the 
government,  before  the  fiift  of  January  enfuing, 
would  be  pardoned.  All  the  attainted  chieftains  of 
the  Highlands,  except  M'Donald  of  Glenco,  took  the 
oaths  before  the  time  prefixed.  Upon  the  laft  day  of 
December,  he  went  to  Foit- William,  anddefired  the 
oaths  to  be  tendered  to  him  by  the  gove/nor  of  the 
fortrefj,  who,  as  he  was  not  a  civil  magiftrate,  re- 
fufed to  adminifter  them.  M'Donald  then  went  to 
Inverary,  the  country  town,  to  take  them  ;  but  by 
bad  weather  was  prevented  from  reaching  it,  till  the 
wnn  prefcribed  by  the  proclamation  was  eiapfed.  The 


Sheriff"  fcrupled  at  firft,  but  was  prevailed  upon  at 
laft,  10  receive  his  allegiance.  Advantage  was  taken 
of  M  Donald's  not  having  complied  literally  with  the 
terms  of  the  proclamation,  and  a  warrant  for  proceed- 
ing to  execution  was  procured  from  the  King,  which 
was  figned  both  above  and  below  with  his  own  hand. 
Sir  John  Dalrymple,  the  fecretary,  gave  orders  that 
the  execution  of  it  fhould  be  efTe&ual,  and  without 
any  previous  warning.  For  this  purpofe,  in  the 
month  of  February,  two  companies  went,  not  as 
enemies,  but  as  friends,  to  take  quarters  in  the  valley 
of  Glenco,  where  all  the  clan  lived.  To  conceal 
the  intention  the  better,  the  foldiers  were  of  their  own 
lineage,  Highlanders  of  Lord  Argyle's  regiment.  They 
were  all  received  with  the  rude,  but  kind,  hofpittlity 
of  the  country.  They  continued  in  the  valley  near  a 
fortnight,  and  then,  in  the  night-time  rofe  to  butcher 
their  hofts  f  Captain  Campbell  of  Glenlyon,  who  was 
uncle  to  the  wife  of  one  of  M'Donald's  fons,  and  had 
fupped  and  played  cards  with  M'Donald's  family  the 
night  before,  commanded  the  party.  Thirty-eight 
men  were  flain.  The  reft  would  have  fhared  the  fame 
fate,  bad  not  the  alarm  been  given  by  one  of  M'Do- 
nald's 


Ch.  XI.  CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND.  343 

have  met  any  thing  like  it  in  hiftory,"  Had  the  Doctor  been  a  little  more 
converfant  with,  or  mindful  of  the  hiftory  of  his  own  country,  he  would 
have  found,  that  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  andfince  alfo,  many  orders 
of  equal,  or  greater  cruelty  had  been  iffued,  by  fome  of  the  moft  celebrated 
Englifh  commanders  of  thofe  times,  in  their  feveral  expeditions  againft  the 
Irifn.  In  the  year  1602,  Lord  Deputy  Mountjoy  boaftcd,  in  a  letter  to  the 
Englifh  council  [2],  "  that  with  his  army,  he  had  deilroycd  their  corn,  and 
caufed  a  famine ;  that  being  the  only  fure  way,"  adds  he,  "  to  reduce,  or 
root  them  out."  And  his  Secretary,  Morriffon  [3],  "  thought  the  war  was 
then  no  way  fo  likely  to  be  ended,  as  by  a  general  famine."  Which,  as  we 
have  already  feen,  they  did,  at  laft  completely  effect.  In  the  lift  of  Sir  Wil- 
liam Cole's  boafted  exploits  againft  theunfurgents  in  1641,  we  find  [4],  "  that 
within  a  few  months,  he  had  ftarved  and  famifhed,  five  thoufand  four  hun- 
dred and  fifty  feven  of  the  Irifh."  And  when  the  garrifon  of  Limerick,  which 
was  befieged  by  Ireton,  in  1650,  and  like  that  of  Deny,  was  in  great  want 
of  provifions,  had  turned  out  feveral  ufelefs  perfons  [5],  "  that  barbarous 
commander  caufed  fome  of  them  to  be  executed,  and  the  reft  to  be  whipped 
back  into  the  town  (b)? 

IN  September  1690,  the  Lords  Juftices  of  Ireland  iffued  a  proclamation, 
which  actually  produced  a  greater  famine  among  thelrifh,  than  that  which 
De  Rofen's  driving  was  only  intended  to  produce  [6].  By  that  proclamation, 
"  the  wives,  children,  and  families  of  all  thofe,  who  were  in  arms  againft 
King  William,  and  of  all  thofe  who  had  been  killed  in  the  fame  caufe,  and 
of  all  abfentees,  were  ordered  to  quit  all  places  under  his  Majefty's  obedience, 
upon  pain  of  being  treated  as  ipies  and  enemies ;  by  which  means,  great 
multitudes,  efpecially  of  women  and  children,  were  driven  into  the 

Irifh 

[2]  Morrif  Hift  of  Ireland,  fol.  115.  [3]  Id  ib.  fol.  68.  [4]  Borl.  HJft.  of  the  Ir.  Rtb. 

[5]  Ludlow's  Memoirs.  [6]  Lefley,  ubi  fupra. 

nald's  fons,  who  over-heard  one  of  the  foldiers  fay  to  execution  made  the  deeper  impreflion,    becaufe  tke 

another,  "  He  liked  not  the  work ;  he  feared  not  to  King  would  not  permit  any  of  thofe,  who  were  co»- 

figlu  the  M'Donald's  in   the  field,   but  had  fcarcely  cerned  in  it,  to  be  punifhed,  confcious  thst  in  their 

courage  to  kill  them  in  their  fleep  ;  but  that  their  of-  cafe  his  own  was  involved."     Sir  John  Dalrymple's 

ficers  were  anfwerable  for  the  deed,  not  they."    This  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  p.  213.  Dub.  ed. 

(b)  The  celebrated  Mr. Spencer,after  having  mention-  after  once  entering  into  this  courfe  of  reformation, 

ed,  that  Lord  Deputy  Gray  (whoie  Secretary  he  was)  in  there  be  afterwards  no  remorfe,  nor  drawing  back, 

carrying  on  the  war  againft  the  IrifhinMunfter,  in  1 580,  for  the  fight  of  any  fuch' rueful  objects,  as  muft  tbere- 

'•  had  driven  them  to  fuch  an  extremity  of  famine,  that  upon  follow,  nor  for  compaflion  of  their  calamities; 

they  digged  dead  carcafies  out  of  the  graves  for  food,"  feeing  that  by  no  other  means  it  is  polfibte  to  cure 

was  not  aihamed  to  conclude  in  thefe  Shocking  words,  them."    Stale  of  Irel.  p.  166. 
"  therefore,  by  all  means  it  muft  be  allured,  that 


344.  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  X. 

Jrifh  quarters,    which  haftened  that   famine,   that   was  afterwards  among 
them." 

"  BUT  to  fpeak  impartially,"  fays  Mr.  [7]  Lefley  on  that  occafion,  "  is  not 
the  ftarving  of  a  country,  or  province,  as  barbarous  as  ftarving  a  city?  And 
was  not  crowding  all  the  Irifh,  men,  women,  and  children,  over  the  Shan- 
non in  this  war,  done  on  purpofe  to  reduce  them  to  famine?  And  it  had 
that  erlecl.  Many  of  thefe  wretches  died,  many  women  mifcarried,  and 
numbers  were  ftarved  in  that  driving  over  the  Shannon  ;  infomuch  that  fome 
of  the  (c)  Proteftant  officers,  who  were  employed  in  that  expedition,  expreffed 
the  greateft  regret  to  fee  fuch  lamentable  fpeclacles,  and  were  afhamed  of 
their  commirTions ;  and  thofe,  who  were  thus  driven,  had  King  William's 
protections  in  their  pockets." 


CHAP.          XII. 

King  James  Countermanded  De  RofenV  Order  asfoon  as  he  beard  of  if. 

I  AM  far  from  vindicating,  or  even  meaning  to  extenuate  the  cruelty  of 
De  Rofen's  order,  from  any  former  examples  of  the  fame  kind ;  though 
many  more  than  thofe  I  have  mentioned  might  be  produced,  in  the  com- 
manders of  armies,  on  fuch  occasions  [i].  King  James  himfelf  exprefled  the 
higheft  refentment  of  It,  and  put  a  [a]  flop  to  its  execution,  on  the  firft  notice  5 
and  in  his  circular  letters  to  the  governors  of  towns,  and  to  the  officers  com- 
manding in  chief  in  the  North,  he  commanded  them  by  no  means  to  obey  it; 
and  accordingly,  that  order  was  not  executed  in  moft  parts  of  that  province. 
This,  adds  [2]  Mr.  Lefley,  I  had  from  the  officers,  to  whom  thefe  orders  were 
fent,  and  from  feveral  Proteilants  who  have  feen  them,  and  can  produce 

them." 

[7]  Anfw.  to  King,  p.  185.  [i]  Lefley,  ubi  fup ra.  [2]  Id- ib. 

(t)  The  Irifli  officers  likewife,  who  were  employed  ing,  and  obeying  ;  and  many  of  them  owned,  that 
in  De  Rofen's  driving,  "  extcoied  thefe  •  rders  againft  the  cries  they  then  heard  rang  for  ever  after  in  their 
their  countrymen,"  lays  Sir  John  Dalrympie,  '*  weep-  ears."  Memoirs,  part.  ii.  p.  40. 

(a)  "  It  would  be  inhuman  to  the  memory  of  the      tt,  becaufe   his   own   fufferings  had  probably  tnught 
unhappy,  to  impute  the  diigraceof  this  adio!)  to  King      him  to  feel  for  thofe  of  wbe«."     DakyoJpie'l 
James.    He  revoked  the  order  as  foon  as  he  heard  of    part.  ii.  p.  41. 


Ch.  XIII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  345 

them."  Mr.  Lefley  alfo  (3)  appeals  to  the  Earl  of  Granard,  then  living, 
;  whether  the  fame  day,  that  the  news  of  this  order  of  De  Rofen's  came  to 
Dublin,  his  Lordfnip  did  not  tell  King  James  of  it,  and  whether  his  Majefly 
did  not  anfwer,  that  he  was  grieved  for  it,  tnat  he  had  fent  immediate  orders 
to  difcharge  it,  a/id  that  none  but  a  barbarous  Mufcovite,  (for  fuch,  it  feems, 
De  Rofen  was,)  could  have  thought  of  fo  cruel  a  contrivance."  This  Earl  was 
accounted  very  (4)  zealous  for  the  Protr.iiant  intereil  j  his  Lady  was  a  Preiby- 
teriiiii,  and  he  had  conftantly  received  five  hundred  pounds  a  year  from  King 
Charles  the  fecond,  to  b"  dirlributed  among  the  Prefbyterian  clergy  in  the 
Nor  h  of  Ireland,  even  when  he  permitted  a  cruel  perfecution  of  their  bre- 
thren in  England." 

AFTER  all,  the  garrifon  of  Londonderry  was,  it  feems,  refolved  not  be  be- 
hind-hand in  cruelty  with  De  Rofen  himfelf  (5).  "  For  they  ereded  gibbets, 
and  had  determined  to  hang  fome  Iriih  gentlemen,  who  were  prifoners  in  the 
town,  had  not  De  Rofen's  order  been  fo  foon  countermanded.  And  fome  add, 
that  they  even  threatened  to  eat  them  after  they  were  hanged ;"  which,  from 
the  extreme  want  of  food,  which  they  then  laboured  under,  feems  not  to  be 
very  improbable. 


HAP.          XIII. 


'The  Prote/lants  of  Ireland  were  not  deprived  of  their  Churches  by  King  James, 

as  Doctor  Kmgfets  forth. 

KING  James,  when  in  Ireland,  was  not  actuated  by  that  intemperate  fa) 
zeal  for  the  re-eftablifhment  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  which  he 
had  before,  on  fome  occafions,  difcovered  in   England ;  probably  becaufe  he 
had  experienced  the  unhappy  efFeds  of  it  in  the  latter  kingdom.     Even  when 

Y  y  he 

(3)  ib.  p.  io3.  (4)  Har.  K.William,  fol.  105.  Note.  (5)  Id.  ib. 

(a)  The  true  caufe  and  motive  of  King  James's  alarming  remembrance  of  his  father's  murder,  and  of 

endeavours  to  re-eltablifli  the  Roman  Catholic  reli-  his  brother's  inceflant  troubles  during  his  whole  reign, 

gion  in  England,  feems  not  fo  much  to  have  been  any  which  were  both  caufed,  principally,  by  thofe  very 

bigoted  attachment    to  that  religion,  (as  is  commonly  men,  who  were  the  greatest  enemies  of  that  religion, 

thought)  as,  "  his  fufficiently  knowing,  that  he  could  and  who  impudently  called   themfelves  the  only  true 

never  be  in  entire  fafety,  till  the  Catholic  religion  was  Proteftants  ;  will  abate  fomewhat  of  their  wonder  at 

eftabliftied  in  England,  in  fuch  a  manner  as  not  to  be  thefe  his  unconilitutional   endeavours   to  give    fome 

ruined,  or  deftroyed."     Thefe  were  his  own  words  eflablifhment  to  his  R.  C.  fubjccls,     See  Sir   John 

in  a  private  conference  with  Barillon,    the  French  Dalrymp.  Mem.  vol.  iii.  p.  37. 
embaflkdor.    And  whoever  confiders  his  recent  and 


346  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk  X. 

he  fent  the  Earl  of  Clarendon  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  one  of  his  inftruc- 
tions  to  him  was[i],  "  to  confult  the  (b)  Archbiihop  of  Canterbury  in  all 
the  religious  affairs  of  that  kingdom."  And  Dodor  King  [2]  confeffes,  that 
when  he  was  there  in  perfori,  he  turned  out  the  Popifh  Mayor  of  Wexford, 
for  not  reftoring  a  church  of  which  the  Proteftants  of  that  city  had  been  dif- 
poffeffed ;  and  that  he  expreffe.l  himfelf  with  more  pailion  on  that  occafion, 
than  wras  ufual  to  him."  This  was  a  fad  fo  notoriouily  true,  that  the  Dodor 
was  afhamed  to  deny,  or  conceal  it  ;  but  he  was  not  afhamed  to  affirm  and 
publifh  what  was  as  notorioufly  untrue,  viz.  [3]  "  that  in  the  diocefs  of 
Dublin  alone,  twenty-fix  churches  and  chapels  were  by  him  taken  from  the 
Proteftants  j  and  that  his  Majefty  could  not,  or  rather  would  not,  prevent 
the  demolilhing,  defacing,  or  fd zing  of  nine  churches  out  of  ten." 

KING  James  had  published  a  proclamation,  December  13th,  1689,  againft 
meddling  with  any  of  the  Proteftant  churches  in  Ireland,  as  a  violation  of  the 
act  of  liberty  of  confcience  [4].  But  "  his  promifes  to  protect  the  Proteftants 
of  that  kingdom,"  fays  Dodor  King,  "  were  meer  pretences;  the  Popifh 
Priefts  having  taken  poiTeffion  of  molt  of  the  churches  there,  by  his  private 
permiffion  (c) (d)" 

MR. 

[i]  Clarend.  State  Let.  vol.  i.  p.  50.     [2]  Uhi  fupra.      [3]  State  of  the  Protcft.  &c   p.  177.     [4]  ih.  p.  174. 


(1)  The  Earl  of  Clarendon,  in  a  letter  to  Lord 
Sunderland,  having  informed  him,  "  that  a  Printer 
in  Dublin  had  petitioned  for  liberty  to  reprint  the  pa- 
pers, that  were  found  in  the  Jare  King's  clofet,  fhew- 
ing  his  reafons  for  becoming  a  Roman  Catholic,  as 
they  had  been  before  printed  in  England  ;  and  ihat 
he  thought  it  not  tit  to  grant  fuch  liberty,  till  he  knew 
his  Majefty's  pleafure  ;  foon  after  wrote  to  the  lame 
Lord,  "  that  he  was  very  glad  his  Majefty  was  pleaf- 
ed  to  approve  of  what  he  had  done,  concerning  print- 
ing, and  (topping  of  books,  from  beyond  feas."  State 
Let.  vol.  i.  p.  136.  and  vol.  ii.  p.  204.  His  Lord- 
fhip  mentions  two  parcels  of  Roman  Catholic  books, 
which  he  flopped,  one  of  religious  controverfy,  called 
Pax  Vobis ;  and  the  other,  a  traft  justifying  the 

(c)  King  James  was  hardly  ever   noted  for  dupli- 
city of  conduct  }  this   can't  be  laid  of  his  competitor 
for  the  crown.     The  Prince  of  Orange,  in  a  letter  to 
the  Emperor,  acquainting  him  with  his  intended  ex- 
pedition into  England,  fays,  "   I  affure  your  Imperial 
Majefty,  by   th;s    letter,  that  whatever  reports   may 
have  been  fpread,  and  notwithftanding  thofe,  which 
may  be  fpread  for  the  future,  f  have  not  the  leaft  in- 
tention to  do  any  hurt  to  his  Britannic  Majefty,  or  to 
thofe  who  have  a  right  to  pretend  to  the  fucceffion  of 

(d)  And  yet  Doftor  King,  at  the  fame  time,  con- 
feffes, "  that  the  Proteftants,  in  their  application  to 
government  for  the  recovery  of  forne  churches,  had 


infuue&ion  in  1641,  and  condemning  the  ncls  of  fet- 
tlement,  under  the  title  of  the  Bleeding  Iphigenia.  ib. 
King  James,  in  a  private  letter  to  the  Piince  of 
Orange,  Jan.  26,  1686,  exhibits  a  laudable  fpirit  of 
toleration.  "  I  do  eafily  b<  Sieve,"  fays  he,  "  you 
are  not  for  profecuting  any  meerly  for  their  religion  : 
1  always  was}  and  will  be  of  that  mind  ;  and  am  of 
your  opinion,  that  it  was  the  very  hard  ufage  the 
Hugonotshad,  and  have  ftill  in  France,  which  made 
that  affair  of  the  regulars  (Fiiars,  whom  the  ftates 
were  then  going  to  banifh)  be  talked  on  whete  you 
are;  and  hope,  as  to  that,  you  will  continue  of  the 
fame  mind  you  are."  Sir  John  Dalrym.  Mem.  vol.  iii. 
p.  72. 

his  kingdoms,  and  ftill  lefs  to  make  an  attempt  upon 
the  crown."  And  a  little  after  ;  "  I  ought  to  in- 
treat  your  Imperial  Majefty  to  be  allured,  that  I  will 
employ  ail  my  credit  to  provide,  that  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholics of  that  country  may  enjoy  liberty  of  con- 
fcience, and  be  put  out  of  jear  of  being  perfecuted  on 
account  of  their  religion"  Sir  John  Dairymp.  Mem. 
vol.  iii.  p.  170.  See  Append.  Not  only  the  Empe- 
ror, but  the  Pope  himfelf,  was  cajoled  by  thefe  deceit- 
ful aflurances. 

the  luck  to  gain  feveral  of  the  Popifli  nobility  to  fa- 
vour their  funs."  Ubi  fupra,  p.  176. 


Ch.  XIV.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  347 

MR.  Lefley  treats  this  whole  accufation,  as  a  notorious  untruth  and  ca- 
lumny [5] ;  he  calls  upon  Dodor  King,  to  fhew  one  Proteftant  church  in  Ire- 
land, that  was  taken  away,  either  by  King  James's  order,  or  connivance. 
He  affirms  that  his  Majefty  was  fo  very  careful  of  the  Proteftants,  in  that 
point,  that  even  at  Dublin,  where  he  kept  his  court,  neither  the  cathedral, 
nor  any  pariih  church  in  the  whole  city  was  taken  from  the  Proteftants;  he 
owns,  that  he  took  Chrift-church  for  his  own  ufe,  becaufe  it  was  always  re- 
puted the  King's  chapel.  But  Doctor  King  himfelf,"  adds  he,  "  and  others, 
then  preached  paffive  obedience  in  their  own  pulpits  in  Dublin ;  and  that  to 
fuch  a  degree,  as  to  give  offence  to  fome  of  their  Proteftant  hearers,  who 
thought  they  ftretched  even  to  flattery  \_e~\." 

THESE  pofitive  afTertions,  publickly  and  grievoufly  impeaching  Doctor 
King's  veracity,  having  never  fince  been  contradicted,  or  even  queftioned  by 
him  or  his  friends,  afford  the  ftrongeft  prefumption,  that  they  were,  at  that 
time,  generally  known  and  acknowledged  to  be  undeniably  true. 


HAP.          XIV. 


King  William'/  Treatment  of  the  Epifcopal  Clergy  in  Scotland,  compared  with 
King  James'/  Behaviour  towards  the  Proteftant  Clergy  of  Ireland. 

R.  Lefley  has  drawn  a  parallel  between  King  William's  behaviour  to 
the  epifcopal  clergy  of  Scotland,  and  King  James's  to  thofe  of  the 
eft abliihed  church  of  Ireland,  at  the  fame  time.  viz.  in  the  year  1689;  by 
which  it  appears,  that  the  former  did  actually  effect  in  Scotland,  what  the 
latter  was  only  fufpeded  to  have  defigned  in  Ireland. 

"  WHEN  [i],"  fays  he,  "  the  ftates  of  Scotland  were  convened  by  King 
William's  circular  letter  of  March  1689,  the  oaths  required  by  the  law  to  be 
taken  by  all  members  of  parliament,  or  any  judicature,  before  they  can  fit 

Y  y  2  and 

[5]  Anfw.  to  King.  f  ij  Pief.  to  bis  Anfwer  to  King. 

(e)  "  Do&or  King  then  ufed  to  fay,  that  perfe-  fee  a  cartful  of  clergymen  going  to  the  flake  for  aflert- 
rution  never  hurted  religion,  but  that  rebellion  de-  ing  the  principles  of  religion."  Lefley,  Anfw.  Pref. 
Itroyed  it  •,  and  that  it  would  be  a  glorious  fight  to 


348  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  X. 

and  vote  there,  being  laid  afide,  the  antimonarchical,  and  fanatical,  party 
were  admitted  into  the  houfe;  and  thereby,  becoming  the  greater  number 
(when  the  major  part  of  Scotland,  and  much  the  greater  part  of  the  nobility 
and  gentry,  were  epifcopal)  did  afterwards  frame  an  a6t  c-T  grace,  pardoning, 
and  acquitting  all  thofe,  that  had  been  concerned  in  the  open  and  public  re- 
bellions of  Pentland-hills,  and  Bothwell-bridge ;  and  thus  thefe  furies  incar- 
nate, the  aifaffinates  of  the  Lord  Archbifhop  of  St.  Andrews,  as  many  of 
them  as  were  then  alive,  were  enabled  to  become  members  of  parliament. 
The  fanatical  mob,  that  had  rabbled  the  epifcopal  clergy,  were  armed,  and 
made  the  guard  of  this  meeting  of  the  efiates,  and  refolved  to  facrifice  any, 
who  durft  oppofe  their  defign?.  They  attacked  the  Archbifhop  of  Glafcow 
in  the  ftreets  of  Edinburgh,  where  the  convention  fate." 

"  ON  the  31  ft  of  May,  1689,  King  William  fent  inflrudions  to  Duke 
Hamilton,  cornmifTioner,  in  thefe  words,  "  you  are  to  pafs  an  act,  turning 
the  meeting  of  the  eftates  into  a  parliament,  and  the  three  eftates  are  to  con- 
fift  of  the  noblemen,  barons,  and  burgeffes."  Accordingly,  the  meeting,  where 
the  Bifhops  formerly  fate,  was  on  the  5 th  of  June,  1689,  turned  into  a  par- 
liament, the  Bifhops  being  firft  excluded.  Two  days  after,  that  parliament 
panned  an  acl:  fettling  Prefbyterian  church-government,  and  on  the  22d  of 
July  following,  abolifhed  epifcopacy.  This  was  done  in  confequence  of  new 
inftrudtions,  fent  to  Duke  Hamilton  in  thefe  words,  "  You  are  to  touch  the 
acl  abolifhing  epifcopacy,  as  foon  as  you  can  j  and  to  refcind  all  acls  incon- 
fiftent  therewith."  Thefe  (a)  inftrudions  were  figned  by  King  William,  at 
White-hall,  July  lyth,  1689,  and  the  adl  was  touched  at  Edinburgh,  on 
the  22d  of  the  fame  month ;  and  thus  fell  epifcopacy  in  Scotland,  two  months 
and  eleven  days,  after  King  William  and  Queen  Mary  took  upon  them  the 
crown  of  that  kingdom,  which  was  the  i  ith  of  May,  1689." 

(a}  «<  They  were  printed  at  London,  by  order  of  meeting  of  eftates  and  parliament  there  by  the  corn- 
King  William,  an.  1689;  and  the  Scots  a£ts  of  con-  miflloner,  then  exercifing  the  office  of  Clerk-regitfer, 
vention,  and  parliament  above  quoted,  are  collected  and  printed  Cum  Privilegio  at  Edinburgh,  an.  i69<x'' 
and  extracted  from  the  rcgilkrs,  and  records  of  the  Lefley,  ib. 


CHAR 


Ch.XV, 


CIVIL    WARS   IN    IRELAND. 


349 


HAP. 


XV. 


The  true  Caufe  of  the  Decline  of  the  Proteftant  Religion  in  Ireland^  in  the  Reign 

of  King  James, 


*  |  (HE  decline  of  the  Proteftant  religion  in  Ireland,  in  the  reign  of  King 
James,  was  not  owing,  as  Doclor  King  fuppofes,  cither  to  the  violence 
of  his  government,  or  the  artifice,  or  induttry  of  his  priefts ;  but  to  the  (a) 
negligence  at  firft,  and  afterwards,  to  thefelf-intereftednefs,  of  its  own  clergy. 
Of  their  negligence  (i ),  Lord  Clarendon  himfelf  (b)  frequently  complained,  in  his 
letters  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  whom,  as  I  have  already  obferved,  the 
King  had  ordered  him  to  confult,  in  all  the  religious  affairs  of  that  kingdom. 
And  the  effects  of  that  negligence,  together  with  the  enfuing  war,  (for  which 
religion  was  the  pretence)  were  fuch,  that  Mr.  Lefley  fays,  "  he  (2)  was  himfelf 
a  witnefs,  that  Atheifm,  contempt  of  all  religion,  debauchery,  and  violence, 
were  more  notorious  and  univerfal,  in  the  Proteftant  army  in  Ireland,  from 
the  year  1688  to  1692,  and  more  publickly  owned,  than  fince  he  knew  the 
world.  That  to  his  knowledge,  feveral  had  turned  Papifts,  on  account  of 
the  lewdnefs  of  the  army,,  and  the  apoflacy  of  the  clergy.  And  that,  how- 
ever it  might  feem  a  paradox,  it  was  neverthelefs  true,  that  there  had  been 
more  converts  to  Popery,  in  England  alfo,  and  from  the  fame  caufes,  within 

the 


(i)  State  Let.  vol.  i.  p.  215. 


(2)  Ubi  fupra,  p.  36-7  8. 


(a)  "  I  do  not  find,"  fays  Mar  dial  Scomberg,  in  a  hort  the  people  to  die  for  ihe  church  of  Rome,  and  jtj 

letter  to  King  William,  from  Lifburn,  Decem.  1689.  putting  thcmfelves  at  their    head."     Dair/fflp. . Meia. 

"   that  ihe  mir.itlc'is  apply  rhem'tlvrs  enough  to  their  vol.  iii.  p.  59. 
Jury;   whilft  the  Roaiifn  Pi  lefts   are  paliionate  to  ex- 


(l)  Tn  one  of  thefe  letter?,  he  tells  his  Grace,  "  that 
very  Jew  of  the  clergy  refided  in  their  cures ;  but 
employed  pitiful  curates,  which  neceiTitated  the  peo- 
ple to  look  after  a  Romiili  Prieft,  or  a  non-conforrrrift 
preacher,  of  both  which  there  was  plenty.  That  he 
found  it  an  ordinary  thing  in  Ireland  for  a  minifter  to 
have  five  or  fix,  or  more  cures,  and  to  get  them  fup- 
plied  by  thofe,  who  will  do  it  cheapeft.  When," 
adds  he,  '*  I  difcourfe  with  my  Lords  the  Bifhops  on 
thefe  things,  1  confefs  I  have  nor  fatisfaflory  anlwers." 
ib.  vol.  i  p.  215.  Even  Marfhal  Scomberg  himfelf 
complained  to  King  William  in  1690,  «  that  the 


(eftablifhed)  clergy  of  Ireland  were  people,  thai 
litfle   attached   to  their  puriflics.v      Dalrynip.  Men), 
vol.  ii.  Append,  p.  79. 

Lord  Clarendon  complained  in  1685-6,  **  that  feve- 
ral of  the  clergy  were  abfent  in  England  ;  and  among 
thefe  the  Archbiftop  of  Tuaoi ;  and  the  Bi/hop  of 
Down  and  Connor:  that  the  former,  after  three 
years  abfence,  was  refolved  to  come  home ;  but  that 
the  latter,  who  had  been  abfent  from  his  charge  fix 
years,  defired  to  have  his  licence  of  abfence  renewed  ; 
and  that  yet,  it  was  really  a  fliame  to  think  how  his 
diocefs  lay."  State  Let.  vol.  i.  p,  215, 


350  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  Bk.  X. 

the  four  years  above-mentioned,  than  in  four  years  before  that  period."  That 
is  to  fay,  more  in  the  four  years  after  King  James's  abdication,  when  he  could 
make  ufe  of  neither  force  nor  allurements,  to  gain  converts  to  his  religion, 
than  in  all  the  time,  that  he  had  it>fo  amply  in  his  power,  to  employ  both 
thefe  means  of  fedudion,  for  that  purpofe. 

BISHOP  Burnet  has  accounted  for  this  fudden  growth  of  irreligion  and  im- 
morality, at  that  juncture,  in  the  fame  manner.  "  A  difbelief,"  fays  he  (3), 
*'  of  revealed  religion,  a  profane  mockery  of  the  chriflian  faith,  and  the  myf- 
teries  of  it,  became  fcandalous  and  avowed  ;  and  it  muft  be  confefTed,  that 
the  behaviour  of  many  clergymen  gave  Athiefts  no  fmall  advantage..  They 
had  taken  the  oaths  to,  and  read  the  prayers  for,  the  prefent  government  i 
they  obferved  the  orders  f  ~>r  public  fafts  and  thanfgivings ;  and  yet  they 
ihewed,  in  many  places,  their  averfion  to  our  eftabliihment  too  viiibly.  This 
made  many  conclude  that  the  clergy  were  a  fort  of  men,  that  would  fwear, 
and  pray,  even  againfl  their  confciences  rather  than  lofe  their  benefices  ;  and 
by  confequence,  that  they  were  governed  by  interefl,  not  by  principle. 
Upon  the  whole  matter,  the  nation  was  falling  into  a  general  corruption, 
both  as  to  morals,  and  principles  ;  and  th.it  was  fo  much  fpread  among  all 
forts  of  people,  that  it  gave  us  great  apprehenfions  of  heavy  judgments  from 
Heaven  fcj." 


H      A      P.          XVI. 


The  Perplexity  of  the  eftablifhel  Clergy  of  Ireland  after  the  Coronation  of  King 

William. 

TH  E  ftrange  verfatility,  and  trimming  behaviour,  of  the  Iri/h 
clergy  on  this  occafion,  is  thus  freely  defcribed  by  Mr.  Lefley  (i). 
"  Before  the  aflbciation  in  the  North,  they  prayed  for  King  James ;  in  the 
beginning  of  March  following,  they  proclaimed  the  Prince  of  Orange  King;, 
and  prayed  for  him;  on  the  I4th  of  that  month,  King  James's  army  broke 
their  forces  at  Dromore,  in  the  North  of  Ireland  j  then  they  prayed  again  for 

King 

(3)  Hid.  of  his  own  times,  vol.  ii.  (i)  Anfw.  to  King,  p.  108. 

(c)  Queen  Mary,  in  a  letter  to  King  William.  July  would  take   care   of  the  church  in  Ireland.      Every 

1690,  has  thefe  remarkable  woida.      "  I  muft   put  body  agrees,    that  it  is  the  word  in  Chriftendom." 

^ou  in  mind  of  onrthing,  believing  it  now  the  feafon,  Dalrymp.  Mem.  vol.  iii.  p.  154. 
£the  King  was  then  in  Ireland,)  which  is,  that  you 


Ch.  XVII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND.  351 

King  James,  that  God  might  ftrengthen  him  to  vanquiih  and  overcome  all 
his  enemies;  in  Auguft  following,  Schomberg  came  over  with  an  Englilh 
army ;  then,  as  far  as  his  quarters  reached,  they  returned  to  pray  the  fame 
prayer  for  King  William,  the  reil  of  the  Pioteitants  ftili  praying  for  vidlory 
to  King  James.  And  yet  they  fay,  that,  all  that  while,  they  all  meant  the 
fame  thing;  four  times,  in  one  year,  praying  backward  and  forward,  point 
blank  contradictory  to  one  another.  The  (2)  Biuhop  of  Meath  in  his  fpeech 
at  the  head,  and  in  the  name,  of  the  Proteftant  clergy  of  Dublin,  took  pains 
to  clear  himfelf,  and  them,  to  King  William,  from  having  been  fo  much  as 
trimmers  to  King  James,  while  he  was  among  them  ;  that  is,  they  were  his 
inveterate  enemies.  Yet  his  Lordfhip  was  one  of  the  Lords  Spiritual  men- 
tioned in  the  addrefs  of  the  parliament  of  Ireland  to  that  King,  on  the  loth 
of  May,  1689  •,  in  which  they  abhor  the  unnatural  ufurpation  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  and  the  treafon  of  thofe  who  joined  with  him  in  England,  and  Ire- 
land ;  and  profefs  to  King  James  with  their  tongues  and  hearts,  that  they  will 
ever  affert  his  rights  to  his  crown,  with  their  lives  and  fortunes,  againft 
the  faid  Ufurper,  and  his  adherents,  and  all  other  rebels  and  traitors  what- 
foever  (3)." 


HA      P.          XVII. 


The  eftabli/bed  Clergy  of  Ireland  laboured  under  a  particular  Difficulty  on  this 

Occafion. 

AFTER  King  James's  abdication,  the  parliament  of  England  abolifhed 
the  declaration,  viz.  (i)  "  that  it  was  not  lawful  upon  any  pretence 
whatfoever,  to  take  up  arms  againft  the  King."  But  this,  by  fome  neglect,, 
was  ftill  left  upon  the  Irifh  Proteftant  clergy,  under  the  penalty  of  forfeiting 
their  livings,  and  as  many  of  them  as  came  into  livings,  after  the  revolution 
(among  whom  Doctor  King  was  one)  read  the  faid  declaration  publickly,  in  time 
of  divine  fervice,  and  were  to  continue  fo  to  do,  until  fome  parliament  took  it 
away.  Notwithftanding  which,  they  preached  againft  it,  difputed  againft  it, 
and  inftruded  their  congregations  againft  it.  And  yet,  to  fave  their  livings, 
they  continued  ftill  to  fubfcribe  this  hated  declaration,  before  their  ordinaries ; 
and  took  certificates  under  their  hands  and  feals,  that  they  had  fubfcribed  it ; 
and  openly  and  publickly  read  the  fame,  on  the  Lord's  day,  in  their  parifh 

churches, 

(2)  Id.  ib.  p.  103.  (3)  Id.  ib.  p.  103.  (i)  Leflcy's  Anfw.  to  King,  p.  113. 


35* 


OF      THE 


Bk.  X. 


churches,  in  the  prefence  of  the  congregation  there  affembled.  They  read  it 
in  the  defk,  and  preached  againft  it  in  the  pulpit;  and  when  they  came  out 
of  the  church,  railed  at  the  parliament,  that  impofed  it,  and  wondered  and 
curfed  their  hard  fate,  that  this  declaration  was  not  taken  out  of  their  way  in 
Ireland,  as  it  was  in  England,  and  wifiied  it  was  done.  In  the  mean  time 
they  would  lofe  nothing  by  it,  they  could  fwallow." 

NOR  was  their  embarraiTment  much  lefs,  upon  taking  the  new  oaths,  that 
xvere  afterwards  framed  [2].  "  There  never  wa ;,  proceeds  Mr.  Lefley,  fo 
fudden,  and  fo  fhameful,  a  turn  of  men  preferring  religion ;  and  their  man- 
ner of  doing  it  fo  impolitic,  as  to  make  it  evident,  that  they  took  the  oaths, 
at  leaft,  with  a  doubting  and  (a)  fcrupulous  confcience.  For  they  did  not 
take  them  freely,  but  haggled,  and  kept  off,  fome  to  the  laft  day,  roaring 
againft  them  all  the  while ;  and  then  coming  about,  all  at  once,  with  new- 
coined  diftinctions  and  declarations,  point-blank  contrary  to  the  declared 
fenfe  of  the  impofers  ;  they  differed  among  themftlves ;  every  one  had  a  falvo 
for  his  own  confcience ;  fome  pretended  they  kept  paffive  obedience  ft  ill, 
others  that  they  were  never  for  it.  It  was  a  fevere  jeft,  that  the  common 
people  had  got  up,  againft  the  clergy,  that  there  was  but  one  thing  for- 
merly, that  the  parliament  could  not  do,  that  is,  to  make  a  man  a  woman ; 
but  that  then,  there  was  another  that  is,  to  make  an  oath  the  clergy  would 
not  take." 


[2]  ib.  p.  J2J. 


fa)-  The  Irifli  Roman  Catholics,  "  made  no  fcru-      clergy."     Lefley's  Anfw.  p.  125.     The  Englifh  Ro- 
ple  to   take   the  oath  of  allegiance  to  King  William      man  v, vho'io,  in   their   chapels  at  London,  prayed 


and  Queen  Mary,  which  was  agreed  to  in  the  ar- 
ticles of  Limerick ;  and  it  was  generally  taken  by 
them  all  over  the  kingdom,  by  the  direction  of  their 


public kly,  at   the    fame  time,  for   King  William  and 
Queen  Mary.    Lefley,  ib,  p.  126. 


CHAP. 


Ch.  XVIII.  CIVIL    WARS    IN    IRELAND. 


CHAP.          XVIII. 


The  good  Faith  of  King  William'*  and  King  James';  Officers  compared. 

DOCTOR  King  was  not  afhamed  to  affirm  [i],  "  that  among  all  the 
articles  into  which  King  James's  officers  entered,  they  never  kept  any 
to  the  Proteftants."  Yet  thefe  Proteftants  themfelves  [2]  fpoke,  at  the  fame 
time,  with  commendation  and  honour,  of  Sarsfield's  punctual  obfervation  of 
his  articles,  when  he  took  Sligo,  to  omit  other  inftances  [3].  General  Ginckle 
owned  to  Major  General  Dorington,  in  the  prefence  of  the  Prince  of  Wirtem- 
berg,  Monfieur  Marquis  de  la  Foreft,  and  feveral  other  general  officers,  the 
good  ufuage  their  Prifoners  had  received  at  Limerick,  and  other  Irifh 
garrifons ;  and  moft  of  the  Proteftants,  that  belonged  to  the  North  of  Ire- 
land, did  then  confefs,  that  the  Irifh,  while  among  them  in  the  fummer 
of  1689,  kept  their  protections  better  to  the  Proteftants,  than  the  Pro- 
teftants kept  theirs  to  them.  Even  fome  of  the  moft  zealous  fticklers  for 
King  William's  government  have  complained  much,  that  the  articles  entered 
into  with  the  Irifh  at  Carrickfergus,  by  Marfhal  Schomberg,  were  not  (a) 
punctually  obferved.  For  when  that  general  firft  landed,  he  ifTued  pro- 
clamations of  protection  and  encouragement  to  the  Irifh,  who  would 
return  to  their  habitations,  and  follow  their  labour;  which  many  accept- 
ed, and  a  great  part  of  the  country  was  thereby  planfed,  fome  places  in  as 
full  a  manner  as  before  the  revolution ;  but  notwithftanding  thefe  protec- 
tions, the  Proteftant  army  fell  upon  them,  and  wafted  their  whole  country ; 
and  when  the  Irifh  held  out  their  protections,  they  tore  them,  and  bid 
them  wipe  their  a — e  with  them,  and  none  were  punifhed  for  this  breach 
of  protections." 

Z  z  NOT- 


{i]  State  of  the  Proteftants,  &c.                    [2]  Lefley,  ubi  fupra.                            [3]  Id.  ib. 

(a)  "  Upon  the  garrifon  of  Carricfergus  being  al-  gard  to  faith,  they  fell   furioufly  upon  the  garrifon, 

lowed  to  march  out  with  their  arms,  and  fome  baggage,  wrefted  their  arms  from  them,  plundered   the  more 

and  to  be  conducted  to  the  next  Irifh  garrifon,  fuch  helplefs,  and  were  reflrained    from  murder,  only  by 

was  the  refentment  of  the  Ulfter-Scots,  for  the  out-  the  more  vigorous  interpofition  of  the  genera!.'3    Lei. 

rages  they  fuftained  from  thefe  men,  and  fuch  their  Hift.  of  Irel.  vol.  iii.  p.  547. 
vifuleiu  entity  to  Popifti  troops,  that,  without  re- 


354  HISTORICAL    REVIEW    or    THE  Bk.  X. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  General  Ginckle's  proclamation  (4),  printed  at  Dub- 
lin, February  4th,  1690,  wherein  he  afTured  the  Papifts  in  their  Majefties 
names,  <c  that  all  of  them,  who  would  fubmit  to  their  Majefties  govern- 
ment, fhould  be  protected  as  to  their  religion,  eftates,  and  liberties;  yet 
that  did  not  (b)  hinder  the  multitude  of  out-lawries,  and  other  forfeitures,  pro- 
ceedings againft  thofe  Irifh  Papifts,  who  fubmitted  to  the  government,  on  that 
afTurance.  As  to  their  religion,"  adds  Mr.  Lefley,  "  they  did  not  complain, 
for  King  William  was  very  gracious  to  them  in  that  refped;  but  as  to  their 
perfons,  eftates,  and  liberties,  they  cried  out  heavily  of  breach  of  public  faith, 
and  great  oppreffion." 

MR.  Lefley  had  before  attempted  to  prove  that  thefe  forfeiting  Irifh 
were  not  guilty  of  rebellion  (5),  "  how  could  they,"  fays  he,  "  who  adhered 
to  King  James,  be  made  rebels  to  King  William,  before  they  had  fubmitted 
to  him?  If  you  fay  he  had  a  title  to  Ireland,  by  being  King  of  England,  be- 
caufe  Ireland  is  an  appendix  to  the  crown  of  England ;  I  anfwer,  from  the 
beginning  it  was  not  fo ;  and  the  government  of  England  being  diffolved,  as 
Dodor  King  fays,  by  abdication,  and  returned  back  to  the  fuppofed  Original 
contrad,  or  firft  right  of  mankind,  to  ered  government  for  their  own  con- 
venience, of  confequence  the  tye  which  England  had  upon  Ireland  was 
diffolved,  and  Ireland  left,  as  well  as  England  in  its  fuppofed  original  free- 
dom, to  choofe  what  government  and  governors  they  pleafed ;  befides  all  this, 
Dodor  King's  principles  freed  them  from  King  William  j  becaufe  of  the  pre- 
fumptions  they  had  to  think,  that  King  (c)  intended  to  invade  their  pro- 
perty, lives,  and  religion." 

(4)  Lefley's  Anfwer.  (5)  Id.  ib. 

(I)  "  The  impatience  of  William's  Engliflj  adhe-  ons,  granted  to  the  peafentry,  they  forced  this  order 

rents  only  ferved  tq^  confirm  the  Irifh  in  their  averfion  alfo,  to  croud  to  their  old  leaders,  and  to  take  arms 

to  the  new  government.     And   by  a   fliameful  difre-  for  their  fecurity."    Lei.  Hift.  of  Ird.  vol.  iii.  p.  574. 
gard,  and  ahnoft  perpetual  violation  of  his  protecli- 

(e)  The  Irifli  "  faw  their  religion  on  the  point  of  Lei.   ubi   fupra,  p.    576.     At   Chapel-Izod,  "  Wil- 

being  utterly  extinguished,  and   their  remains  of  pro-  liam  was  employed  in  receiving  petitions  and  redrrfT- 

perty  ready  to  be  feized  by   (hangers  ;  no  fecurity  in  iog  grievances,  arifing  from  the  perpetual   violations 

iubmiffion,  no  reliances  on  any  promifes  of  pardon."  of  his  protections."    Id.  ib. 


CHAP. 


Ch.XIX.  CIVIL   WARS   IN   IRELAND.  355 


CHAP.         XIX. 


AJbort  Sketch  of  the  Cruelties  infli£led  on  the  Irifh  Pr  if  oners  in  this  War. 

MR.  Lefley,  after  having  fhewn,  that  the  foregoing  charge  of  breach  of 
articles  made  by  Dodor  King  againft  King  James's  officers,  was  ground- 
lefs  and  wicked,  has,  by  way  of  contraft,  produced  feveral  notorious  and  un- 
co ntro  verted  inftances  of  the  perfidy  and  cruelty  of  King  William's  officers, 
towards  their  Irifh  prifoners,  in  the  courfe  of  this  war.  Out  of  thefe  inftances, 
I  fhall  feled  the  few  following ;  and  with  them  conclude  this  tedious  and  me- 
lancholy narrative  of  the  ftate  of  the  Irifh  at  different  periods,  for  the  fpace  of 
more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  years. 

"  WHEN  (i)  Drogheda  furrendered  to  King  William,  after  the  defeat  at 
the  Boyne,  the  fick  and  wounded  foldiers  were,  by  the  capitulations,  to  be 
taken  care  of,  and  to  be  fent  with  pafTes  to  their  own  army,  as  they  recovered. 
But  they  were  not  only  neglecled,  and  might  have  ftarved  but  for  the  charity 
of  fome  of  their  own  poor  countrymen,  who  fold  their  beds,  and  cloaths  to 
relieve  them,  but  they  were  alfo  kept  as  prifoners  after  they  recovered,  con- 
trary to  their  articles." 

UPON  (2)  the  furrender  of  Cork,  the  Irifh  army,  though  prifoners  of  war, 
were  by  the  conditions  to  be  well  ufed.  Notwithstanding  which,  even  thofe 
Proteftants,  who  were  moft  zealous  for  King  William,  owned,  that  the 
Irifh  (a)  General  narrowly  efcaped  being  murdered  by  the  inhabitants ;  that  he 
had  no  juftice  done  him,  nor  any  fatisfa£tion,  upon  his  complaint  to  the  Eng- 
lifh  General ;  and  that  the  garrifon,  after  laying  down  their* arms,  were 
ftripped ;  and  marched  to  a  marfhy  wet  ground,  where  they  were  kept  with 
guards  four  or  five  days ;  and  not  being  fullained,  were  forced  by  hunger  to 
eat  dead  horfes,  that  lay  about  them  j  and  feveral  of  them  died,  for  want 
even  of  that,  when  they  were  removed  from  thence.  That  they  were  after- 

Z  z  2.  wards 

(i)  Anfw.  to  King.  (2)  Id.  ib. 

(a)  General  M'Carthy,  of  whom  when  colonel,  extremely  well,    wherever  he  was  quartered,    with 

Lord  Clarendon,  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  report-  great   eafinef?,  and    moderation."     State   Let.   vol.   i. 

ed  to  the  Englifh  miniftry,  "  that    he  was  a   man  of  p.  45.     His  Excellency   foon  after  recommended  him 

quality,  and  a   feldier;  and  that  he  behaved  h'hnfelf1  to  the  King  to  be  made  a  Major  General,    ib.  p.  47, 


HISTORICAL    REVIEW    OF    THE  .'  Bk.  X. 

wards  fo  crouded  in  houfes,  jails,  and  churches,  that  they  could  not  all  lie 
down  at  once,  and  had  nothing  but  the  bare  floor  to  lie  upon  ;  where  the  want 
of  fuftenance,  and  the  lying  in  their  o\vn  excrements,  with  dead  carcaffes 
lying  whole  weeks  in  the  fame  place  with  them,  caufed  fuch  infection,  that 
they  died  in  great  numbers  daily..  The  Roman  Catholics  of  Cork,  though 
promifed  fafety,  and  prote6tion,  had,  on  this  furrcnder,  their  goods  feizcd, 
and  themfelves  {tripped,  and  turned  out  of  the  town  ibon  after." 

"  IN  (3)  December  1690,  one  Captain  Lauder,  of  Colonel  Hale's  regiment, 
being  ordered  with  a  Lieutenant,  Eniign,  and  fifty  men,  to  -guard  about  two 
hundred  of  the  Cork  prifoners  to  Clonmell,  as  they  fainted  on  the  road  with 
the  above  faid  bad  ufage,  fhot  them  to  the  number  of  fixteen,  between  Cork 
and  Clonmell  ;  and  upon  Major  Dorington's  having  demanded  juftice  againfl 
this  officer  from  General  Ginckle,  Lauder  got  a  pardon  for  the  murder,  and 
was  continued  in  his  poft." 

"  KING  (4)  William's  army,  after  being  entire  matters  of  (b)  Athlone,  killed, 
in  cold  blood  an  hundred  men  in  the  catfle,  and  little  out-  work  on  the  river, 
And  at  Aughrim  above  two  thoufand,  who  threw  down  their  arms,  and 
afked  quarter  ;  and  feveral  who  had  quarter  given  them,  were  afterwards  killed 
in  (c)  cold  blood  ;  in  which  number,  were  the  Lord  Galway  and  Colonel 
Charles  Moore.  The  Major  of  Colonel  Epingham's  dragoons  owned  to  Major 
General  Dorington,  that  Lord  Galway  was  killed  after  quarter,  and  when 
the  battle  was  over.  More  vouchers,"  adds  Mr.  Lefley,  "  might  be  produced 
if  needful." 


"  IN  fhort,  many  hundreds  of  the  poor  Irifli  prifoners  were  fent  at  a  time 
into  Lambay,  a  wafte,  deferted  Ifland  in  the  fea,  near  Dublin  ;  where  their 
allowance  for  four  days  might,  without  excefs,  be  eaten  at  a  meal  -,  and  being 
thus  out  of  the  reach  of  their  friends,  (all  (6)  perfons  being  prohibited  to  pafs 
into  it  with  l|oat,  or  other  veflel,  under  the  penalty  of  forfeiting  the  fame) 
they  died  there  miferably,  and  in  heaps." 

THUS 

(3)  Id.  ib,  (4)  Td.  ib.  (5)  Id  ib.  Harris's  King  William,  fol.  318.  (6)  Id.  ib. 

(b)  "  Douglas,    in    his    expedition     to    Athlone,  peafantry  appeared,  fucceflively,  in  confiderable  bo- 
niarched  as    rhrough   an   enemy's   country,  his  men  dies,  to  claim   the  benefit  of  King  William's  declara- 
plundering,  and  even  murdering,  with   impunity,  in  tion  ;  and  were   fucceflively  enfnared   by  affurance  of 
defiance  of  the   Royal  proclamation,  or  the   formal  protection,  and  expofed  to  all  the  violences  of  the 
orders  of  their  General.     As   he  advanced,  the  Irifli  foldiers."    Lei.  ubi  fupra,  vol.  iii.  p.  576. 

(c)  "  In  the  battle  of  Aughrim,  and  in  a  bloody      in  the  number  of  their  prifoners,  which  amounted 
purfuit  of  three  hours,  (flopped  only  by  the  night's     only  to  four  hundred  and   fifty."     Lei.  ubi  fupra. 
coming  on)  feven  thoufand  of  the  Irifli  army  were     p.  606. 

(lain.    The  unrelenting  fury  of  the  victors,  appeared 


Ch.  XIX. 


CIVIL   WARS    IN    IRELAND. 


357 


THUS  publickly,  werethefe,  and  many  other  fads,  attefted  by  Mr.  Lefley, 
in  his  anfwer  to  Dodor  King's  ftate  of  the  Proteftants  of  Ireland  under  King 
James,  in  refutation  of  the  numerous  falfehoods  contained  in  that  book.  The 
truth  of  which  anfwer  is  ft  ill  further  confirmed,  by  theDodor's  ( d)  confcious 
filence,  under  fuch  heavy  accufations,  for  more  than  thirty  years,  that  he 
furvived  the  publication  of  it  5  being  moil  of  that  time,  in  the  exalted  fta- 
tions  of  Bifhop  of  Derry,  and  Archbifhop  of  Dublin;  to  which  fucceffive  dig- 
nities, he  was  thought  to  have  been  raifed,  chiefly  on  account  of  the  great 
merit  and  fervice  of  that  performance. 


(d)  One  can't  help  fmiling  to  find  an  aflertion  in  his      in  the  hands  of  his  relations."   Swift's  Works,  vol.  viif. 
life,  lately  prefixed  to  Dean  Swift's  letters  to  his  Grace,      If  this  be  not  a  ridiculous  boaft  of  his  biographer,  as 


that,  notwithftanding  this  long  filence  both  of  his 
Lordfbip  and  friends,  "  his  Grace  had  by  him  at  his 
death  attefted  vouchers  of  every  particular  fact  alleged 
la  his  ftate  of  the  Proteftants  of  Ireland,  which  are  now 


moft  probably  it  is,  thefe  relations  of  his  Grace  are 
now  again  thus  publickly  called  upon  to  produce 
thofe  attefted  vouchers. 


THE     END. 


APPENDIX. 


No.  I.    From  the  MSS.  Trinity  College,  Dublin. 

A  brief  Declaration  of  the  Government  of  Ireland ;  opening  many  Corruptions  in  the 
lame;  difcovering  the  Difcontentments  of  the  Irifhery;  and  the  Caufes  moving 
thofe  expedted  Troubles:  and  mewing  means  how  to  eflablifh  Quiet  nefs  in  that 
Kingdom  honourably,  to  your  Majeily's  Profit,  without  any  Encreafe  of  Charge. 

[Wrote  in  the  Government  of  Sir  William  Fitz-Williams,  who  was  fix  Years  Lord 
Deputy  in  Ireland  ;  that  is,  from  the  Year  1588  to  the  Year  1594.] 

By  Captain  THOMAS  LEE,  1594,     Anno  Regni  Reginae  37°. 

To  the  Queen's  moll  excellent  Majefty, 

UNDERSTANDING,  moft  gracious  fovereign,  the  proud  and  infolent  terms 
the  lords  of  the  North  of  Ireland  do  now  ftan4  upon,  it  maketh  me  bold  to  fet 
down  my  knowledge  of  thofe  parts  to  your  Majefty,  becaufe  I  have  debated  often  with 
the  chiefs  of  them,  what  was  fit  they  mould  yield  unto  your  Majefty;  and  that  it  was 
unmeet  for  them  in  any  fort  to  condition  with  your  Highnefs  :  in  the  end  (after  long 
debating)  they  feemed  fomewhat  to  like  and  allow  of  that  which  I  demanded,  as  here* 
after  mail  appear.  And  becaufe  your  Majefty  may  the  better  judge  the  caufes  of  their 
difcontentments,  I  have  here  fet  down  the  unconfcionable  courfes  which  have  been 
held  towards  them,  which  being  remedied,  and  that  they  may  fee  your  Majefty  doth 
no  way  allow  of  the  fame,  there  is  no  doubt  (notwithftanding  all  their  proud  mews 
of  difloyalty)  but  that  they  may  be  brought  to  dutiful  obedience,  and  to  yield  you  that 
profit  which  neither  your  Majefty  now  hath,  nor  any  of  your  progenitors  ever  had; 
fo  as  they  may  likewife  have  that  which  they  demand,  being  nothing  unfit  for  your 
Majefty  to  grant.  In  which  difcoutfe,  if  any  thing  fhould  feem  unpleafing  to  your 
.  Majefty,  I  humbly  befcech  you  to  pafs  it  over,  and  to  perufe  the  reft,  whereof  I 

doubt 


360  APPENDIX. 

doubt  not,  but  fomething  will  content  your  Highnefs,  for  that  it  tendeth  to  your  High- 
nefs's  fervice  and  commodity. 

MY  meaning,  whereby  your  Highnefs's  profit  may  arife,  is  by  O'Donnel,  Maguire, 
Bryan  Oge,  O'Rorke,  and  Bryan  Oge  M'iMahon. 

THE  demands  I  made  for  your  Majefty  were  thefe,  that  they  fhould  receive  your 
Maj eft y '5  forces  into  their  countries :  and  your  laws  to  go  current,  as  they  did  in 
other  places-,  and  fome  part  of  their  countries  to  be  referved  for  your  Majefty,  to 
difpofe  unto  them  who  mould  govern  them,  and  they  lo  charge  themfelves  with  that 
proportion  that  was  fit  for  them  to  bear. 

To  thofe  demands  they  all  yielded,  fo  that  they  might  have  fuch  gentlemen  cholen, 
as  they  knew  would  ufe  no  treachery  nor  hard  meafures  towards  them,  but  to  live 
upon 'that  which  your  Majefty  would  allow;  and  that  which  they  would  give  of  their 
free  con  fen ts,  and  to  be  no  further  charged ;  and  they  would  be  as  dutiful  as  any  other 
country  in  Ireland  now  is.  And  how  this  may  be  performed,  I  have  made  bold  with 
your  Majefty's  favourable  liking,  here  to  let  down  upon  my  knowledge,  both  how 
your  Majefty's  forces  may  be  received  with  their  confent,  and  they  to  yield  great  pro- 
fit in  difcharge  of  that  which  your  Majefty  allows  to  the  foldiers,  and  the  foldiers  to  be 
well  fatisfied. 

THE  caufe  they  have  to  ftand  upon  thofe  terms,  and  to  feek  for  better  affbrance,  is 
the  harlh  practices  ufed  againft  others,  by  thofe  who  have  been  placed  m  authority, 
to  protect  men  for  your  Majefty's  fervice,  which  they  have  greatly  abufed  and  ufed 
in  this  fort. 

THEY  have  drawn  unto  them  by  protection,  three  or  four  hundred  of  thefe  country 
people,  under  colour  to  do  your  Majefty  fervice,  and  brought  them  to  a  place  of 
meeting,  where  your  garrifon  foldiers  were  appointed  to  be,  who  have  there  molt 
dilhonourably  put  them  all  to  the  fword ;  and  this  hath  been  by  the  confent  and  prac- 
tice of  the  Lord  Deputy  for  the  time  being.  If  this  be  a  good  courfe  to  draw  thefe 
favage  people  to  the  ilate,  to  do  your  Majefty  fervice,  and  not  rather  to  enforce  them 
to  ftand  upon  their  guard,  I  humbly  leave  to  your  Majefty. 

WHEN  fome  one  who  hath  been  a  bad  member  (pardoned  by  your  Majefty)  hath 
heard  himfelf  exclaimed  upon  to  be  a  notable  thief  after  his  pardon  ;  and  hath  (imply 
come  in  without  any  bonds,  or  any  other  enforcement,  to  an  open  feilion,  to  take  his 
trial,  by  your  Majefty's  laws,  if  any  could  accufe  him:  notwithftanding  his  coming 
in  after  this  manner,  and  without  any  trial  at  the  time  (becaufe  he  was  a  bad  man  in 
times  paft)  there  hath  been  order  given  in  that  feflion  for  the  execution  of  him ;  and 


APPENDIX.  361 

fo  he  has  loft  his  life,  to  the  great  diftionour  of  your   Majefty,    and   difcredit  of 
your  laws. 

THERE  have  alfo  been  divers  others  pardoned  by  your  Majefly,  who  have  been 
held  very  dangerous  men,  and  after  their  pardon  have  lived  very  dutifully,  and  done 
your  Majeily  great  fervice,  and  many  of  them  have  loft  their  lives  therein  ;  yet,  upon 
imall  fuggeftions  to  the  Lord  Deputy,  that  they  mould  be  fpoilers  of  your  Majefty's 
fubjects,  notwithftanding  their  pardon,  there  have  been  bonds  demanded  of  them  for 
their  appearance  at  the  next  ieflions.  They  knowing  themfelves  guiltlefs,  have  moft 
willingly  entered  into  bonds,  and  appeared,  and  there  (no  matter  being  found  to  charge 
them)  they  have  been  arraigned  only  for  being  in  company  with  fome  one  of  your 
Highnefs's  fervitors,  at  the  killing  of  notorious  known  traitors;  and  for  that  only  have 
been  condemned  of  treafon  and  loft  their  lives :  and  this  dilhoneft  practice  hath  been 
by  the  confent  of  your  deputies. 

WHEN  there  have  been  notable  traitors  in  arms  againft  your  Majefty,  and  fums  of 
money  offered  for  their  heads,  yet  could  by  no  means  be  compafled,  they  have  in  the 
end  (of  their  own  accord)  made  means  for  their  pardon,  offering  to  do  great  fervice; 
which  they  have  accordingly  performed,  to  the  contentment  of  the  ftate,  and  thereup- 
on received  pardon,  and  have  put  in  fureties  for  their  good  behaviour,  and  to  be  an- 
fwerable  at  all  times,  at  aflizes  and  felfions,  when  they  mould  be  called ;  yet,  notwith- 
ftanding, there  have  been  fecret  commiifions  given  for  the  murdering  of  thofe  men. 
They  have  been  often  fet  upon  by  the  fherirTs  of  mires,  to  whom  the  commiifions  were 
directed,  in  fundry  of  which  aflaults,  fome  of  them  have  been  killed,  and  others  have 
hardly  efcaped.  And  after  all  this,  they  have  fimply  come  without  pardon  or  protec- 
tion, to  an  open  place  of  Juftice,  to  fubmic  themfelves  to  your  Majefty's  laws,  where 
they  have  been  put  to  their  trial  upon  feveral  indictments,  of  all  which  they  have  been 
acquitted,  and  fet  at  liberty.  If  this  be  a  courfe  allowable,  for  poor  men  to  be  handled 
in  this  manner,  and  to  be  at  no  time  in  fafety  of  their  lives,  I  humbly  leave  to  your 
Majefty. 

WHEN  many  notorious  offenders  have  fubmitted  themfelves  to  your  Majefty's 
mercy,  and  have  been  accepted,  and  have  had  their  pardons,  and  have  put  in  good 
afiurances  to  be  at  all  times  anfwerable  to  your  laws;  the  chiefeft  rebel  (whofe  followers 
they  were)  hath  been  countenanced  and  borne  out  by  your  ftate,  to  rob  and  fpoil, 
burn  and  kill  thefe  poor  men,  who  did  thus  fubmit  themfelves.  When  they  have  very 
pitifully  complained  againft  that  arch-rebel  and  his  complices,  of  thefe  outrages,  they 
have  been  fharply  rebuked  and  reproved  for  their  fpeeches,  and  left  void  of  all  remedy 
for  their  lofles;  fo  as  when  in  the  end  they  have  made  petition  to  have  licence  by  their 
own  means,  and  help  of  their  friends,  to  recover  their  goods  from  the  rebels,  they  have 
been  rejected,  and  utterly  difcomforted ;  yet,  neverthelefs,  remained  dutiful  fubjects, 

A  a  a  although 


S62  APPENDIX. 

although  they  fee,  that  fuch  as  continue  notorious  malefactors,  are  in  far  more  fafety  than 
they  who  depend  upon  your  Majefty's  defence. 

FOR  it  is  well  to  be  proved,  that  in  one  of  your  Majefty's  civil  (hires,  there  lived  an 
Irifliman  peaceably  and  quietly,  as  a  good  fubject,  many  years  together,  whereby  he 
grew  into  great  wealth,  which  his  landlord  thirfting  after  (and  defirous  to  remove  him 
from  his  land)  entered  into  practice  with  the  fheriffof  the  fliire,  to  difpatch  this  fimple 
man,  and  divide  his  goods  between  them.  They  fent  one  of  his  own  fervants  for  him, 
and  he  coming  with  his  fervant,  they  prefently  took  his  man,  who  was  their  meflenger, 
and  hanged  him  i  and  keeping  the  matter  prifoner,  went  immediately  to  his  dwelling, 
and  fhared  his  fubftance  (which  was  of  great  value)  between  them,  turning  his  wife, 
and  many  children  to  begging.  After  they  had  kept  him  faft  for  a  feafon  with  the 
fheriff,  they  carried  him  to  the  caftle  of  Dublin,  where  he  lay  by  the  (pace  of  two  or 
three  terms;  and  having  no  matter  objected  againft  him,  whereupon  to  be  tried  by 
law,  they  by  their  credit  and  countenance,  being  both  Englifh  gentlemen,  and  he  who 
was  the  landlord  (the  chiefeft  man  in  the  (hire)  informed  the  Lord  Deputy  fo  hardly  of 
him,  as  that  without  indictment,  or  trial  they  executed  him,  to  the  great  fcandal  of 
your  Majefty's  ftate  there,  and  impeachment  of  your  laws.  For  if  this  man  had  been 
iiich  an  offender  as  they  urged,  why  was  he  not  tried  by  ordinary  courfe  of  law,  where- 
by good  example  of  juftice  might  have  been  (hewed,  and  yourHighnefs  benefited  by  his 
wealth,  which  they  (hared ;  but  to  cut  him  off  by  martial  law,  who  was  a  good  houfe- 
hblder,  inhabiting  a  civil  country  always  liable  to  law,  and  laft  imprifoned  in  Dublin 
(where  all  the  laws  of  that  land  have  their  head)  was  in  my  conceit  rather  rigour  than 
juftice ;  for  as  martial  law  is  very  neceflary,  and  (in  my  opinion)  ought  to  be 
granted  to  all  governors  of  remote  and  favage  places,  where  your  Majefty's  Jaws  arc 
not  received,  with  all  other  authority  and  power  feverely  and  fharply  to  cutoff,  or  pu- 
nifh  offenders,  according  to  the  quality  of  their  offence,  until  fuch  time  as  the  people 
(hall  become  civil,  and  embrace  the  laws,  and  peaceable  living  (for  till  then  they  are 
not  to  be  governed  without  the  like  meafure  of  juftice)  fo  to  ufe  the  fame  where  the 
people  are  civil  and  obedient  to  other  laws,  is  very  indirect,  and  favours  of  cruelty; 
and  yet  this,  and  the  like  exemplary  juftice,  is  miniftered  to  your  Majefty's  poor  fub- 
jecls  there,  who,  if  they  have  once  been  offenders,  live  they  never  fo  honeftly  after- 
wards, if  they  grow  to  any  wealth,  are  fure  by  one  indirect  means  or  other  to  be 
cut  off. 

WHEN  there  have  been  means  made  to  an  aged  gentleman  (never  traitor  againft  your 
Majefty,  neither  he  nor  any  of  his  anceftors,  and  dwelling  in  one  of  the  remoteft  parts 
of  your  kingdom)  to  come  into  your  ftate;  and  that  the  hard  courfes  ufed  toothers, 
made  him  demand  fecurity  for  his  coming  in,  which  hath  been  fent  unto  him  by  great 
oaths  and  proteftations,  delivered  by  the  meiTenger,  whereof  he  hath  accepted,  and 
thereupon  come  in:  yet,  notwithftanding  all  thefe  promifed  fafeties,  this  aged  gentle- 
man 


APPENDIX.  363 

man  hath  been  detained  prifoner  fix  years,  and  fo  yet  remaineth.  And  his  imprifbn- 
ment  is  the  only  colour  to  fatisfy  your  Majefty  for  a  wonderful  great  charge,  which 
your  Majefty  and  your  fubjects  were  then  put  unto.  But  his  detaining  contrary  to  pro- 
mile,  hath  bred  great  fear  in  all  or  moft  of  his  fort  (in  thofe  parts)  of  crediting  what 
your  flate  there  lhall  promife. 

WHEN  upon  the  death  of  a  great  lord  of  a  country,  there  hath  been  another  nomi- 
nated, chofen,  and  created,  he  hath  been  entertained  with  fair  fpeeches,  taken  down 
into  his  country,  and  for  the  offences  of  other  men,  indictments  have  been  framed 
againft  him,  whereupon  he  hath  been  found  guilty,  and  fo  loft  his  lifej  which  hath 
bred  fuch  terror  in  other  great  lords  of  the  like  meafure,  as  maketh  them  Hand  upon 
thofe  terms  which  now  they  do. 

WHEN  there  hath  been  a  ftratagem  ufed  for  the  taking  into  your  Majefty's  hands 
a  young  *  youth,  the  heir  of  a  great  country,  by  whofe  taking  his  whole  country  would 
have  been  held  in  obedience,  the  practice  whereof  was  moft  good  and  commendable ; 
yet  (after  the  obtaining  of  him)  his  manner  of  ufage  was  moft  dimonourable  and  di£ 
commendable,  and  neither  allowable  before  God  nor  man.  My  reafons  are  thefe :  he 
being  young,  and  being  taken  by  this  ftratagem,  having  never  offended,  was  impri- 
foned  with  great  feverity,  many  irons  laid  upon  him  as  if  he  had  been  a  notable  traitor 
and  malefactor,  and  kept  ftill  among  thofe  who  were  ever  notorious  traitors  againft 
your  Majefty;  having  no  other  council  or  advice,  or  company,  but  theirs,  what  good 
could  come  to  this  young  man  for  his  education  among  fuch,  I  humbly  refer  to  your 
Highnefs. 

THE  taking  of  him  as  aforefaid,  was  moft  commendable,  and  for  the  good  of  that 
country,  fo  he  had  been  brought  up  in  this  manner,  prefently  to  have  been  fent  to  your 
Majefty,  to  have  been  inftructed  in  the  fear  of  God,  to  have  known  his  duty  to  your 
Majefty,  and  to  have  been  furnimed  with  all  neceffary  parts  for  a  gentleman.  And  as 
your  Majefty  fhould  have  found  his  difpofition,  fo  either  to  have  detained  him  here 
or  fent  him  home  into  his  country,  whofe  good  example  (by  his  virtuous  training  up) 
might  have  done  God  and  your  Majefty  much  good  fervice  in  thofe  parts. 

I  HAVE  been  the  more  bold  to  difcover  unto  your  Majefty  the  dimonourable  ma- 
naging of  your  fervice  there,  by  the  indirect  cutting  off  of  fundry  your  Majefty's  poor 
fubjects,  becaufe  it  pleafed  your  Highnefs  (many  years  fmce)  to  impart  unto  me,  how- 
much  you  abhorred  to  have  your  people  there  dealt  withal,  by  any  practice,  but 
only  upright  juftice,  by  your  Majefty's  laws,  and  forces,  which  being  otherwife 
handled,  I  defire  to  make  known  unto  your  Majefty,  and  your  moft  honourable  coun- 
cil, for  redrefs  thereof. 

•  TheEarlofT/rconael. 

A  a  a  a  BUT 


364  A    P    P    E    N    D    I    X. 

BUT  I  fear,  that  they  who  have  well  liked  that  courfe,  and  have  beer?  prac~tifers  of 
the  fame,  will  inform  your  Majefty,  that  thofe  people  are  fo  bad,  as  it  is  no  matter  of 
confcience  to  cut  them  off  any  way  howlbever,  which  is  (in  my  opinion)  for  none  but 
tyrants  and  beggarly  princes  to  imitate.  But  your  Majefty  being  of  ib  great  power  to 
offend  the  mightieft  Kings  of  the  world,  and  to  revenge  yourfelf  upon  them,  may  with 
much  honour  fupprefsyour  own  vaffals,  by  your  Highnefs'slaws  and  forces,  wherewith 
you  are  at  charge  in  thofe  parts  for  that  purpofe. 

THESE  principal  inftruments,  as  the  Lord  Deputy,  and  they  who  have  been  his 
afiiftants  in  thofe  difhoneft  practices,  have  not  only  ufed  thefe  bad  means  againft  thofe 
poor  remote  and  favage  people,  but  have  done  all  their  endeavours  (fo  far  as  in  them 
lay)  to  difcomfort  and  discredit  your  Majefty 's  beft  fervitors,  living  under  their  com- 
mands, becaufe  they  miiliked  to  execute  fuch  unjuft  practices  and  devices,  and  to  al- 
low of  their  covetous,  unconfcionable  and  dilhonourable  gettings. 

JAM  emboldened,  moft  gracious  fovereign,  to  declare  thus  much,  becaufe,  not  only 
my  poor  felf  (one  of  the  meaneft  in  that  place  of  fervice)  have  been  partaker  of  it  ;  but 
fome  of  your  Majefty 's  chief  officers  alfo  have  tafted  the  indifcreet  bitternefs  of  the  two 
laft  Lord  Deputies,  as  namely,  Sir  Robert  Gardiner,  in  his  place  of  juftiee,  a  moft 
worthy  man,  and  void  of  all  manner  of  corruption  ;  and  Sir  Richard  Bingham,  in  his 
place  of  government,  againft  whom  (even  within  hisown  jurifdiclion)  traitors  have  been 
fuborned  and  countenanced  by  them ;  and  the  like  in  nature,  though  not  in  quality, 
hath  been  done  againft  myfelf ;  and  as  for  Sir  Richard,  there  was  never  man  in  his 
place  that  hath  done  your  Majefty  like  honourable  fervice,  without  increafe  of  charge. 
For  my  own  part,  I  leave  the  report  of  my  fervice,  to  (bch  as  know  it,  and  have  feen 
itj  yet  have  they  not  only  done  me  injuftice  there,  but  have  alfo  ufed  their  beft  friends 
and  credit  here,  to  obfcure  my  good  delerts,  and  to  make  (as  far  as  in  them  lieth)  me 
a  man  to  be  hated  of  your  Majefty,  deprefling  me  with  all  their  might  and  authority 
there,  and  croflingme  with  all  their  ability  and  malice  here,  not  becaufe  I  have  flacked 
or  not  performed  your  Majefty's  fervice  at  any  time,  but  for  that  I  have  afore  time, 
and  now,  difcovered  unto  your  Highnefs  their  dilhonourable  dealings,  and  intolerable 
corruptions. 

AND  I  defire  not  that  your  Majefty  mould  either  limply  credit  me  in  this  rny  plain 
detecting  them,  nor  them  in  excufmg  themfelves  ;  but,  if  it  pleafe  your  highnefs,  to 
appoint  commiiTioners  in  that  realm  for  the  trial^  if  I  prove  not  direclly  all  that  ever  I 
have  here  declared,  let  me  lo(e  your  gracious  favour  for  ever. 

THUS  far  of  the  difordered  courfes  there  held,  all  which  notwithftanding,  your  Ma- 
jefty's profit,  may  arife  in  thofe  parts,  in  fort,  as  followeth ; 

FIRST, 
I 


APPENDIX. 

FIRST,  forO'Donnel's  country,   it  may  pleafe  your  Majefty  to  fend  thither  fa.h 
gentlemen,  againft  whom  O'Donnel  nor  his  country    can   take  any   exceptions;  nor 
your   ftate     there    think    unfit    for    judgment    or    ability;    namely,     Captain    An- 
thony Brabazon,  to  be  fenefchal  of  that  country,  and  to  have  under  his  charge   25 
horfe;  Captain  Nathaniel  Smith,  to  have  100  foot;  Captain  William  Warren,  to- have 
his  5   horfemen  reftored   to  him  (which  Sir  William   Fitz-Williams  bellowed  upon 
others)  and  added  to  the  20  which  he  hath,  to  ftrengthen   his  band,  and  to  be  lent 
thither  to  be  fheriffof  that  county.     And  for  the  fettling  of  your  Majefty's  forces  there, 
to  refervethefe  lands  to  be  inhabited  by  thofe,  whom  thole  gentlemen  (hall  take  with 
them,  viz.  one  final!  barony  belonging  to^Tyrconnel,  on  that  fide  of  the  river  towards- 
Connaught,  called,,  as  I  take  it,  the  barony  of  Carbery  ;  the  caftle  of  Ball.yfhannon  to- 
be  referved  Hill  in  your  Majefty's  hands,  for  him  who  (hall  command  there;  the  abby 
of  Talkiroe  to  be  bellowed  upon  the  fenefchal ;  the  abby  of  Donegal,  and  the  abby  of 
Perry,  are  two  abbies,  that  have  no  lands  belonging  to  them  ;  fo  much  land,  therefore, 
to  be  laid  unto  them,  as  mall  be  thought  fufficientfor  their  habitations, who  fhallbe  drawn 
tluther.. 

AND  the  remain  of  the  whole  country  to  be  given  to  O'Donnel  and  the  chief  men  un- 
der him,  fo  as  they  will  contribute  to  this  charge,  which  is  only  the  diet  of  the  hundred 
foot,  which  they  may  pay  in  meal,  butter  and  beef,  according  to  their  ufual  manner, 
and  your  Majefty's  chief  rent,  befides,  which  is  200!.  yearly,  to  be  the  fenefchal' s  fee  -r 
which  200  1.  your  Majefty  feldom  or  never  hath.  This  I  believe  O'Donnel  will  Tub- 
rnit  himfelf  unto  and  perform,  if  he  may  be  handled  thereafter. 

THIS  garrifon  once  fettled  in  that  place,  will  procure  great  quietnefs  in  your  pro* 
vince  of  Conaught,  and  Hop  the  only  paiTage  which  they  have  to  go  to  and  fro  to  aflift 
any  traitor  that  may  rebel  there. 

FOR  Magutre's  country  called  Farmanohan,  Sir  Dudley  Loftus  with  his  25  horfe 
(whereof  he  alfo  wanteth  five,  taken  from  him  as.  aforefaid  is  mentioned,  to  be  reflored 
to  him,),  and  he  to  be  fent  fenefchal  of  that  country  ;  Henry  Warren  his  brother-in-law, 
to  be  fent  as  fheriffand  afliftant  unto  him,  and  to  have  100  footmen  under  his  charge, 
your  Majefty  to  beftow  upon  thofe  two  gentlemen  (to  be  inhabited  by  them  and  their 
friends)  all  thofe  iflands  which  are  upon  .the  lough,  and  that, one  abby  which  is  in  the 
country  and  the  lands  belonging  to  it,  and  the  caftle  of  Ennifkillen,  lately  taken  from 
Maguire;  and  the  reft  of  that  country,  to  remain  to  the  chief  men  inhabiting  there,  fo. 
as  they  defray  the  fenefchal's  fee  and  the  charge  of  the  25  horfe,  to  be  levied  in  butter, 
meal  and  beef,  both  for  the  diet  and  wages  of  the  horfemen,  and  their  horfe-meat,  in 
fuch  fort  as  the  Irilhery  themfelves  (hall  fet  down,  which  will  be  a  greater  proportion 
than  your  Majefty  would  demand. 

FOR 


366  APPENDIX. 

FOR  the  county  of  Monaghan,  called  Macmahon's  country,  in  refpect  of  the  great 
diflike  which  the  Irifhery  have  of  the  now  fenefchal  there,  it  may  pleafe  your  Majefty 
to  let  him  be  removed,  and  in  his  place  (for  that  it  is  next  to  the  Earl  of  Tyrone's 
country,  and  the  chief  place  of  the  Earl's  abode)  that  Sir  George  Bourchire  may  be  fent 
thither  as  fenefchal,  becaufe  of  the  companies  of  horfe  and  foot,  which  are  under  his 
charge,  and  for  that  he  is  a  gentleman  of  good  worth,  who  will  with  fome  good  fhovv 
live  in  the  place,  which  will  be  a  great  comfort  to  the  Earl  to  have  fuch  a  neighbour; 
and  to  affift  Sir  George  m  that  fervice,  to  fend  Sir  Henry  Duke  as  fheriff  of  that  coun- 
try, to  be  placed  in  the  abby  of  Cloonis  (which  is  your  Majefty's,  and  himfelf  your 
farmer  there)  with  his  own  company  of  light- foot,  and  a  band  of  100  foot  more  to  be 
there  in  garrifon. 

THIS  place  of  Cloonis  is  the  only  paflage  from  M'Guire's  country,  and  thofe  parts, 
whereby  the  rebels  may  be  flopped  from  doing  your  Majefty's  good  fubjedls  any  great 
damage  in  the  Englifli  pale, 

YOUR  Majefly  may  iupply  thofe  places  with  200  foot  and  25  horfe  without  any  in- 
creafe  of  charge,  taking  them  from  fuch  of  the  old  garrifons  as  may  very  well  fparc 
them  ;  for  fome  one  of  the  commanders  of  them  is  not  worthy  of  a  company,  becaufe 
(in  the  lafl  conflict  with  the  rebels)  he  loft  his  colours,  and  all  his  men  ran  away ;  and 
he  who  receiveth  fuch  difhonour  by  fuch  bafc  traitors,  it  is  a  pity  ever  he  mould  carry 
colours  or  credit  any  more. 

THE  aforenamed  200  foot  and  25  horfe  are  to  be  placed  in  Tyrconnel  and  Farma- 
nohan,  and  the  100  foot  to  be  under  Sir  Henry  Duke  in  Monaghan  ;  at  the  abby  of 
Cloonis  may  be  allb  one  of  the  companies  of  the  old  garrifon,  and  yet  all  other  places  of 
fervice  very  well  furnimed  within. 

WITHIN  fhort  time  after  Sir  William  Fitz- Williams  his  receiving  the  fword  he 
(finding  many  of  your  Majefty's  garrifon-bands  of  foldiers  in  the  hands  of  divers  of 
your  Highn  fs's  counfellors  there)  had  an  intent  to  take  them  from  them,  and  to  di£ 
pofe  them  to  fuch  gentlemen  as  were  more  fit  to  follow  your  Majefty's  fervice,  and 
often  faid  it  was  no  reafon  but  rather  a  great  fharne  that  fuch  as  were  afliftants  to  him  at 
the  council  board  (having  great  offices  and  great  entertainments  belonging  to  them, 
and  being  otherways  men  of  good  living,  and  yet  unable  to  lead  men  and  follow  the 
fury  of  the  wars)  mould  have  bands  of  your  Majefty's  fbldiers  remaining  in  their  hands; 
adding  moreover,  that  it  was  u  >fit  and  unfafefor  your  Majefty's  men  and  fervice  to  be 
trained  by  and  trufted  to  their  officers  difcretion,  but  rather  to  be  beftowed  upon  gentle- 
men of  worth,  ability,  and  (kill  to  follow  the  wars,  which  purpofe  of  his,  if  it  had  taken 
effect,  would  (no  doubt)  have  advanced  your  Majefty's  fcrvice  in  that  kingdom  very 

much: 


APPENDIX:  367 

much  :  but  when  he  better  confidered  his  own  eftate,  and  his  coming  to  that  place,  and 
what  peril  he  mould  draw  unto  himfelf  to  hinder  all  his  purpofes  of  gaining,  if  he 
fhould  ftrive  with  thefe  great  ones,  he  thought  it  more  fafe  to  let  thofe  bands  remain 
as  they  were,  than  to  pluck  fuch  a  danger  upon  himfclf ;  for  he  knew  if  he  fhould  dif- 
pleafe  them  (being  men  of  great  friends  and  abilities)  he  could  not  have  lived  there 
iix  years  to  have  made  his  commodity  of  that  your  Majefty's  poor  kingdom,  deferving 
the  place  fo  little  as  he  did. 

BUT  your  Majefty  being  free  from  fuch  doubt  as  troubled  him,  may  difpofe  thofe 
bands  (as  he  had  purpofed)  unto  men  of  good  deferts,  who  have  been  long  trained  in 
your  Majefly's  fervice  there  without  reward,  and  many  of  them  live  difcontented  to  fee 
men  of  no  worth  accounted  of,  and  themfelves  being  men  of  value  neglected. 

WHEREBY  alfo  your  Majefty  (hall  encourage  many  others  to  offer  themfelves  freely 
to  your  Highnefs's  fervice,  when  they  (hall  fee  good  deferts  rewarded. 

IF  thefe  counfellors  had  been  heretofore  themfelves  employed  with  their  bands  in  the 
remoteft  parts  there,  to  do  your  Majefly's  fervice  in  perfon,  where  great  need  ever 
was,  there  is  no  doubt  but  it  had  much  availed  ;  but  to  hold  their  bands  of  foldiers  as  they 
have  done,  and  yet  do,  there  is  no  reafon  why  they  mould  have  them. 

BUT  to  return  to  my  purpofe  ;  thefe  bands  being  well  dilfpofed  of,  and  the  forenamed 
garrifons  placed  in  manner  before  expreffed,.  and  the  fame  accepted  of  by  the  Irifhery, 
becaufe  they  fhall  fee  that  it  tendeth  to  their  good,  and  that  nothing  fhall  be  taken 
from  them  more  than  is  compounded  for,  fhall  win  them  to  honour,  love  and  obey 
your  Highnefs,  and  your  officers  and  laws. 

YOUR  Majefty  (to  have  this  good  fervice  effected)  may  be  pleafed,  that  as  well  the 
chief  commanders  of  thefe  garrifons,  asalfo  the  foldiers,  maybe  fully  paid  all  their  enter- 
tainment every  month,  whereby  your  Majefty  fhall  be  freed  from  the  charge  of  their 
victualling,  and  they  fhall  have  no  caufe  to  exact  upon  the  poor  people  for  want  of  vic- 
tuals, or  other  provilion. 

IT  may  likewife  pleafe  your  Majefty,  in  refpect  thefe  late  and  prefer, t  wars,  and 
troubles  have  greatly  impoveriihed  them,  to  grant  unto  the  inhabitants  of  thofe  coun- 
tries of  Tyrconnel,  Farmanohan,  and  Monaghan,  two  whole  years  refpite  before  they 
mail  pay  any  of  the  aforefaid  contributions;  and  that  for  thofe  two  years  they  may  not 
have  any  artizes  or  feflions  within  their  countries,  but  that  the  fenefchals  of  thofe  places 
may  have  full  and  abfolute  authority  over  them,  together  with  martial  law  (as  hath 
been  accuftomed)  to  cut  off  ail  malefactors,  and  ftraggling  traitors ;  in  which  time  thofe 
countries  may  be  quietly  inhabited,  and  grow  to  fome  competent  means  to  live  upon, 
and  be  able  to  pay  your  Majefty. 


368  A    P    P    E    N    D    I    X. 

AND  likewife  it  may  pleafe  your  Majefty,  to  appoint  them  fuch  a  judge  for  the  cir- 
cuit as  will  ufe  them  with  all  clemency  and  mercy,  and  not  to  take  fuch  {lender  advan- 
tages againft  them  as  many  of  their  own  countrymen  have  done  ;  for,  I  aflfure  myfelf, 
•if  the  choice  of  ajuflice  was  left  to  themfelves,  they  would  never  choofe  an  Irimman, 
becaufe  none  are  fo  corrupt  as  they. 

WHEREAS  young  O'Roirke  is  alfo  out,  and  a  great  difquiet  of  your  Majefty's  pro- 
vince ofConnaught,  he  will  in  like  fort  yield  himfelf  a  fubjecl,  and  receive  a  fherifF 
into  his  country,  and  pay  all  duties  appertaining,  fo  as  he  may  be  accepted  into  grace 
and  reflored  to  all  that  was  his  father's.  This  I  think  he  verily  will  perform,  becaufe 
I  have  been  moved  to  be  a  dealer  between  Sir  Richard  Bingham  and  him. 

AND  whereas  I  have  taken  upon  me  to  nominate  certain  gentlemen  as  fit  men  for 
the  places  aforefaid,  without  any  of  their  privities,  yet  I  am  well  affured  (if  it  pleafe 
your  Majefty  to  appoint  and  command  them)  they  will  with  all  their  abilities  and  en- 
deavours be  ready ;  but  if  any  of  them  mail  miflike,  in  refpecl  of  the  dangers  of  the 
places,  and  fmallnefs  of  their  companies,  there  be  others  who  will  underrake  it. 

A  GREAT  part  of  that  unquietnefs  of  O'Donnel's  country  came  by  Sir  William  Fitz- 
Williams,  his  placing  of  one  Willis  there  to  be  ftieriff,  who  had  with  him  three  hundred 
of  the  very  rafcals,  and  fcum  of  that  kingdom,  which  did  rob  and  fpoil  that  people, 
ravifh  their  wives  aixi  daughters,  and  made  havock  of  all ;  which  bred  fuch  a  difcon- 
tentment,  as  that  the  whole  country  was  up  in  arms  againft  them,  fo  as  if  the  Earl  of 
Tyrone  had  not  refcued  and  delivered  him,  and  them,  out  of  the  country,  they  had  been 
all  put  to  the  fword, 

THE  profit  which  mall  redound  to  your  majefty  by  placing  thefe  garrifons  aforefaid 
in  this  fort,  will  (after  the  firft  two  years)  amount  yearly  to  6000  marks,  that  is  to 
fay  3000  marks  to  be  faved,  and  3000  marks  to  be  gained. 

CONCERNING  Tyrone,  as  your  Majefty  hath  beftowed  it  upon  the  Earl,  fo  for  the 
better  furtherance  of  the  aforefaid  fervices,  it  may  pleafe  your  Highnefs  to  accept  of  his 
own  offers,  which  were  that  all  Tyrone  might  be  but  one  -county,  which  granted,  he 
would  (upon  his  own  charge)  build  a  goal  and  a  feffion-houfe,  and  receive  a  fherirT  into 
his  country,  whereby  your  laws  might  be  obferved  there. 

AND  where  the  Earl's  adverfaries  have,  in  times  paft,  incenfed  your  Majefty  againft 
him,  for  the  hanging  and  cutting  off  one  Hugh  Gavelock,  a  notable  traitor,  and  fbn  to 
Shane  O'Neale,  informing  your  Majefty  that  the  faid  Hugh  was  your  Majefty's  fub- 
it  fhall  be  well  proved  that  he  was  ever  a  traitor  againft  your  majefty,  a  daily 

praclifer 


APPENDIX.  369 

pra&ifer  with  foreigners  (as  the  Scots  and  others)  for  the  difturbances  of  that  king- 
dom, and  one  who  fought  by  all  means  to  overthrow  the  Earl,  who  by  martial  law 
(which  he  then  had)  did  cut  him  off  for  his  offences.  For  the  doing  whereof,  he  did 
incur  your  highnefs's  difpleafure ;  and  the  faid  martial  law,  which  kept  that  whole 
country  in  awe,  was  taken  from  him  ;  the  want  whereof  has  made  his  country  people 
grow  infolent  againft  him,  and  carelefs  of  obferving  any  humanity  or  duty,  which  hath 
bred  the  outrages  now  in  practice,  fo  that  (in  my  poor  opinion)  it  were  requifite  to  re- 
flore  the  fame  authority  unto  him,  provided  it  mould  not  extend  to  the  cutting  off  of 
any  but  fuch  malefactors,  as  (hall  be  of  his  own  country,  his  tenants  and  followers:  and 
I  dare  fay,  he  may  every  year  hang  500  falfe  knaves,  and  yet  referve  a  great  ftock  to 
himfelf:  he  cannot  hang  amifs  there,  fo  he  hangs  fome  body. 

FOR  the  performance  of  the  fervice  in  thofe  aforefaid  countries,  it  is  not  O'Donnell, 
Maguire,  Brian  Oge  Macmahon,  nor  Brian  Oge  O'Roirke,  nor  any  of  thofe  four  who 
muft  be  dealt  withal,  for  they  are  all  traitors  and  villains,  and  mod  obftinate  againft 
your  majefty.  But  the  foundation  muft  be  laid  upon  the  earl  of  Tyrone,  to  draw  him 
by  any  reafonable  conditions  unto  your  majefty,  that  you  may  have  conference  with 
him,  and  as  he  is  made  by  your  majefty  a  great  man  there,  fo  may  he  be  alfo  a 
fpecial  good  member  in  that  commonwealth,  to  redrefs  and  remedy  many  great  difor- 
ders,  which  no  doubt  he  would  faithfully  do,  if  he  might  be  trufted,  for  what  maketh 
a  man  honeft  but  truft. 

AND  whereas  fome  affirm  that  he  ftandeth  upon  a  pardon  for  himfelf  and  his  follow- 
ers, I  think  not  fo,  for  he  and  they  hold  themfelves  in  lefs  fafety  thereby,  than  they 
were  before,  becaufe  they  have  feen  pardons  ferve  (in  their  conceit)  rather  for  traps 
to  catch  others  in,  than  for  true  and  juft  remiffion  and  acceptance  into  the  free  bene- 
fit of  fubjecls,  which  maketh  him  fear  the  like  practice  towards  himfelf. 

FOR  whom,  although  I  have  undertaken  at  my  firft  coming,  that  he  mould  have 
performed  as  much  as  I  then  delivered  on  his  behalf  to  your  majefty,  now  I  dare  not 
engage  my  credit  To  far  from  him,  becaufe  it  is  long  fmce  I  faw  him. 

BUT  if  it  pleafe  your  majefty  to  fend  me  unto  him,  with  encouragement  and  protec- 
tion immediately  from  your  majefty,  that  he  mall  come  to  your  lord  deputy  there, 
and  to  your  highnefs  here  in  fafety,  to  come  and  go  without  impediment  or  flay  of 
his  perfon,  I  doubt  not  but  to  bring  him  and  his  fon  (whom  I  would  wifh  to  be  de- 
tained, but  as  himfelf  mall  like  of)  and  whatfoever  he  undertaketh  to  the  lord  deputy, 
coming  in  after  this  manner,  there  is  no  doubt  of  his  performance  :  I  know  his  adver- 
faries,  who  never  were  fuch  friends  as  they  might  have  been  to  the  commonweal  of 
that  kingdom,  will  be  earneft  with  your  majefty  againft  this,  and  that  it  is  a  great 
difhonour  to  you  to  grant  it }  but  it  will  be  proved,  by  their  teftimony  who  live  there, 

B  b  b  how 


370  APPENDIX. 

how  greatly  it  fhall  advance  your  majefty's  fervice  in  this  dealing  with  him,  who  hath 
heretofore  ferved  faithfully  and  valiantly,  and  hath  therefore  well  merited,  and. 
ihall  fave  the  lives  of  your  highnefs' s  fubjeds,  and  the  expence  of  much  of  your 
treafure. 

THEY  who  will  be  againft  this,  have  thofe  many  years  fuffered  notorious  traitors, 
namely,  Feagh  M'Hugh,  and  the  baftard  Gerald ines,  mightily  to  difhonour  your 
fnajefty,  in  the  very  view  of  your  ftate;  and  with  that  bafe  rebel  and  his  adherents 
they  will  deal,  as  it  were  by  way  intreaty,  to  accept  of  protections,  which  is  as  much 
difhonour  to  a  prince  of  your  excellency  and  greatnefs  as  may  be,  fo  to  condition  with 
fuch  beggarly  objects,  as  have  neither  power  nor  wealth,  and  yet  are  noted  here  to  be 
great  and  dangerous  men  to  your  ftate  there. 

IF  there  go  not  fome  fpeedy  contentment  to  the  earl,  to  ftay  all  this  expected  fury, 
which  is  very  like  to  happen,  but  that  there  muft  be  prefent  wars  made  upon  him  and  his 
adherents  your  majefty  mall  take  them  in  hand  at  a  very  unfit  time,  when  they  are 
thoroughly  provided,  to  do  great  mifchief,  and  your  majefty,  not  fo  provided  to  defend 
your  poor  fubjedls  from  their  fudden  force  and  fury. 

YOUR  majefty,  fince  you  were  queen,  never  had  fo  great  eaufe  to  bethink  you  of 
the  fervice  of  that  place,  as  now  you  have.  Your  highnefs  fhall  not  get  fo  great  ho- 
nour in  cutting  off  him,  and  thousands  of  thofe  bare  people  that  follow  him,,  as  you 
fhall  to  win  him  and  them,  to  be  good  and  loyal  fubjecls,  and  to  live  and  ferve  your 
highnefs,  for  good  offices.  As  the  cafe  now  ftandeth  with  the  earJ,  he  hath  fmall  en- 
couragements to  be  otherwifc  than  now  he  is. 

FOR  where  it  was  your  majefty's  pleafure  he  mould  have  great  encouragement  given 
him,  by  thanks  for  his  laft  good  fervice  againft  Maguire,  it  was  held  from  him,  and 
inftead  of  that,  they  devifcd  all  means  and  policies  to  aggravate  matters  againft  him 
to  your  majefty,  which  is  credibly  made  knownjunto  him ;  and  more,  that  upon  what 
lecurity  fbever  he  fhould  come  in,  your  majefty's  pleafure  is  to  have  him  detained;1 
How  he  hath  thefe  advertifements  from  hence,  I  know  not,  but  your  majefty  is,  or 
ihall  be  informed  that  he  and  his  lady  are  papifts,  and  fofter  leminaries,  &c. 

TRUE  it  is,  he  is  affe£Ved  that  way,,  but  lefs  hurtfully  and  dangeronfly  than  fome 
of  the  greateft  in  the  Engiilh  pale:  for  when  he  is  with  the  ftate,  he  will  accompany  the 
lord  deputy  to  the  church,  and  home  again,  and  will  ftay  and  hear  fervice  and  fermon ; 
they,  as  fbon  as  they  have  brought  the  lord  deputy  to  the  church  door,  depart  as  if 
they  were  wild  cats,  and  are  obftinate ;  but  he,  (in  my  confcience)  with  good  confe- 
rence, would  be  reformed  j  for  he  hath  only  one  little  cub  of  an  Englifh  prieft,  by 

whom 


APPENDIX.  371 

whom  he  is  feduced,  for  want  of  his  friends  accefs  unto  him,  who  might  otherwife 

uphold  him. 

THERE  hath  been  an  old  dunfical  demand  in  taking  pledges  of  fuch  as  are  held  dan- 
gerous men  to  your  majcfty's  ftate  there.  I  make  bold  to  give  it  that  term,  becaufe 
there  is  no  one  who  hath  known  your  ferviee  of  Ireland  longed,  who  can  fet  down 
and  prove  that  ever  Irifhman  was  held  in  obedience  by  his  pledge:  if  any  can,  let  me 
lofe  my  credit  for  ever.  I  am  able  to  fet  down  of  my  own  knowledge,  almofl  by  20 
years  experience,  in  which  time  I  have  feen  many  pledges  taken  for  the  Iriftiery,  for 
retaining  them  in  obedience,  the  father  for  the  fon,  the  fon  for  the  father,  the  brother 
for  the  brother,  and  many  other  of  like  nature  j  when  they  have  taken  their  times,  ne- 
verthelefs,  without  any  regard  of  pledge,  to  play  the  traitors  againft  your  majefty  at 
their  pleafure.  For  when  they  neither  fear  God,  nor  be  careful  of  their  duty  towards 
your  majefty,  nor  fear  your  force  to  reform  them,  your  majefty  may  be  affured,  it's 
not  their  pledges  that  can  hold  them  in  obedience.  Your  majefty,  therefore,  may 
(in  my  opinion)  do  well  to  let  no  fuch  demand  be  made  of  them,  but  when  they  fhall 
give  caufe  of  offence,  let  them  be  thoroughly  followed  with  your  forces,  and  plagued 
in  fuch  fort,  as  may  make  them  afraid  to  offend  you.  For  the  lefs  your  majefty  fhall 
efteem  them,  the  more  obedient  you  fhall  have  them ;  and  by  this  courfe  your  maje£ 
ty  fhall  fave  a  great  deal  of  charge  for  the  diet  of  fuch  as  they  put  in  for  pledge. 

AND  where  there  was  a  credible  report  made,  that  the  earl  of  Tyrone  came  into 
the  now  lord  deputy,  without  pardon  or  protection,  I  afliire  myfelf,  your  majefty 
fhall  find  he  came  in  upon  the  credit  of  your  ftate,  altho'  in  policy  he  might  be  willed 
to  give  out  otherwife,  and  no  doubt,  but  fuch  as  have  often  miftaken  his  actions,  and 
intents,  would  make  an  open  demand  of  him,  how?  and  he  perhaps anfwer  them, 
without  protection  ;  and  upon  this  his  anfwer,  they  might  be  very  importunate  with 
the  lord  deputy  and  the  council,  that  he  might  be  detained  for  great  matters  of  trealbn, 
wherewith  they  had  to  charge  him,  which  demand  of  theirs  being  refufed,  it  is  not 
unlike  but  they  would  either  write  to  your  majefty,  or  to  their  friends  here,  to  inform 
your  majefty  how  provident  they  were  to  have  him  fafe  kept,  and  yet  their  cares  and 
offers  were  neglected. 

LET  thofe  devices  of  theirs  take  effect,  or  otherwife,  to  have  him  cut  off,  your  ma- 
jefty's  whole  kingdom  there  would  moan  it  moft  pitifully ;  for  there  was  never  man 
bred  in  thofe  parts,  who  hath  done  your  majefty  greater  fervice  than  he,  with  often 
lofs  of  his  blood  upon  notable  enemies  of  your  majefty 's;  yea,  more  often  than  all  the 
other  nobles  of  Ireland.  And  what  quietnefs  your  majefty  had  thefe  many  years  paft 
in  the  northern  parts  of  that  kingdom,  it's  neither  your  forces  there  placed,  (which 
have  been  but  fmall)  nor  their  great  fervice  who  commanded  them,  but  only  the  ho- 
neft  difpofition  and  carriage  of  the  earl,  hath  made  them  obedient  in  thofe  parts  to 

B  b  b  2,  your 


B72  APPENDIX. 

your  majefry.  And  what  pity  it  is  that  a  man  of  his  worth  and  worthinefs  (hall  be  thus 
dealt  withal  by  his  adverfaries  (who  are  men  who  have  had  great  places  of  command- 
ment) and  neither  they,  nor  their  friends  for  them,  are  able  to  fet  down  they  ever  did 
your  majefty  one  good  day's  fervice,  I  humbly  leave  to  your  majefty. 

IF  he  were  fo  bad  as  they  would  fain  enforce  (as  many  as  know  him  and  the  ftrength 
of  his  country,  will  witnefs  thus  much  with  me)  he  might  very  eafily  ..cut  offmaay  of 
your  majefty's  forces  which  are  laid  in  garrifon  in  fmall  troops,  in  divers  parts  bordering 
upon  his  country ;  yea,  and  overrun  all  your  Englifh  pale,  to  the  utter  ruin  thereof; 
yea,  and  camp  as  long  as  mould  pleafe  him  even  under  the  walls  of  Dublin,  for  any 
ftrength  your  majefty  yet  hath  in  that  kingdom  to  remove  him. 

THESE  things  being  confidered,  and  how  unwilling  he  is  (upon  my  knowledge,)  to 
be  otherwife  towards  your  majefty  than  he  ought,  let  him  (if  it  fb  pleafe  your  highnefs) 
befomewhat  hearkened  unto,  and  recovered  (if  it  may  be)  to  come  in  unto  your  ma- 
jefty to  impart  his  own  griefs,  which  no  doubt  he  will  do,  if  he  will  like  his  fecurity. 
And  then,  I  am  perfuaded,  he  will  fimply  acknowledge  to  your  majefty  how  far  he 
hath  offended  you;  and  befides  (notwithftanding  his  protection)  he  will,  if  itlb  ftand 
with  your  majefty's  pleafure,  offer  himfeif  to  the  marlhal  (who  hath  been  the  chiefeft 
mftrument  againft  him)  to  prove  with  his  fword,  that  he  hath  moft  wrongfully  accufed 
him.  And  becaufe  it  is  no  conqueft  for  him  to  overthrow  a  man  ever  held  in  the  world 
to  be  of  moft  cowardly  behaviour,  he  will,  in  defence  of  his  innocency,  allow  his  ad- 
verfary  to  come  armed  againft  him  naked,  to  encourage  him  the  rather  to  accept  of  his 
challenge. 

I  AM  bold  to  fay  thus  much  for  the  earl,  becaufe  I  know  his  valour,  and  am  per- 
fuaded  he  will  perform  it ;  and  what  I  have  fpoken  of  him,  over  and  above  this,  thefe 
reafons  have  led  me  to  it. 

BEING  often  his  bedfellow,  he  hath  divers  times  bemoaned  himfeif,  with  tears  in 
his  eyes,  faying,  if  he  knew  any  way  in  the  world  to  behave  himfeif  (otherwife  than  he 
hath  done)  to  procure  your  majefty's  allured  good  opinion  of  him,  he  would  not  fpare 
(if  itpleafed  you  to  command  him)  to  offer  himfeif  to  ferve  your  highnefs  in  any  part  of 
the  world  againft  your  enemies,  though  he  were  fure  to  lofe  his  life. 

AND  as  he  hath  in  private  thus  bemoaned  himfeif  unto  me,  fo  are  there  many  eye- 
witnefles  here  in  your  highnefs's  court,  who  have  ieen  him  do  no  lefs  openly ;  which 
tears  have  neither  proceeded  frcrn  diffimulation,  nor  of  achildifhdifpofition,  (for  all  who 
know  him  will  acquit  him  thereof)  but  of  meer  zeal  unto  your  highnefs,  and  grief  and 
fear  to  lofe  your  favour,  whom  he  defireth  with  life,  and  all  he  hath,  moft  dutifully 
and  loyally  to  ferve, 

WHEREAS 


APPENDIX.  373 

WHEREAS  I  have  taken  upon  me  to  nominate  certain  gentlemen  as  fitted  to  be  em- 
ployed in  the  above  mentioned  fervices  in  thofe  remote  places,  I  know  there  will  be 
great  exceptions  againft  them,  becaufe  they  are  thought  to  be  too  near  friends  to  the 
earl.  But  I  will  prove,  that  none  can  ever  do  your  majefty  fuch  good  fervice  there, 
as  they  who  have  been  always  trained  up  in  thofe  parts  in  iervice,  and  are  bed  acquaint- 
ed with  the  earl,  and  the  other  lords  of  thofe  countries.  And  I  am  of  opinion,  if  it 
were  demanded  of  the  earl  and  the  reft,  they  had  rather  have  Grangers  placed  in  thofe 
places,  than  thofe  gentlemen  of  their  acquaintance:  "becaufe  the~fe,  in  any  outrages  in 
thefe  countries,  dare  truft  the  earl  with  themfelves  and  their  fmall  troops,  to  be  aided 
by  him,  whereof  they  mould  not  fail ;  when  ftrangers  would  be  loth,  and  fear  fo  to  do  : 
for  their  truft  will  procure  the  earl  and- his  followers  to  undertake  and  perform  with 
them  whatfoever  they  (hall  require  for  your  majefty's  fervice. 

> 

AND  what  is  it  to  your  majefty,  to  lay  upon  the  earl  the  truft  and  credit  of  fettling 

your,  majefty's  forces  in  thofe  parts,  and  to  give  him  your  majefty's  free  protection  to 
come  in,  without  fear,  from  lime  to  time,  to  anfwer  to  any  thing  that  (hall  be  objected 
againft  him,  and  to  retire  home  again?  And  if  it  fhall  at  any  time  happen  that  he 
fhall  fj  offend,  as  to  deferve  puniihment,  then  your  majefty  is  to  prepare  your  prince* 
ly  forces,  and  make  royal  war  upon  him,  letting  him  (harply  tafte  what  it  is  to  offend 
fo  gracious  and  great  a  prince. 

AND  likewife,  the  reft  of  the  lords  of  thofe  countries  are  (upon  the  receiving  in  of 
your  majefty's  garrifons,  and  paying  the  duties  and  compofitions  before  fpecified)  to 
have  the  like  meafure  afforded  them. 

I  AM  the  bolder,  moft  gracious  fovereign,  to  fet  down  this  my  opinion  for  manag- 
ing.thofe  remote  places,  and  preventing  thefe  prefent  expected  troubles;  becaufe  I 
have  been  an  eye-witnefs  of  a  needlefs  and  a  chargeable  war  held  againft  one  of  the 
lords  of  the  North,  namely,  Surleboy,  a  Scot,  which  war  ended  not  by  your  majefty's 
forces,  but  by  the  lofs  of  that  rebel's  chief  inftrument,  his  fon  Alexander;  yet  were 
the  faid  tray  tors  intreated  to  accept  of  their  pardon,  and  had  more  beftowed  upon  them 
for  playing  the  traytors,  than  they  demanded  before.  And  my  fear  is  (if  this  expected 
fury  (hall  follow  to  be  wars)  it  will  fall  out  to  the  like  or  a  worfe  ifTue :  far  he  who  doth 
now  oppole  himfelf  againft  the  earl,  was  the  chief  commander  then,  and  did  moft 
idi  (honourably  perform  it,  as  (hall  be  apparently  proved,  when  it  fliall  pleafe  your  ma- 
jefty to  appoint. 

I  HAVE  heard,  many  think  much  that  the  earl  performed  not  his  promife  with  the 
now  lord  deputy,  but  they  little  confider  what  (lender  encouragement  he  had  given 
him  at  his  coming  in  to  do  it.  If  he  found,  as  like  he  did,  in  what  great  peril  he  was 

to 


374  APPENDIX. 

to  be  detained,  as,  notwithftanding  the  affurance  whereupon  he  came  in,  if  his  adver- 
faries  credit  would  have  place,  he  had  been  reftrained.  There  was  no  likelihood  of 
his  performance  of  any  thing  he  then  undertook,  bccaufe  he  faw  himfelt  in  fo  great 
peril,  neither  is  it  like  he  will  hereafter  hazard  the  like.  But  if  his  promife  be  expected 
to  be  performed,  then,  I  think,  he  defireth  good  aflTurance,  firft,  of  his  own  fafety, 
whereupon  there  may  be  hope  he  will  effect  all  promifes,  good  offices,  and  fervices, 
for  the  good  of  that  poor  kingdom;  and  till  then  there  is  nothing  to  be  expected  from 
him  but  doubt,  and  preparation  to  defend  himfelf,  and  offend  greatly. 

WHEN  your  majefty's  garrifbn  foldiers  were  firft  planted  in  the  county  of  Monaghan, 
there  was  great  fervice  offered  to  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam  by  Sir  Henry  Duke,  for  his 
fitting  down  at  the  abby  of  Cloonis  (whereof  he  is  farmer)  with  his  own  company  of 
-light  foot,  and  fifty  of  your  highnefs's  garrifbn  foldiers,  and  to  have  difcharged  your 
majefty  of  all  manner  of  victualling  charge,  only  to  have  been  monthly  fully  paid  their 
entertainment;  and  at  that  time  there  were  at  the  fame  abby  good  and  defenfible  build- 
ings to  fuccour  your  majefty's  garrifon,  which  are  defaced  and  pulled  down  by  the 
traytors,  for  fear  they  mould  ferve  for  that  purpofe.  If  this  offer  had  then  been  accept- 
ed, it  had  greatly  furthered  your  majefty's  fervice  now,  and  peradventure  had  pre- 
vented, or  at  leaft  hindered  the  troubles  now  expected,  becaufe  it  is  fo  Hear  upon 
Maguire's  country,  and  the  flay  of  his  pafifage  to  the  Englifh  pale. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  it  much  imported  that  this  fervice  mould  have  been  hearken- 
ed unto,  yet  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam  his  malice  at  that  time  was  fo  extreme  againft 
Sir  Henry  Duke,  who  no  doubt  would  have  performed  it  as  effectually  as  he  offered  it, 
as  he  utterly  rejected  it;  even  as  he  did  the  like  and  many  greater  fervices,  offered  by 
other  your  majefty's  good  fervitors  there. 

His  greedy  defire  at  that  time,  in  refpect  of  his  own  gain,  made  him  carelefs  of 
thefe  offers,  and  of  thofe  good  fervitors,  who  would  freely  offer  themfeJves;  he  efteem- 
ed  beft  of  the  bafer  fort,  as  of  one  Willis,  and  fuch  as  he  was,  whom  he  made  captains 
and  officers  in  the  Irilh  countries,  who  with  their  great  troops  of  bafe  rafcals,  behaved 
themfelves  fo  diforderly,  as  made  the  whole  country  to  rife  in  an  uproar,  and  to  drive 
them  out,  which  advantage  given  by  thofe  bad  and  lewd  fellows  to  the  ill-difpofed  Irifh- 
ery,  hath  emboldened  them  ever  fince  to  ftand  in  no  fear  or  fubjection  of  your  highnefs 
ftate,  or  forces  there.  Thefe,  and  many  the  like  fervices,  as  bad  or  worfe,  did  Sir  Wil- 
liam Fitzwilliam,  whilft  he  had  authority  in  that  place, 

ALTHOUGH  many  needlefs  journies  were  made  by  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam,  which 
were  both  chargeable  to  your  majefty,  and  troublefome  to  your  poor  fubjects,  yet  was 
there  one  into  the  province  of  Conaught,  which  was  very  neceflary,  and  grounded 

upon 


APPENDIX,  375 

upon  probable  reafon,  determined  for  the  cutting  off  and  utter  banifhing  of  the  traytor 
O'Roirke,  and  all  his  confederates;  which  fervice  could   not   be   performed  without 
the  ailiflance  of  the  earl  of  Tyrone,   who  was  fent  unto  before  the  journey  was  under- 
taken.    The  meflenger  was  one  belonging  to  your  highnefs's  council  there,  a  friend  of 
Sir  William  Fitzwilliam,  and  one  well-affecled   by  the  earl,  who  declared  to  him  the 
caufe  of  his  coming  down,  to  be  for  preparation  againft  O'Roirke,  and  what  the  lord 
deputy's  demand  was,  that  the  earl  fhould  perform  therein.     The  earl  moil  honour- 
ably (as  he  had  oftentimes  before)  undertook  to  perform  as  much  as  the  lord  deputy 
then  required,  returning  the  laid  meflenger  very  well  fatisfied,  for  he  fent  the  lord  de- 
puty word,  he  would  be  ready  to  attend  the  fervice  with   1000  men  at  the  place  ap- 
pointed, and  more  he  would  have  brought,  if  he  had  more  time,  or  fooner  warning. 
The  place  to  him  afiigned  was  on  the  border  of  Tyrconnel,  on  that  fide  of  Lougherne 
towards  Conaught,  there  to  flop  the  paiTage,  that  O'Roirke  with  his  companies  and 
creatures  mould  not  that  way  efcape  into  thofe  parts,  which  he  well  liked  of,  and  pro- 
mifed  fo  to  do,  adding  further  (if  it  pleafed  the  lord  deputy  to  command  him)  he  would 
break  a  ferry  with  his  forces  into  O'Roirke' s  country,  and  either  drive  him  out  of  it, 
or  deprive  him  of  life,  and  prey  his  whole  country,  and   do  great  fervice  upon  all 
O'Roirke's  adherents.     Thisanfwer  of  the  earl's  feemed  to  fatisfy  the  lord  deputy  very 
well,  who  prepared  your  majefty's  forces  forthwith,  and  fent  word  to  the  earl  to  be  in 
readinefs  upon  fix  days  warning. 

THE  lord  deputy  took  with  him  all  your  highnefs'sgarrifon,   the  railing  out  of  the 
pale  as  many  as  he  thought  fit,  and  went  onward  his  journey,  giving  out  (becaufe  the 
rebels  fhould  not  fufpect)  that  it  was  only   to  lee  feilions  and  ailizes  duly  kept  in  Co- 
naught,  and  fat  in  divers  places  accordingly,  infomuch  as  at  length  he  came  to  Sligo, 
which  joins  upon  O'Roirke's  country,  where  he  abode  four  or  five  days  with  all  his 
forces,  being  fufficient  to  execute  upon  O'Roirke,  and  the  other  traytors,  as  much  as 
he  had  before  determined  ;  the  earl  all  this  while  expecting  when  he  fhould  be  called 
to  that  pretended  fervice,  kept  all  his  forces  ready  together  for  the  purpofe,  which  was 
no  fmall  charge  for  him.     But  as  it  fell  out  afterwards,  Sir  William  (as  it  feemed)  had 
no  fuch  intention  ;  for  upon  a  fudden  he  departed  from  Siigo,  journeying  .quite  crofs 
the  whole  province  of  Limerick,  leaving  O'Roirke's  country  at  his  back,  doing  no  fer- 
vice, but  charging  the  poor  country  (whereof  as  then  it  had  little  need)  impofing  the 
performance  of  all  this  expected  ftratagem  on  Sir  Richard  Bingham,  with  fome  of  the 
garrifon  to  affiil  him,  who  moil  honourably  and  painfully  profecuted   the  faid  proud 
traytor  upon  his  feet,  to  the  great  endangering  of  his  life  by  the  difeafe  of  the  country, 
which  caught  him  in  the  purfuit  of  that  traytor,  whom  he  then  drave  out  of  his  country, 
by  which  means  he  was  afterwards  fent  to  have  his  deferts  here  in  England.     Which 
exploit  (if  it  had  been  performed  as  it  was  plotted  by  Sir  William  Fitzwilliam)  O'Roirke 
had  periihed  there,  and  all  thofe  traytors,  which  are  now  aiMants  to  his  fon,  had  then 
been  cut  off, 

AND 


APPENDIX, 

AND  if  it  (hall  feem  to  your  majefty,  that  the  time  will  be  over  long  to  have  all  thefe 
(and  thofe  other  notes  by  me  before  delivered  to  your  majefty)  tried  by  commifTion, 
it  may  pleafe  your  majefty  to  let  him  prefently  be  called  before  your  honourable  coun- 
cil here,  to  fee  how  he  can  anfwer,  firft,  the  leaving  off  of  this  fo  great  and  neceiTary  a 
fervice  by  himfelf  complotted  ;  fecondly,  why  he  placed  not  your  highnefs's  garriibn 
(lying  then  idle,  and  doing  no  fervice)  in  Tyrconnel  for  the  refpecls  aforementioned; 
and  thirdly,  why  he  refufed  the  many  great  offers  of  thofe  your  well  known  and  ex- 
perienced fervitors  there,  which  was  to  do  feveral  fervices,  and  put  your  majefty  to  no 
charge  for  the  effecting  of  them-,  and  to  make  choice  of  fuch  bafe  men  as  Conell, 
Fuller,  and  Willis,  whofe  behaviour  I  have  partly  touched  before,  being  fuch 
as  a  well  advifed  captain  of  that  kingdom  would  not  admit  into  any  office  in  his 
company. 

His  anfwering  in  thefe  three  points,  and  as  many  of  the  reft  as  mail  pleafe  your  ma- 
jefty, will,  I  don't  doubt,  be  fo  grofs,  as  your  majefty  and  honourable  privy  council 
may  the  more  daftly  judge  of  the  reft.  It  may  be,  moft  gracious  fovereign,  that  he 
will  frame  anfwers  to  all  my  objections,  or  elfe  be  perfuaded  by  fome  of  his  friends, 
not  to  efteem  them  worth  anfwering,  in  refpeft  of  the  inequality  of  my  eftate  to  his, 
chiefly  for  the  place  which  he  held.  For  this  I  appeal  to  your  majefty,  how  much  it 
importeth.  And  I  do  further  affirm,  that  until  he  can  difprove  thefe  my  allegations. 
or  fome  of  them,  I  ought  to  be  credited  as  well  or  better  than  he ;  becaufe  he  hath 
avouched  to  your  highnefs's  moft  honourable  council  monftrous  and  apparent  untruth, 
which  I  can  as  well  prove  as  any  of  thefe  aforefaid  articles,  namely,  about  the  buying 
and  getting  of  impreft  bills  into  his  hands,  which  he  hath  fworn  and  forfworne  that 
he  never  did ;  but  for  the  proof  hereof,  if  it  be  your  highnefs's  pleafure,  that  Sir 
Henry  Wallop  and  his  men  be  called,  they  can  teftify  what  great  fums  of  money 
they  had  paid  him  for  impreft  bills  in  the  time  of  his  government,  whereof  moft  of 
them  came  to  him  better  cheap  than  buying :  for  fome  were  given  him  for  cows,  which 
he  took  in  bribes,  upon  bafe  conditions,  of  the  Irifhrie ;  other  for  placing  men  in  fun- 
dry  offices.  And  he  that  will  make  no  confcience  to  forfwear  fuch  a  thing  before  fo 
honourable  perfonages,  is  hardly  to  be  credited  in  excufmg  greater  matters. 

IT  may  be  alfo  upon  demand,  why  he  did  not  place  your  majefty's  garrifon  foldiers 
in  thofe  Irifh  countries?  He  will  anfwer,  that  they  could  not  be  fpared  from  other 
places;  wherein  your  majefty  may  well  reprove  him  thus;  for  thofe  were  the  places 
where  the  foot-bands  were  then  beftowed ;  Sir -George  Bourchicr's  at  the  Dingon  in 
Ophalie,  captain  St.  Leger's  at  the  fort  in  Leafe,  captain  DowdaH's  band  at  Youghall, 
fifty  of  Sir  Henry  Wallop's  band  at  Enifkorthy,  the  Marfhall's  company  at  Newry. 
And  in  all  thofe  places  there  was  no  need  of  garrifon,  becaufe  there  were  no  enemies 

out 


APPENDIX.  377 

out  to  do  fervice  upon,  but  they  might  very  well  have  been  beftowed  in  other  places, 
as  fome  of  them  are  now,  when  it  is  too  late. 

AND  for  the  fifty  foldiers  under  my  charge,  they  did  your  majefty  as  little  fervice  in 
all  the  time  of  his  government,  as  the  reft,  although  they  lie  in  a  place  of  great  fervice, 
which  is  atKnockfergus ;  he  having  appointed  fuch  bafe  commanders  over  them  to  direct 
them,  as  deferved  not  the  pay  of  one  of  the  foldiers.     And  although  it  was  your  ma- 
jefty's  pleafure  that  I  fhould  command  them,  as  captain  over  them;  and  notwithftand- 
ing  that  I  often  made  petition  to  him,  and  ufed  all  the  means  I  could  befides,  to  go 
down  to  my  company,  and  to  have  that  authority  he  gave  to  others,  undertaking  to  do 
your  majefty  great  fervice  in  that  place,  yet  did  he,  (for  what  caufe  I  know  not)  ut- 
terly refufe  to  grant  my  requeft ;  as  he  rejected  many  other  great  fervices  by  me  offered 
unto  him,   holding  me,  to  my  great  charge,  to  live   upon   the  borders   of  Feagh 
M'Hugh's  country,  where  I  was  fain  to  retain  many  men  upon  my  own  purfe,  to  de- 
fend myfelf,  and  do  your  majefty  fome  fervice  upon  thofe  traitors;  whereby,  though 
it  were  to  my  coft,  I  took  many  notable  rebels,  who  were  commanders  of  men,  and 
brought  them  in  to  abide  the  cenfure  of  your  majefty's  laws,  which  cut  them  off,     For 
thefe,  and  many  other  fervices  done  in  his  time,  he  rewarded  me  with  all  hinderance 
that  ever  he  could  do  me,  not  only  by  his  authority  and  power,  but  by  obfcuring  my 
deferts. 

As  it  is  the  cuftom  and  manner,  moft  gracious  fovereign,  of  fome  to  darken  and 
difgrace  the  deeds  of  the  well  deferving,  thereby  to  countenance  and  grace  their  own 
favourites,  tho'  they  merit  nothing  ;  which  manifeftly  appeareth  in  the  plotting  down 
of  that  fervice  done  upon  that  traitor  Maguire  the  laft  year,  which,  as  I  underftand 
(by  Sir  George  Carevv)  was  firft  delivered  to  my  lord  treafurer,  and  by  his  lordmip 
mewed  unto  your  majefty,  wherein  captain  Dowdall  is  portrayed  on  foot,  wading  the 
ford  in  the  fore  front,  arm  and  arm  with  myfelf,  which  is  moft  untrue,  as  one  Sadler, 
who  was  then  his  enfign  bearer,  and  divers  other  gentlemen,  and  others  of  credit,  who 
are  now  in  your  majefty's  court,  can  teftify  ;  for  he  came  not  in  the  ford  at  all  to  wet 
his  foot,  but  forfook  his  place,  both  he  and  his  lieutenant  behaving  themfelves,  as  in 
my  other  notes  I  have  declared  to  your  highnefs  already.  But  when  he  faw  the  rebels 
defeated  off  their  place,  and  driven  to  flight,  then  he  came  over  the  ford  upon  his 
horfe,  and  fo  on  horfeback  offered  to  lead  the  battle,  which  he  ought  to-  have  done  on 
foot,  having  no  reafon  to  ride,  except  he  meant  (if  the  enemy  mould  make  head 
again)  to  (hift  for  himfelf.  Thefe  and  the  like  untruths  (as  the  cafe  now  ftandeth) 
ferve  to  grace  fuch  fervitors,  and  to  obfcure  and  hinder  the  merits  of  fuch  as  deferve 
well.  Although  it  would  be  too  tedious  to  your  majefty  to  hear  of  all  the  needlefs 
journeys  made  by  Sir  William  Fitzwilliams  in  the  time  of  his  government,  yet  can  I 
not  omit  (befides  that  one  before  rehearfed)  his  laft  journey  into  the  county  of  Cavan, 
by  the  which  your  majefty  may  judge  of  all  the  reft, 

C  c  c  WITHIN 


378  APPENDIX, 

WITHIN  ftiort  time  after  the  overthrow  to  that  traitor  Maguire,  wherein  your 
majefty's  foldiers  were  worn  out,  of  all  manner  of  reparations,  he  fentfor  them  to  meet 
him  100  miles  from  their  garrifon  places,  which  was  at  the  Cavan.  The  time  limited 
for  their  repair  was  but  fhort,  yet  came  they  thither  the  day  appointed.  He  carried 
with  him  many  horfemen  thro'  the  Englifh  pale,  to  the  great  prejudice  and  impoverim- 
ment  of  the  fame,  by  reafon  of  his  many  needlefs  journeys  before.  And  he  ought  in 
confcience  at  that  time  have  forborne  corning  into  the  county  of  the  Cavan,  becaufe 
it  was  charged  with  200  foldiers,  which  were  newly  ereded  for  the  fervice  againfl 
Maguire,  and  paid  only  by  the  inhabitants  of  that  country;  yet  neverthelefs  he  made 
hisjourney  thither,  and  there  remained  many  days,  to  the  great  charge  of  that  poor 
country,  having  no  other  caufe  but  only  to  fee  a  boat  launched;  which  was  fo  needlefs 
a  journey  undertaken  and  performed,  that  many  a  gentleman  then  under  his  com- 
mand might  (with  his  men)  as  well  have  effe&ed,  as  it  was  by  his  prefence;  which 
courfe  if  he  had  taken,  it  had  faved  the  great  charge  whereat  your  majefty  then  was, 
the  extream  and  needlefs  labour  of  your  poor  foldiers,  and  given  the  poor  people  of  that 
country  no  caufe  of  exclamation,  who  came  before  him  in  great  troops  with  their 
plow-irons  in  their  hands,  ringing  them  together  with  pitiful  moans,  faying  they  were 
undone  by  his  coming  amongft  them,  becaufe  they  were  not  able  to  bear  the  foldiers 
already  put  upon  their  charge.  But  fo  little  was  he  moved  with  this  their  complaint, 
that  he  affefled  them  with  more  foldiers,  horfemen  and  boys.  In  his  return  towards 
Dublin,  he  was  met  by  many  of  the  faid  poor  country  people  with  the  like  lamentable 
outcry,  which  he  regarded  as  much  as  the  former. 

HE  commanded  your  majefty's  foldiers  back  again  to  their  places  of  garrifon,  as 
little  refpecling  their  long  journey,  and  the  relief  of  their  wants,  as  he  did  the  poor 
peoples  outcry  whom  he  had  opprefled.  It  was  then  near  Chriftmafs,  when  the  fol- 
diers to  whom  (againft  that  good  time)  he  would  not  allow  one  penny  of  imprefl,  he 
feeing  them  all  very  poor  and  greatly  turmoiled. 

MOREOVER  he  was  fo  miferable,  as  he  refuted  to  lend  one  of  your  majefty's  captains 
20 1.  to  imprefl  amongft  his  foldiers,  he  promifing  upon  his  credit,  to  pay  the  fame 
within  fix  days  next  after  his  coming  to  Dublin  :  fuch  was  his  honourable  mind,  as  he 
never  refpecled  no  man's  neceflity  in  comparifon  of  his  own  commodity.  This  need- 
lefsjourney,  although  it  did  not  benefit  him  much,  yet  it  ferved  his  turn  another  way; 
For  he  coming  home  to  Dublin  in  the  deadefl  time  of  the  winter,  a  little  before  Chrift- 
mafs, it  caufed  him  to  lie  fo  clofe,  and  to  keep  fo  miferable  a  Chriftmafs,  as  was  never 
there  feen  in  reprefentation  of  the  ftate. 

HE 


APPENDIX, 

As  he  hath  had  neither  care  nor  confcience  in  fundry  forts,  to  difhonour  fo  gra- 
cious a  prince  as  your  majefty  (who  did  mofl  bountifully  enable  him  to  do  your  majefty 
good  and  honourable  fervice,  and  to  fpend  liberally  in  his  houfe)  but  to  turn  all  thofe 
your  majefty's  bounties  to  his  own  private  gain,  preferring  that  before  your  majefty's 
fervice  and  the  good  of  thofe  your  people  j  your  majefly  (in  my  opinion)  being  adver- 
tifed  by  thofe  notes  by  me  delivered,  and  the  fame  proved  true,  may  with  fafe  con- 
fcience benefit  yourfelf  with  that  which  he  hath  difhoneftly  gotten  both  by  your  ma- 
jefly and  your  highnefs's  fubjec~ts  in  that  poor  kingdom  ;  which  example  will  (no  doubt) 
caufe  others  hereafter  to  prefer  your  rnajefly's  fervice  and  profit  before  their  own,  and 
to  beware  of  the  like  trefpafs  for  fear  of  the  like  juflice. 

IT  may  pleafe  your  majefly  likewife  to  be  advertifed,  that  divers  perfons  having 
been  for  their  offences  pardoned  by  your  majefly,  and  thereby  emboldened  to  fre- 
quent all  places  without  fear,  having  been  apprehended  and  committed  flraightway  to 
prifon,  without  any  caufe  given  (fince  their  pardoning)  whereof  law  might  take  hold : 
they  have  offered  very  fufficient  bail  which  hath  been  refufed,  and  they  detained,  be- 
caufe  they,  in  times  pafl,  were  bad  (for  which  they  were  pardoned)  or  for  fear  they 
fhould  be  bad  in  time  to  come;  And  being  thus  kept  feverely  in  prifon  many  years, 
they  have  at  length  made  friends  there,  and  by  great  fums  of  money  here,  purchafed 
their  pardon  from  hence,  whereby  they  have  been  enlarged;  now  when  they 
obtain  their  liberty  by  thefe  money-means,  and  not  by  the  juflice  which  your  majefty's 
laws  allow  them,  they  think  themfelves  very  hardly  ufed,  and  others  thereby  become 
doubtful,  and  afraid  to  trufl  to  their  pardons ;  fuppofing,  if  they  want  fuch  friends  and 
fuch  means,  they  mould  either  be  indirectly  cut  off,  or  elfe  for  ever  kept  in  prifon, 
upon  fuggeflion  or  furmife.  But  if  they  might  perceive,  that  it  is  not  your  majefty's 
pleafare  to  have  them  thus  handled,  and  that  none  fhould  lie  in  prifon  without  receiv- 
ing trial  by  your  highnefs's  laws,  if  their  caufe  fo  required,  or  elfe  upon  good  fureties  to 
go  at  liberty,  by  either  of  which  means,  they  may  enjoy  the  benefit  of  your  gracious 
laws,  even  as  your  good  fubjeds  which  never  offended,  no  doubt  it  would  free 
them  of  great  fear  and  fufpicion,  and  make  them  more  dutiful  than  ever  they 
were. 

THERE  is  one  prifoner  in  the  caftle  of  Dublin,  an  aged  and  impotent  gentleman,  of 
whom  (if  it  be  your  highnefs's  good  pleafure)  I  defire  your  majefty  fhall  take  notice; 
his  name  is  Sir  Owen  Me  Tool,  one  who  was  never  traitor  againft  your  majefty,  nor 
ever  in  any  traiterous  adion,  but  fo  good  a  fubjeft,  and  fo  faithful  a  fervitor  as  (for 
his  deferts)  he  had  a  penfion  from  your  majefty,  whereof  Sir  John  Perrott  bereft  him. 

C  c  c  2  This 


380  APPENDIX. 

This  gentleman  was  fent  for  by  promife  and  afTurance  from  the  Hate,  that  he'  mould 
not  be  abridged  of  his  liberty ;  contrary  whereunto  he  was  committed  unto  prifbn, 
where  he  hath  remained  thefe  eight  years ;  for  whofe  enlargement  all  bail  hath  been 
refufed,  yet  is  the  gentleman  of  fb  great  years,  as  he  is  not  able  to  go,  and  fcarcely  able 
to  ride ;  for  which  refpects  and  for  the  flates,  promife  (methinks)  lie  ought  to  find  fa- 
vour. Moreover  he  is  pledge  for  no  man  ;  if  he  were,  pledges  profit  nothing,  as  before 
I  have  rehearfed.  He  is  father-in-law  to  the  earl  of  Tyrone,  and  if  the  earl  recovers 
your  majefly's  favour,  how  highly  your  majefly  (hall  honour  yourfelf  by  beflowingthis 
old  gentkman's  liberty  upon  the  earl,  and  how  much  your  majefly  mail  provoke  the 
earl  to  acknowledge  your  highnefs's  favour  therein,  your  majefly  may  eafily  judge,  and 
they  who  know  the  flate  of  that  kingdom  can  inform.  .  But  if  the  earl  be  not  fo  happy 
as  to  obtain  fuch  grace  at  your  majefly's  hands,  yet  it  may  pleafe  your  majefly  gra- 
cioufly  to  regard  the  poor  aged  gentleman,  that  upon  good  fureties  he  may  have  his 
liberty ;  for  which  I  know  there  would  be  five  hundred  pounds  given,  tho'  he  can  by 
no  means  fleed  them  in  any  bad  practice  againfl  your  majefly's  ftate  there,  neither  in 
body  nor  council,  neither  can  his  imprifonment  flay  any  of  his  friends  from  doing  evil, 
if  they  be  badly  difpofed.  If  therefore  your  highnefs  would  be  pleafed  to  releafe  him  of 
your  own  princely  motion,  he  putting  in  fufficient  fureties  within  the  English  pale  to  be 
ever  ready  within  twenty  days  to  anfwer  to  whatfoever  may  be  objected,  you  fhall  bind 
him  (as  his  bounden  duty)  always  to  pray  for  your  highnefs,  and  mightily  increafe  the 
affection  of  your  majefly's  people  there. 

AND  if  he  or  any  other,  of  whom  fuch  fecurity  fhall  be  taken,  fhall  afterwards  offend 
as  traitors,  your  majefly's  coffers  are  to  be  enriched  by  the  forfeitures  of  their  fureties 
bonds  (which  are  in  no  cafe  to  be  remitted)  and  the  traitors  to  be  honourably  cut  off  by 
your  majefly's  forces  at  your  pleafure;  which  juflice- will  be  an  example  to  traitors 
how  they  offend,  and  to  their  fureties  how  they  become  bound, 

THERE  have  been  (thefe  many  years  pafl)  divers  traitors  fuffered,  I  might  rather 
fay,  fuborned,  in  all  their  bad  and  traitorous  actions  who  (if  matters  had  been  difcreetly 
and  uprightly  handled)  might  either  have  been  utterly  overthrown  or  cut  off,,  or  elfe 
drawn  to  fubjection  and  due  obedience  to  your  majefly  and  your  laws,  v/ithout  any 
other,  or  more  charge  unto  your  highnefs,  than  you  have  been  at  continually:  for  your 
majefly's  foldiers  were  not  at  all  employed,  and  yet  thofe  traitors  were  fuffered  logo 
uncorrected  for  all  their  murders  and  treafons  j,  nay  more,  they  were  fuffered  to  ufe  your 
liighnefs  unreverently,  which  caufed  your  majefly's  good  fubjects  with  grudge  and. 
heart's  grief,  often  times  to  complain, 


A    P    P    E    N    D    I    X.  381 

THE  principal  rebels  and  arch-traitors  whom  I  mean,  are  Feagh  Me  Hugh,  and 
the  baflard-Geraldines,  who  are  by  marriage  linked  in  affinity  with  that  grand  traitor  ; 
•and  becaufe  I  would  have  your  majefty  underftand  how  you  have  been  long  abufed  by 
untrue  informations  concerning  this  traitor  and  his  complices,  I  protefl  they  neither  are 
of  that  ability  to  offend,  nor  of  that  power  to  defend,  nor  fo  hardly  to  be  conftrained 
to  yield  their  due  obedience,  as  hath  been  reported  ;  yea,  and  that  without  the  employ- 
ing of  great  troops  of  foldiers  againft  them,  or  charging  the  near  bordering  fubjecls 
extraordinarily:  for  they  will  now  with  more  willingnefs  afford  all  their  helps  of  pro- 
vifion  in  the  traitors  country,  than  they  have  done  heretofore,  becaufe  then  they  were 
greatly  charged,  and  no  whit  defended.  But  if  they  might  havefuch  a  one  chofen  and 
appointed  for  that  fervicc  as  they  know  would  never  ceafe  until  he  had  quite  deftroyed 
that  den  of  mountain-thieves,  the  poor  fubjecls  would  neither  fpare  charge  nor  trouble 
to  aflift'him.  The  means  how  to  reform  thefe  difobedient  rebels,  and  to  perform  this 
fervice  are  thefe : 

FIRSTS  Let  no  protection  be  granted  to  any,  fave  only  to  fuch  as  (hall  <:ome  in 
unto  him  who  (hall  be  appointed  to  follow  that  fervice,  and  offer  themfelves  to  do 
offices  againft  the  chief  traitors:  which  when  they  have  performed,  and  that  fpecial 
good  hath  fucceeded  their  draught,  then  let  them  have  pardon  for  their  former  faults, 
and  fafe  protection  (without  any  traitorous  practice  which  hath  too  commonly  been 
ufed  towards  them)  (b  long  as  they  (hall  behave  themfelves  as  good  and  loyal  fubjecls, 
living  in  duty  and  obedience  unto  your,highnefs,  your  officers,  and  laws. 

AND,  if  any  who  be,  or  (hall  be,  in  authority  to  protect,  do  fend  for  any  offender  upon 
promife  that  the  fame  (hall  fafely  come  and  go,  and  then  (hall  (contrary  to  that  pro- 
mife)  take  away  the  life  of  that  offender,  be  his  tranfgreffion  never  fo  heinous,  let  that 
roan  in  authority  (be  he  never  fo  mighty)  Ibfe  his  credit  in  that  place,  and  be  punifhed 
to  the  uttejmoft  that  law  will  afford,  for  fo  difhonouring  your  majefty,  when  your 
highnefs's  word  is  paft :  for  fuch  ufage  is  the  caufe  why  they  will  not  now  come  to  the 
lord  deputy  upon  protection,  and  much  lefs  will  they  truft  any  other,  except  they  have 
had  long  experience  of  his  upright  and  juft  dealing. 

FURTHERMORE,  whofoever  hath  a  country  or  a  feignory,  which  your  majefty  hath 
beftowed  upon  him,  let  him  be  bound  that  all  his  tenants  (hall  be  anfwerable  to  your 
laws,  or  himfelf  to  (atisfy  all  fpoils  and  tre(pa(Tes  which  they,  or  any  to  whom-they  give 
maintenance  fliall  commit  againft  yourmajefty's  good  fubjecls. 


I  kNow 


38z  APPENDIX. 

I  KNOW  there  will  be  great  exceptions  taken  againft  this;  they  affirming,  that  many 
dwell  upon  their  lands  whether  they  will  or  not ;  let  this  (if  it  pleafe  your  highnefs)  be  no 
excufe,  for  if  they  know  how  to  receive  their  rents  and  cufloms,  let  them  likewife  pay 
the  fpoil  done  to  the  good  fubjedts,  or  bring  in  the  offenders  to  anfwer  to  the  law ;  efpe- 
cially  if  they  have  the  commandment  of  any  of  your  majefty's  foldiers,  by  whofe 
afliftance  they  may  enforce  them  to  obedience. 

AND  whofoever  (hall  be  appointed  fo  ferve  upon  the  aforefaid  traitors  Feagh  Me 
Hugh  and  his  adherents,  mall  not  need  to  have  more  than  100  foot  and  fome  20  or 
25  horfe,  which  horfemen  it  were  requifite  (for  good  refpects)  mould  be  flrangers  to 
that  border  ;  and  with  this  fmall  number  may  he  do  very  great  fervice. 

BUT  if  it  be  objected,  that  this  proportion  of  foldiers  is  too  weak  to  do  fervice  againft 
fb  ftrong  a  traitor,  if  it  may  pleafe  your  majefty  to  give  me  the  leading  of  thefe  fol- 
diers, and  the  credit  of  the  fervice,  I  will  either  lofe  my  life,  or  effect  as  much  as  I  have 
here  fet  down.  And  where  I  will  venture  my  life  to  perform  fuch  a  fervice  as  this,  I 
truft  your  majefty  will  venture  your  foldiers,  and  give  me  iri  charge  to  lie  upon  thofe 
borders,  to  fee  your  majefty's  fubjects  live  in  fafety,  and  to  give  thofe  traitors,  and 
the  inhabitants  of  thofe  parts  to  underftand,  that  henceforth  they  are  no  more  to  ex- 
pect protection,  but  to  fubmit  themfelves  as  fubjccts,  and  fo  continue,  or  elfe  to  feel 
the  (harp  punimment  due  to  obftinate  rebels.  And  to  fuch  as  (hall  fubmit  and  do 
lervice  upon  the  reft,  there  is  pardon  to  be  granted,  and  to  him  who  fhall  do  the  beft 
fervice,  mail  not  only  be  given  pardon,  but  alfo  maintainance  for  him  to  live  upon. 
By  which  means  I  am  affuredly  perfuaded,  I  (hall  find  inftruments  among  themfelves, 
that  (hall  ferve  effectually  to  cut  off  the  reft;  fo  (hall. your  highnefs  be  honourably 
fei  ved,  and  thofe  parts  of  your  kingdom,  fo  near  the  ftate,  be  reduced  to  obedience,  for 
the  example  of  thofe  countries  which  are  more  remote. 

IF  this  traitor  Feagh  Me  Hugh  mould  be  made  more  ftrong  by  his  friends  (as  I  fee 
not  how  they  (hould)  and  that  further  force  mould  be  required  againft  him,  your  ma- 
jefty's (ubjects  in  the  Englifh  pale  would  willingly  yield  to  your  highnefs  600  foldiers, 
horfe  and  foot,  at  their  own  charge  for  fix  months,  and  longer  if  need  required,  fo  as 
they  might  fee  your  majefty  would  once  take  him  in  hand:  thus  much,  many  of  the 
beft  of  them,  willed  me  to  deliver  to  your  highnefs. 

THERE  is  no  caufe,  why  thefe  expected  troubles  in  the  North  mould  hinder  the  pre- 
fent  proceedings  againft  thefe  traitors  in  the  Ibuth,  who  are  perfuaded  they  are  (pared, 
but  till  fuch  time  as  your  majefty  have  fettled  the  North,  and  then  they  expect 
.to  be  followed  by  your  highnefs' s  forces  for  their  cutting  off;  all  things  therefore 

confidered, 


APPENDIX.  383 

confidered,  they  fhould  not  be  forborne  till  then  ;  for  tho1  there  be  wars  in  theNorth,  thefe 
in  the  South  will  offend  your  majefty's  fubjects  as  much  as  they  can,  and  thereby  keep 
the  ftate  the  more  bnfied  and  troubled.  And  if  they  happen  to  be  over  hardly  diftrefled, 
then  will  they  fly  to  the  North,  there  to  be  fafe  from  your  majefty's  forces;  which 
refuge,  if  they  be  once  driven  unto,  it's  great  odds  they  (hall  never  come  back  to  an- 
noy the  fouth,  which  I  pray  God  I  may  once  fee,  and  that  fome  of  your  ma- 
jefty's good  fubjecls  may  dwell  where  that  traitor  Feagh  Me  Hugh's  forefathers  and 
followers  have  remained  thefe  100  years,  to  the  great  dishonour  of  the  ftate  and  hurt 
of  the  poor  fubjedt. 

FOR  the  due  reformation  of  all  the  diforders  in  that  poor  realm  of  Ireland,  and  the 
execution  of  what  worthy  action  foever  mall  be  by  your  majefty,  and  your  honourable 
council  here  determined,  and  for  recovering  the  honour  of  that  ftate,  which  former 
governors  there  have  loft  ;  your  majefty,  in  my  judgment,  hath  made  a  moft  excel- 
lent choice  of  the  now  lord  deputy,  a  man  accomplifhed  with  all  neceflary  parts  both 
in  body  and  mind,  as  I  doubt  not  but  his  fervice  fhall  hereafter  give  good  teftimony, 
altho'  he  have  received  the  fword  in  a  far  more  troublefome  and  dangerous  time  than 
any  of  his  late  predeceffors  ever  did.  For  neither  the  laft  Defmond's  wars,  nor  thofe 
of  Connor's  and  the  Moore's,  being  both  put  together,  are  comparable  to  that  which 
is  now  expected  if  it  prove  wars;  which  I  defire  (if  it  be  God's  will  and  your  majefty's 
good  pleafure)  may  be  otherwife,  not  for  my  private  affection  for  any  in  the  North, 
but  for  the  publick  good  which  I.wifh  to  that  poor  kingdom. 

FOR  the  benefit  whereof,  and  for  the  performance  of  all  fuch  honourable  fervices  as 
are  now  expedient  to  be  done,  and  all  the  reft  before  in  this  declaration  mentioned, 
it's  your  majefty,  who  muft  not  only  direct  him,  but  alfo  thoroughly  enable  his  lordfhip, 
that  he  may  give  better  encouragement  to  your  majefty's  foldiers  to  take  pains  in  your 
highnefs's  fervice,  than  they  have  had,  or  yet  have;  becaufe  they  daily  fee  that  he  who 
never  ferved  your  majefty  in  thofe  fervices,  (hall  come  to  far  better  preferment  in  that 
place,  than  the  beft  commander  or  ferving  fervitor  there.  Befides  you  cannot  get  that 
done,  which  they  do,  who  painfully,  and  faithfully  ferve. 

WHAT  encouragement  then  can  a  man  have  to  offer  himfelf  freely  in  the  wars  of 
that  country,  who  fhall  neither  get  honour,  reward,  nor  payment  for  his  labour ;  I 
fpeak  by  experience  of  myfelf,  who  (upon  my  credit)  have  not  had  ten  crowns  im- 
preft  of  my  own  private  pay,  thofe  ten  years,  to  furnifh  me  towards  your  majefty's  fer- 
vice, when  I  was  called  upon,  and  yet  I  have  made  one  at  all  times. 

WHEN  fuch  hard  meafure  then  is  offered  unto  captains,  I  humbly  refer  to  your 
tnajefty,  what  encouragement  they  can  have  to  go  to  the  field.  Although  without 

money 


384  APPENDIX. 

money  or  any  thing  elfe,  they  will  do  their  befl  endeavour,  with  their  fubflance,  and 
themfelves,  to  do  your  highnefs  fervice ;  becaufe  I  know  (and  fo  do  all  the  reft)  that 
it's  not  your  majefty's  pleafure  to  have  them  fo  difcouraged,  but  the  fault  is  in  them, 
who  have  been  thither  fent  as  deputies,  who  have  preferred  their  own  gain  before  your 
highnefs's  honour  and  fervice,  or  the  jufl  rewarding  of  fuch  as  have  mod  truly  and 
and  painfully  ferved:  and  for  that  they  would  pleafe  fuch  cowardly  captains,  as  were 
their  inftruments  to  bring  them  in  cows,  to  convert  into  angels,  to  cram  their  greedy 
purfes;  whom  I  have  a  better  will  particularly  to  name,  than  thus  generally  to  write 
of,  if  I  were. per fuaded,  your  highnefs  would  thereupon  difcard  them:  and  I  know 
they  would  not  challenge  me,  becaufe  I  do  them  no  wrong. 

"To  encourage  therefore  your  majefty's  foldiers,  and  to  furnifh  the  lord  deputy  againfl 
all  accidents  that  may  happen,  if  it  may  pleafe  your  majefty,  that  all  the  treafure 
which  is  fent  over  into  that  realm  at  fundry  times,  may  be  intirely  fent  at  one  time, 
with  commandment,  that  your  majefty's  whole  garnfon  may  be  fully  paid  every 
month,  your  majefty  fliould  be  moft  honourably  ferved,  and  the  foldiers  well  con- 
tented, and  the  fubjefts  not  occafioned  to  exclaim  for  want  of  payment  for  the  fol- 
diers diet,  when  both  captains  and  foldiers  mould  have  in  their  purfes  to  fatisfy  that, 
and  to  furnifh  themfelves  with  all  other  neceflaries. 

FOR  notwithftanding  your  highnefs's  garrifon  hath  been  fo  flenderly  paid  thefe  many 
years,  your  majefty  hath  not  faved  any  thing  thereby,  but  it  hath  enriched  a  fort  of 
bafe  clerks,  and  beggarly  merchants,  who  will  not  credit  a  captain  now  for  a  groat  upon 
his  bill ;  but  all  the  commodity  goeth  to  the  lord  deputy,  the  clerks,  and  the  merchants, 
fo  as  the  captain,  to  furnifh  his  company,  can  get  no  money  unlefs  he  will  give  400  for 
200  or  200  for  100,  and  after  the  like  ratej  and  in  this  prowling  manner  your  foldiers 
are  paid. 

FORASMUCH  as  your  majefty  doth  pay  all  in  the  end,  you  may  (if  it  be  your  high- 
nefs's pleafure)  as  well  benefit  your  captains,  and  foldiers  as  other  men's  clerks,  by 
'fending  an  overplus  of  treafure  to  the  lord  deputy,  to  pay  the  old  debt  due  only  to 
•captains,   and   foldiers,  which  few   thoufands  will  difcharge;  except  it  be  one  man, 
\jntowhomyour  majefty  oweth  five  or  fix  thoufand  pounds,   which  (if  it  be  your 
highnefs's  pleafiire)  may  with  fafe  confcience  be  detained  in  your  hands,    becaufe 
he  hath  fo  ill  deferred,  thro*  the  dilhonouring  your  majefty  in  the  place  wherein  he 
ferveth. 

AND  now  (moft  gracious  fovereign)  for  that  (as  I  have  heard)  it  hath  been  credibly  re- 
ported to  your  majefty,  that  the  laft Defmond's  wars  did  coft  but  40,000  pounds,  thereby 
the  rather  to  induce  your  jiighnefs  to  make  wars  upon  the  north,  I  have  thought  it 

my 


APPENDIX.  385 

my  duty  (under  your  majefty's  protection)  to  fet  down  the  truth  thereof,  whereby 
it  may  the  more  eafily  be  judged  what  the  charge  of  thefe  expedted  northern 
troubles  may  ftand  your  highnefs  in,  by  comparing  the  faid  Defmond's  wars  and  thefe 
together. 

THE  charge  of  thofe  wars  (notwithstanding  the  great  fupplies  then  had  of  your  fub- 
jecls,  and  the  great  fuccour  and  affiftance  of  iundry  caftles  and  good  towns,  which 
held  firm  and  faithful  to  your  majefty,  to  receive  and  aid  your  foldiers  upon  ail  ex- 
tremes ;  which  towns  and  caftles  flood  in  mod  commodious  places,  not  only  to  annoy, 
but  utterly,  in  a  manner,  to  overthrow  the  traitor,  and  all  his  co-partners.  And  where 
it  coil  your  majefty  then  one  pound,  it  coft  your  fubjects  rhree,  during  all  the  time  of 
thofe  wars,  which  charge  of  your  fubjucts  I  can  well  make  out ;  for  the  chief  lord  of  one 
imall  village,  who  had  but  eight  pounds  yearly  rent  for  the  fame  village,  paid  for  one 
year's  cefs  to  your  highnefs's  foldiers  thirty-eight  pounds  fterling,  whereof  I  was  alfo 
an  eye-witnefs.  Thefe  wars  I  fay  did  ftand  your  majefty  in  four  thoufand  pounds  at  the 
leaft,  for  the  monthly  charge  was  7000!.  befides  the  victualling  by  fea.  And  yet  af- 
ter all  this,  your  majefty  afforded  pardon  to  the  bafeft  rebel  who  then  took  arms  againft 
you,  who  yet  iiveth  in  view  of  your  ftate. 

THE  caufe  of  thofe  Defmond's  wars,  was  even  like  to  this  in  the  north,  through  the 
great  miftaking  of  the  Defmond's  adverfaries ;  and  that  it  coft  your  majefty  no  lefs  than 
I  do  here  fet  down,  Sir  Henry  Wallop  can  well  teftify. 

MOREOVER,  there  are  no  helps  to  be  hoped  for  in  the  north,  either  of  caftles  or  towns, 
wherein  to  garrifon,  or  once  lodge  your  majefty's  foldiers,  for  the  following,  and  fup- 
prefling  of  thofe  traitors ;  for  thofe  parts  are  merely  void  of  fuch  refuge.  Again,  all 
the  friends  to  your  highnefs  in  thofe  countries  are  but  two,  O'Hanlon  and  Maginnes, 
and  they  uncertain,  as  your  majefty  may  thus  judge:  for  O'Hanlon  is  married  to  the 
.carl  of  Tyrone's  fifter,  and  merely  enriched  by  the  earl;  Maginnes,  his  eldeft  fon  is 
to  marry  the  earl's  daughter.  And  this  affinity,  in  the  manner  of  the  Irifh,  is  al- 
ways to  the  party  they  fee  ftrongeft  ;  and  when  your  majefty  (as  there  is  no  doubt)  fhall 
prevail,  they  will  then  feek  favour  and  make  offer  of  much  fervice,  but  feldom  or  never 
perform  any ;  whereof  myfelf  have  been  too  often  a  witnefs.  Thefe  things  considered, 
it  may  pleafe your  majefty,  and  honourable  council,  to-be  rightly  and  thoroughly  adver- 
tifed,  before  there  be  wars  made  in  the  north  parts,  whatfoever  by  finifter  informations 
may  be  fuggefted  to  the  contrary. 
, 

FOR  it  is  not  the  north  only  your  majefty  Thall  now  have  to  deal  withal,  but  your 
highnefs's  whole  province  ofConaughtfhailbe  in  great  peril  oflofmg,  except  Sir  Rich- 
ard Bingham  be  more  ft rongly  enabled  or  affifted  than  he  is  now,  trufting  to  only  one 

D  d  d  band 


386  APPENDIX. 

band  of  100  foot  and  50  horfe,  wherewith  I  confefs  he  hath  done  great  fervice. 
Knockfergus,  and  the  Clanboyes,  which  are  now  garrifoned  only  with  100  foot  and 
25  horfe  (who  have  done  your  majefty  no  fervice  by  reafon  of  fuch  bad  commanders 
as  have  been  appointed  over  them)  cannot  but  be  loft  without  a  very  great  garrifon, 
and  exceeding  great  charge  ;  fo  that  your  highnefs's  realm  of  Ireland  being  now  (as  it 
were)  divided  into  four  parts,  viz.  Leinfter,  Munfter,  Conaught,  and  Ulfter,  will 
be  in  very  great  danger  to  be  half  loft,  for  Ulfter  is  the  earl's  already  :  And  in  Co- 
naught  there  are  divers  who  have  been  traitors  not  long  fince  (and  yet  fcarce  good  fub- 
jects)  who  watch  but  fuch  an  opportunity.  And  in  Leinfter  there  are  many,  who  now 
ftir  not,  who  will  then  arife  in  arms,  namely,  the  Birns,  the  Tools,  the  Moores,  the 
Gonnors,  and  the  Cavanaughs  ;  and  many  other  as  falfe  traitors  as  thofe,  who  (if  they 
once  perceive  troubles  to  increafe  in  the  north)  will  feek  to  moleft  and  offend  the  Eng- 
lifh  pale,  as  they  have  done  in  times  pad. 

AND  one  fpecial  matter  more  is  to  be  thought  upon,  where  your  majefty  in  all  the 
wars  of  Shane  O'Neale,  had  Tyrconrrel  faithful,  and  ready  to  do  your  highnefs  fervice, 
and  to  aflift  your  foldiers,  giving  the  traitor  many  overthrows  (being  then  an  utter 
enemy  to  all  the  Neals)  now  it's  not  fo,  for  O'Donnel  is  married  to  the  earl  of  Ty- 
rone's daughter,  and  is  thereby  fo  linked  to  him,  that  no  place  of  fuccour  is  left  to 
your  majefty's  forces  in  all  the  north  ;  for  Sir  John  O'Dogherty  (who  was  well  affeded 
to  your  majefty's  fervice)  is  now  in  hold  under  O'Donnel,  fo  as  no  aid  is  to  be  expected 
from  him.  This  poor  gentleman  hath  been  hardly  ufed  on  both  fides ;  firft,  by  Sir 
William  Fitzwilliams,  who  imprifoned  him,  in  hope  to  have  had  of  him  fome  Spanifh. 
gold  ;  and  now  by  O'Donnel,  becaufe  he  (hall  not  in  thefe  troubles  annoy  him. 

To  write  of  all  other  particularities  belonging  to  the  north,  would  be  over  tedious. 
To  conclude  therefore  (with  your  majefty's  pardon)  there  are  but  two  ways,  either  to 
accept  of  their  own  offers  of  fubmiflion,  and  contribution  for  defraying  of  the  charge,  in 
this  difcourfe,  efpecially  before  mentioned,  and  fo  to  place  your  majefty's  garrifons  in 
their  countries,  thereby  to  hold  them  in  continual  obedience  to  your  highnefs's  profit, 
or  elfe  to  make  royal  war  upon  them,  and  fb  utterly  to  overthrow,  and  root  them  up 
thro'  all  the  whole  north  of  that  kingdom,  and  plan.t  others  in  their  room  or  places, 
I  may  in  no  wile  omit  humbly  to  acquaint  your  majefty,  what  great  hinderance  unto 
your  prefent  fervice  the  ftay  of  Sir  Robert  Gardiner  his  coming  over  is  like  to  be,  be- 
caufe that  he  can  beft  truely  report  to  your  highnefs  the  ftate  of  Ireland,  who  (as  he 
was  fpecially  chofen  by  your  majefty  to  be  a  chief  inftrument  for  the  good  of  that  poor 
kingdom,  where  he  ever  did,  and  doth  minifter  luch  upright  juftice,  as  is  void  of  bri- 
bery, aflfeclion,  intreaty  of  friends,  or  fear  of  authority  to  over-rule  him,  thereby  to 
do  any  thing  unfit  for  a  man  of  his  place)  can  very  hardly  be  fpared  from  thence ; 
yet,  as  the,  neceffity  of  this  .time  importeth,  it  were  (under  pardon)  moft  meet 

he 


APPENDIX.  387 

he-  were  fent  for  with  all  fpeed  ;  for  that  (as  he  can)  fo  he  will,  without  fear  of  any,  in- 
form your  majefty  truly  how  the  date  of  that  your  kingdom  now  ftandeth,  and  fhew 
good  means  how  to  flay  this  expe&ed  prefent  fury,  that  is  like  to  happen,  to  the  utter 
ruin  and  cutting  off  many  of  your  majefty 'sfubj eels,  and  the  exceeding  expence  of  your 
highnefs's  treafure.     There  will  be  (no  doubt)  many  reafons  alledged  to  your  majefty 
to  ftay  him  there,  but  I  humbly  befeech  your  highnefs  not  to  hearken  to  them,  for  the 
authors  of  thefe  troubles  are  afraid  of  his  coming  hither.     But  his  inftant  repair  over, 
will  more  avail  him  than  his  flay  there,  although  it's  well  known  he  doth  (as  far  as  his 
authority  extendeth)  afford  the  people  juflice,  without  begging  it  or  buying  it,  which 
hath  been  too  often  bought  and  fold  there.     Anfd  your  majefty  may  at  your  pleafure 
return  him  hither  again  when  he  hath  done  exceeding  good  fervice  there :  although  I 
fear  he  will  be  loath  (if  either  his  own  credit  or  friends  may  prevail)  to  go  back  thither 
any  more,  becaufe  he  feeth  he  is  not  able  to  do  your  majefty  fuch  good  fervice  as  he, 
would  and  might,  if  he  were  more  ftrongly  aflifted  j  moreover  good  deferts  .there,  pro- 
cure fcarce  good  opinion,  or  friends  here. 

WHAT  mean  I  to  fay  thus  much,  when  it  is  not  to  be  amended?  nay  what  pity  it. 
is  that  fo  gracious  a  prince,  as  is  your  majefty,  cannot  help  it !  For  thefe  many  years 
paft  your  poor  fubjefts  have  been  crying  out  for  juftice,  and  could  never  get  it;  be- 
fides  it's  grown  to  fuch  gain  by  corruption,  that  unlefs  your  majefty  vouchfafe  to  take 
it  upon  youjfelf,  or  make  fpecial  choice  of  fome  of  your  honourable  council  here 
to  look  into  it,  it  will  not  be  holden ;  for  if  it  be  referred  (as  it  hath  been)  there, 
will  be  fuch  muffling,  and  fo  much  time  fpent,  to  fave  the  credit  of  fome  one,  that 
thoufands  of  your  majefty's  good  fubjeds  fhall  perim  the  while.  And  the  rather  be- 
caufe advice  is  chiefly  required  of  him,  who  is  caufer  of  all  thofe  troubles*  and  that 
your  majefty  may  the  better  judge  what  good  can  follow  by  his  directions,  let  him  fet 
down  what  fervice  he  did  you  when  he  had  the  whole  authority  in  his  own  hands, 
whereby  your  highnefs  may  difcern  the  reft.  I  know  (and  thereon  dare  pawn  my  life) 
he  cannot  prove  any  one  honourable,  or  profitable  fervice  he  did  your  majefty  therein 
at  the  time  cf  his  government. 

OPINION  is  likewife  required  of  fome  other  counfellors  now  here,  who  can  fay.as  lit- 
tle of  thofe  northern  parts,  as  he  who  was  never  there. 

THIS  being  moft  true,  let  not  (I  humbly  befeech  ycur  majefty)  your  poor  realm  of 
Ireland  be  trufting  to  the  advice  of  fuch  blind  advifers :  but  vouchfafe  your  highnefs 
to  be  advifed  by  thofe  who  know  your  fervice  there,  by  their  own  experience,  and  eye 
witnefs  of  that,  whereof  they  (hall  yield  their  opinion  i  and  no  one  (of  a  counfellor)  can 
do  it  better  than  Sir  Robert  Gardiner,  becaufe  his  circuit  is  northward,  whereby  he 
doth  hear  the  griefs,  and  difcontentments  of  thofe  people. 

D  d  d  2  MOREOVER 


388  APPENDIX. 

MOREOVER  I  moft  humbly  befeech  your  majefty  to  be  no  longer  abufed  by  lip-la- 
bour, and  paper  and  ink;  which  have,  thefe  many  years  gone  for  current  payment, 
inftead  of  good  fervce  ;  and  in  mow  of  difcovering  great  and  weighty  caufes,  when  in 
truth  they  feldom  tended  to  any  fuch  purpofe;  but  feeing  your  majefty  doth  pay  them 
fo  well,  it  may  pleafe  you  to  require  better  fervice  at  their  hands,  whom  your  highnefs 
doth  there  put  in  truft. 

IF  I  have  in  thefe  my  plain  and  fimple  difcourfes  offended  your  majefty  any  way,  I 
moft  humbly  afk  pardon  for  the  fame. 

As  the  phyfician  cannot  cure  the  difeafe  of  his  patient,  until  he  both  know,  and  take 
away  the  caufe  thereof,  ib  neither  are  the  calamities  of  your  majefty's  kingdom  of  Ire- 
land to  be  remedied,  until  your  majefty  be  both  rightly  advertifed  of  the  fame,  and  put 
in  practice  the  redrefs  of  the  great  abufes  there;  which  can't  be  better  done  (in  my 
fimpleikill)  than  by  making  an  example  of  fomc  one,  who  has  ferved  your  majefty 
corruptly  in  that  place ;  and  the  greater  the  perfonage  is,  the  greater  the  juftice,  and 
the  more  your  honour  in  making  a  precedent  of  fuch  a  one :  for  your  inferior  offi- 
cers can  punifh  fmall  offenders,  but  it  is  in  your  majefty  only  to  correct  the  mighty 
tranfgreffors. 

AND  fb  may  your  majefty  (if  fo  you  will  vouchfafe)  look  down  by  degrees,  and  in 
time  furvey  your  highnefs' s  captains,  who  ferve  you  there;  difcerning,  by  a  little  obfer- 
vation,  the  good  from  the  bad;  which  is  eafily  done,  if  every  one  be  called  to  account, 
what  fervice  he  hath  done  you,  what  traitors  he  hath  cut  off,  having  full  authority  for 
it,  or  elfe  how  your  highnefs's  fubjecls  have  been  defended  by  him  and  his  foldiers.  He 
who  hath  not  performed  one  of  thefe  two,  is  unworthy  to  have  command.,  or  have 
pay. 

FURTHERMORE,  when  fome  experienced  captain  (hall  make  offer  of  his  beft  en- 
deavours, let  him  (if  it  pleafe  your  highnefs)  be  hearkened  unto,  and  efpecially  when 
it  tendeth  greatly  to  the  advancement  of  your  majefty's  fervice,  without  encreafe  of 
charge :  and  let  them  not  (I  befeech  your  highnefs)  be  put  off  fo  grofsly  as  they  have 
been,  with  faying,  it  is  too  fmall  a  proportion  of  foldiers  to  perform  fo  great  a  fervice. 
For  that  is  not  the  caufe  (moft  dread  fovereign)  but  this;  if  they  mould  allow  of  thofe 
fervices,  when  they  are  offered,  it  would  difcover,  as  many  think,  fome  of  their  great 
abufes,  which  your  majefty  may  perceive,  when  you  fhall  fee  great  fervices  done  with. 
100  where  500  have  been  employed,  and  your  highnefs's  fubjecls  no  whit  the  better 
defended. 


THERE 


APPENDIX. 

THERE  is  no  well  advifed  captain  will  make  offer  of  fervice,  but  he  hopeth  to  per- 
form, or  lofe  his  life;  and  efpecially  when  he  (hall  not  gain  thereby-,  for  his  foldiers 
muft  be  paid,  or  elfe  they  will  not  ferve ;  befides  he  muft  keep  them,  or  elfe  he  can- 
not effedt  the  fervice  undertaken,  fo  that  his  only  hope  of  gain  refteth  in  reputation, 
reward,  and  preferment  from  your  majefty,  as  he  ftiall  deferve,  and  not  in  polling  and 
pilling  the  foldiers  and  your  majefty's  fubjects. 

THESE  good  fervices  then  being  accepted,  and  the  abufes  reformed,  there  is  no 
doubt  but  your  majefly's  kingdom  of  Ireland  (hall  quickly  flourifh  in  true  fubjection, 
and  due  obedience,  to  your  majefly's  honour  and  comfort,  which  I  befeech  the  Al- 
mighty to  grant,  and  continue. 

THE  confideration  (mofl  gracious  fbvereign)  of  my  own  eftate,  who  have  engaged 
myfelf  and  my  friends  very  far,  for  means  to  live,  and  do  your  majefty  fervice, 
hath  many  times  (in  the  penning  of  this  difcourfe)  fought  to  withhold  me  from  difco- 
vering  to  your  highnefs  thefe  caufes  of  diicontentments  of  your  poor  people  in  that 
kingdom,  and  the  bad  managing  of  your  majefty's  affairs  there,  with  the  means  of 
quieting  them,  of  advancing  your  majefty's  fervice,  and  advantaging  your  revenues, 
afluring  myfelf  that  the  doing  of  fuch  an  office  would  neither  procure  me  any  friends,  nor 
pay  any  of  my  debts:  befides  it's  againft  my  profetfion  (being  a  foldier)  to  be  a  pen- 
man, or  fo  earneftly  to  feek  for  peace.  Yet  neverthelefs,  when  I  confidered  what  due 
honour  may  be  done  unto  God,  what  true  fervice  to  your  highnefs,  and  what  good  to 
that  poor  common  weal,  it  made  me  utterly  neglect  my  own  fortune,  and  refpect  of 
my  private  benefit,  and  emboldened  me  to  difcharge  my  duty  to  God  and  your  ma- 
iefty,  and  difclofe  my  zeal  for  benefiting  that  poor  realm.  And  if  thefe  my  labours 
fhall  be  rightly  conceived  of  by  your  majefty,  and  your  moft  honourable  council,  I 
fhall  think  my  time  happily  fpent,  and  enjoy  as  much  as  I  defire. 

AND  thus,  moft  humbly  befeeching  pardon  for  this  my  bold  and  rude  difcourfe,  and 
praying  on  my  knees  to  Almighty  God,  the  director  of  all  princes'  hearts,  that  it  may 
pleafe  him  to  move  your  majefty's  mind  duely  to  confider  of  the  premifes,  and  pitifully 
to  regard  the  prefent  ftate  of  that  your  poor  kingdom,  and  befeeching  him  to  blefs 
your  highnefs  with  all  honour,  health,  and  princely  happinefs,  long  to  reign  over  us,  I 
moft  humbly  conclude  with  this  my  petition. 

I  HUMBLY  befeech  your  majefty,  if  it  be  your  gracious  pleafure  to  accept  the  earl 
of  Tyrone  into  your  highnefs' s  protection  that  he  may  fafely  come  in  unto  your  ma- 
jefty, or  to  your  lord  deputy,  and  hither  at  your  pleafure,  that  I  may  be  the  melfenger; 
becaufe  at  my  coming  over,  he  repofed  great  truft  in  me,  to  deliver  unto  your  majefty 
thofe  things,  wherewith  he  found  himfelf  grieved,  wherein  I  doubt  not  but  to  do  your 

highnels 


390  APPENDIX. 

highnefs acceptable  feivice,  by  reafon  of  the  poor  credit  I  have  with  him.  But  if  your 
maj  fty  be  minded  to  deal  otherwiie  with  him  (becaufe  it  hath  been  reported  by  thoie 
who  are  adverfaries  both  to  him  and  me,  that  I  am  a  great  friend  unto  him)  to  mow 
what  manner  of  love  mine  is  tov/ards  him,  there  is  none  of  them,  nor  any  other,  who 
(hall  do  greater  fervice  than  I  will,  if  it  pleafe  your  majefty  to  command  me,  and  enable 
me  fit  for  it ;  if  not,  my  fervice,  and  myfelf  reft  at  your  highnefs's  command  to 
be  difpofed,  as  it  (hall  pleafe  you,  for  whom,  as  is  my  bounden  duty,  1  will  daily 

pray,  &c. 

Your  majefty's  faithful 

and  obedient  fervanr, 

THO.   LEE. 

NUMB.     II. 
[From  Defid.  Curiof.  Hibern.] 

Remonftranee  of  divers  Lords  of  the  Pale  to  the  King,  concerning  the  Irifh  Parlia- 
ment in  1613. 

[See  Review,  p.  48,  &c.] 

MAY  it  pleafe  your  majefty,  fuch  is  the  excefiive  grief  and  anxiety  of  mind 
and  confcience,  which  we,  the  nobility  of  this  your  highnefs's  kingdom, 
whofe  names  are  here  under-written,  do  conceive,  by  the  more  prepofterous 
courfes  holden  in  parliament,  as  we  muft  be  inforced,  before  we  defcend  further, 
moft  humbly  with  tears,  to  implore  your  gracious  favour,  that  if  the  due  regard  of  your 
majefty's  facred  honour,  the  careful  confideration  of  the  good  peace  and  tranquility  of 
this  your  realm  and  country,  the  tender  and  feeling  refpect  of  our  bounden  and  obliged 
duty  to  both,  do  carry  us  in  aught  beyond  the  limits  of  a  well-tempered  moderation, 
your  highnefs  will  be  gracioufly  pieafed  to  pardon  our  excels  herein,  fo  far  as  pius  dolor 
VM&jufta  iracundia^  do  in  themfelves  deferve.  It  would  far  pafs  the  compafs  of  a  let- 
ter, ifwefhould  infift  to  particularize  the  manifeft,  old,  precedent  diforders,  and  fuch 
as  (till  do  accompany  this  intended  action  ;  only  your  highnefs  (hall  underftand,  that 
many  knights  from  counties,  and  citizens-  and  burgeffes  from  cities  and  towns,  have, 
contrary  to  the  true  election,  been  returned ;  and  in  (bme  places  force,  and  in  many  others 
fraud,  deceit,  and  indirect  means  have  been  ufed  for  effecting  of  this  folawlefs  a  courfe 
of  proceeding.  Neither  can  we  but  make  known  unto  your  majefty,  that  under  pre- 
tence of  erecting  towns  in  places  of  the  new  plantation,  more  corporations  have  been 
made  fmce  the  beginning  of  laft  month,  or  a  little  more,  than  are  returned  out  of  this 
whole  kingdom  $  befides,  the  number  thereof  ("as  we  conceive  it)  contrary  to  your 

highnefs's 


APPENDIX. 

highnefs's  intended  purpofe,  is  difperfed  throughout  all  parts  of  this  kingdom ;  and 
that  in  divers  places,  where  there  be  good  ancient  boroughs,  not  allowed  to  fend 
burgeffes  to  the  parliament;  and  yet  thefe  new  created  corporations,  for  the  moft 
part  are  fo  miierabJe  and  beggarly  poor,  as  their  tuguria  cannot  otherwife  be  holden 
than  as  tituli  fine  re,  et  figmenta  in  rebus ;  for  divers  of  which,  (their  extreme  po- 
verty being  not  able  to  defray  the  charges  of  burgefles,  nor  the  places  themfelves,  to 
afford  any  one  man  fit  to  prefent  himfelf  in  the  pooreft  fociety  of  men)  and  for 
others,  we  muft  confefs,  that  fome  of  great  famion  have  not  fticked  to  abafe  them- 
felves to  be  returned  :  the  lord  deputy's  fervants,  attornies,  and  clerks,  refident  only 
in  the  city  of  Dublin,  moft  of  them  having  never  feen  or  known  the  places  for  which 
they  were  returned,  and  others  of  contemptible  life  and  carriage.  And  what  outrageous 
violence  was  offered  yefterday  to  a  grave  gentleman,  whom  men  of  all  (brts,  that  know 
him,  do  and  will  confefs  to  be  both  learned,  grave,  and  difcreet,  free  from  all  touch 
and  imputation,  and  whom  thofe  of  the  lower  houfe,  to  whom  no  exceptions  could 
be  taken,  had  chofen  to  be  their  fpeaker,  we  leave,  for  avoiding  tedioufnefs  to  your 
highnefs,  to  their  own  further  declaration.  And  forafmuch  as,  moft  renowned  and 
dread  fovereign,  we  cannot  in  any  due  proportion  of  reafon  expect  redrefs  in  thefe  our 
diftrefled  calamities,  where  many  of  thofe,  who  reprefent  the  body  of  your  eftate,  were 
the  chief  authors  of  them,  upon  the  knees  of  our  loyal  and  fubmiifive  hearts,  we  humbly 
pray,  that  it  would  pleafe  your  majefty  to  admit  fome  of  us  to  the  accefs  of  your  royal 
prefence,  where,  if  we  fail  in  the  leaft  point  of  thefe  our  afTertions,  and  declarations  of 
other  evils,  which  do  multiply  in  this  eftate,  we  willingly  fubmit  ourfelves  to  any 
punifhment,  as  deferved,  which  it  mail  pleafe  your  highnefs  to  lay  and  inflift  upon  us. 
For  we  are  thofe,  by  the  effufion  of  whofe  anceftors  blood,  the  foundation  of  that  em- 
pire, which  we  acknowledge  your  highnefs  by  the  laws  of  God  and  man  to  have  over 
this  kingdom  and  people,  was  firft  laid,  and  in  many  fucceeding  ages  preferved. 
To  us  it  properly  appertaineth,  both  in  the  obligation  of  publick  duty  and  private  inte- 
reft,  to  heed  the  good  thereof,  who  never  laid  the  foundation  of  our  hopes  upon  the  dif- 
turbance  of  it,  gai  boils  and  diiTentions  being  the  downfal  of  our  eftate,  as  fome  of  us  now 
living  can  witnefs;  and  therefore,  we  cannot,  but  out  of  the  confideration  of  our  boun- 
den  duty  and  allegiance,  make  known  unto  your  highnefs  the  general  difcontent  which 
thofe  ftrange,  unlocked  for,  and  never  heard  of  courfes  particularly  have  bred  ;  where- 
of, if  the  rebellious  and  difcontented  of  this  nation  abroad  do  take  advantage,  and 
procure  the  evil-affected  at  home,  which  are  numbers,  by  reafon  of  that  already-fet- 
tled, and  intended  plantation,  in  any  hoftile  famion  to  fet  diforders  on  foot,  and  labour 
fome  underhand  relief  from  any  prince  or  eftate  abroad,  who  peradventure  might  be 
inveigled,  and  drawn  to  commiferate  their  pretended  diftrefles  and  oppreflions,  how- 
ever, we  are  aflured  the  prowefs  and  power  of  your  majefty  in  the  end  will  bring  the  au- 
thors thereof  to  ruin  and  confufion;  yet  it  may  be  attended  with  the  effufion  of  much 
blood,  exhaufting  of  mafies  of  treafure,  the  expofing  of  us,  and  others  your  highnefs's 

well- 


392  APPENDIX. 

well-afTecled  fubje&s,  to  the  hazard  of  poverty,  whereof  the  memory  is  very  lively  and 
frefti among  us;  and  finally,  to  the  laying  open  of  the  whole  commonalty  to  the  inun- 
dation of  all  miferies  and  calamities,  which  garboils,  civil  war,  and  diflentions,  do  breed 
and  draw  with  them,  in  a  rent  and  torn  eflate.  For  preventing  whereof,  we  nothing 
doubt  but  your  majefty  will  give  redrefs,  by  the  equal  balance  of  your  highnefs's  juftice, 
which  we  befeech  the  Almighty,  with  your  royal  perfon,  ever  to  maintain  and  prefer ve, 

Your  majefty's  moil  faithful  fubjecls, 

David  Buttevant.     Gormanflon.     Da   Roche.     Fermoy.     Montgarret.      Killine. 

Delvin.  Chriftopher  Slane.  Robert  Trymblefton.  James  Dunboyne.  Mat- 
J  thew  Louth.  Thomas  Cahyr. 

May  19,  1613. 

NUMB.     III. 
[From  Defiderat.  Curiof.  Hibernic.] 

To  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lords  of   his    Majefty's   mofl    Honourable   Privy 

Council. 

The  humble  Petition  of  the  Knights,  Citizens,  and  Burgefles  of  the  Counties,  Cities, 

and  ancient  Boroughs  of  Ireland. 

[See  Review,  p.  49,  &c.] 

MOST  humbly  declaring  to  your  lordfhips,  that  the  affurance  of  his  majefly's 
moft  princely  inviolable  juftice,  whereof  your  lordfliips,  in  matters  of  ftate  and 
government,  arc  the  high  and  fupreme  diftributors,  doth  embolden  us,  in  our  op- 
preffions,  to  addrefs  thefe  our  fubmiffive  lines  to  your  honours ;  wherein  our  purpole 
is,  not  to  be  pleaders,  the  ftrangenefs  of  our  extremities  finding  no  fit  words  to 
exprefsthem;  and  therefore,  in  declaration  of  the  naked  truth,  your  lordfhips  fliall  un- 
dcrfland,  that  we,  the  knights,  citizens,  and  burgefles  of  the  counties,  cities,  and  ancient 
boroughs  of  this  realm,  coming,  according  to  our  bounden  duties,  into  the  parliament 
houfe,  we  find  there  14  connfellors  of  ftate,  3  of  the  judges,  having  before  received  writs 
to  appear  in  the  higher  houfe,  all  his  majefty's  council  at  law  j  and  the  reft  of  the  number, 
for  the  mofl  part,  confifting  of  attornies,  clerks  in  courts,  of  the  lord  deputy's  reti- 
nue, and  others  his  houfhold-fervants,  with  fome  lately  come  out  of  England,  having 
no  abiding  here-,  and  all  thefe,  fave  very  few,  were  returned  from  the  new  corpora- 
tions erected,  to  the  number  of  40,  or  thereabouts,  not  only  in  places  of  the  new 
plantation,  but  alfo  in  other  provinces,  where  there  be  corporations  of  antiquity; 
few  or  none  of  them  having  been  ever  refident,  and  moft  of  them  having  ne- 
ver feen  thefe  places :  the  reft,  who  pofiefled  the  rooms  of  knights  of  mires,  fave  4 
or  6,  came  in  by  practice,  and  difhoneft  devices,  whereunto  themfelves  were  not 

ftrangers ; 


APPENDIX.  393 

Grangers ;  and  fome  there  were  from  ancient  boroughs,  who  intruded  themfelves  into 
their  places,  by  as  undue  and  unlawful  means;  as  the  knights  and  burgeffes 
duly  elected  were  ready  at  the  parliament  door  to  prove  and  avouch.  For  redrefs 
whereof,  we  of  the  ancient  mires,  cities,  and  towns,  to  whom  no  exceptions  could  be 
taken,  being  defirous  to  take  the  ufual  and  accuftomed  courfe,  what  outrageous  vio- 
lence enfued,  by  the  fury  of  fome  there,  we  humbly  leave  to  your  lordfhips  to  be  in- 
formed by  our  declarations ;  whereunto  a  fchedule,  by  direction  of  my  lord  deputy, 
fubfcribed  with  our  hands,  is  annexed.  And  forafmuch,  right  honourable,  as  the 
ftrangenefs  of  thefe  proceedings,  in  a  Chriftian  commonwealth  is  fuch,  as  we  think  his 
majefty,  and  your  lordfliips  will  hardly  be  induced  to  believe  ;  they  being,  in  the  likeli- 
hood of  impoffibility,  equal  to  that  of  Meilalino  unto  the  emperor  Claudius  in  ancient 
Rome;  or  to  any  other  accident,  haw  rare  foever,  tranfmitted  to  pofterity  in 
modern  or  ancient  mires,  we  humbly  pray,  that  your  lordfhips,  in  commiferation  of 
our  diftrefs,  will  be  a  mean  to  his  highnefs,  that  fome  of  us,  with  fome  of  our  nobility, 
may  be  licenfed  to  prefent  ourfelves  there,  for  the  proof  of  our  affertions  ;  wherein  if 
we  fail  in  any  one  point,  we  utterly  renounce  all  favour  ;  and  that  in  the  mean  time 
his  majefty  will  be  pleaied  to  fufpend  his  gracious  judgment,  in  the  apprehenfion  of 
what  to  our  prejudice  may  be  informed  here ;  thofe  from  whom  his  highnefs  doth 
ufually  receive  information,  being  the  authors  of  the  carriage  of  what  is  done 
amifs. 


NUMB.     IV. 
[From  Defiderat.  Curiof.  Hibernic.] 

Abftract  of  the  Report  and  Return  of  CommiiTioners  fent  by  the  King  to  Ireland, 
to  enquire  into  the  Grievances  and  Complaints  of  the  Irifh,  in  1613. 

[See  Review,  p.  50.] 

UPON  our  arrival  in  Dublin  the  nth  of  September,  we  caufed  his  majefty's  com- 
miffion  and  inftructions  to  be  enrolled,  and  prefently  directed  our  letters  to  the 
governors  of  Munfler  and  Conaught,  as  alfo  to  divers  lords,  archbifhops,  and  bifhops, 
and  to  feveral  of  the  fheriffs  of  counties,  and  others,  concerning  the  articles  of  the  faid 
inftructions,  whereby  our  arrival,  and  the  caufe  of  our  employment  were  made  known 
to  the  people  in  mod  parts  of  the  kingdom.  Yet  during  the  fpace  of  one  month  at  the 
leaft,  after  our  landing,  no  one  petition  was  exhibited  to  us  complaining  of  any  griev- 
ances. Neverthelefs  afterwards,  upon  the  coming  over  of  the  lord  Killeene  and  Sir  Chri£ 
topher  Plunket,  two  of  the  late  petitioners  to  his  majefty,  they  exhibited  unto  us  parti- 
cular inftances  of  oppreflion  and  exactions  by  foldiers,  provoft-tnarmals,  and  fome 
others,  fpecially  thofe  that  refide  neareft  the  ftate ;  out  of  which  particulars,  being  many, 

E  e  e  we 


394  APPENDIX. 

we  felected  three-fcore  or  thereabouts,  as  meeteft  to  be  examined  ;  whereby  we  might 
difcern,  what  were  the  feveral  kinds  of  the  foldiers'  oppreffions  towards  the  people  ;  for 
proof  of  which  fdected  articles,  divers  days  were  afligned  to  them  to  produce  their 
witneffes  :  at  which  time,  fome  of  the  captains  of  horfe  and  foot,  provoft-marfhals,  and 
ibme  of  their  foldiers  we  warned  to  appear  before  us,  and  thereupon  we  proceeded  in 
pretence  of  the  lord  Killeene  and  Sir  Chriftopher  Plunket,  and  fome  of  the  parties 
grieved,  and  we  proceeded  to  a  fummary  examination  of  thofe  diforders ;  and  by 
thefe  examinations,  and  by  other  means,  it  doth  appear  unto  us,  that  the  foldiers,  both 
horfe  and  foot,  have  extorted  upon  his  majefty's  iubjecls  in  manner  following :  firft, 
in  all  their  journies  and  thorough-fairs,  where,  by  their  warrant  from  the  lord  deputy, 
they  are  commanded  to  take  meat  and  drink  in  the  country,  paying -ready  money,  or 
giving  tickets,  for  the  fame;  the  foldiers  neverthelefs,  for  the  mod  part,  neither  pay 
money,  nor  give  tickets,  as  they  ought  to  do ;  and  in  cafes  where  the  collectors  re- 
ceive  tickets  for  the  payment  of  the  country  for  victualling  of  foldiers,  they,  and 
fometimes  perfons  authorifed  by  the  principal  gentlemen  of  the  country,  do  get  thefe 
tickets  into  their  hands,  and  obtain  payment  from  his  majefly's  treafurer,  and  feldom 
make  distribution  thereof  to  the  poorer  fort  to  whom  it  is  due. 

THE  foldiers,  where  they  are  cefTed,  do  extort  money  from  the  poorer  people  (be- 
fides  meat  and  drink)  for  every  night's  lodging  three  ("hillings  for  a  horfe-man,  and  two 
fhillinge  for  afoot  man,  fbmetimes  more,  and  fometimes  lefs;  and  certain  petty  fums 
are  alfo  taken  for  their  boys  and  attendants,  beiides  victuals ;  and  it  happeneth  fome- 
times, that  the  foldiers  that  take  oefs,  take  money,  as  well  for  themfelves  as  for  other 
foldiers  abfent,  which  the  country  call  Blackmen,  becaufe  they  are  not  feen  ;  and  fome- 
times foldiers  in  pay,  and  others  difcharged  out  of  pay,  and  divers  vagrants  in  the  name 
of  foldiers,  take  meat  and  money  of  the  people  without  warrant,  or  after  the  date  of 
their  warrant  is  expired,  in  extortious  manner,  by  two  or  three  or  more  in  a  company. 
And  in  all  thefe  cafes,  when  the  people  have  not  money  to  pay  them,  they  take  divers 
times,  forcibly,  either  fome  of  their  cattle,  or  fome  of  their  houfehold  fluff  for  pawns 
in  lieu  thereof,  whereby  breach  of  peace,  and  affrays  are  occafioned. 

LIKEWISE  the  foldiers,  although  they  be  always  enjoined  by  the  lord  deputy's  war- 
rant topafs  to  and  fro  the  direct  way  in  their  journies,  yet  do  they  fometimes  make  a 
circular  and  long  courfe  in  their  thorough-fair,  whereby  they  cefs,  and  hurt  the  people, 
more  days  than  is  limited  unto  them,  or  is  requifite  for  their  journey. 

ALSO  the  foldiers  in  journies,  being  ceiled  in  fmall  numbers  in  villages  by  the  col- 
lectors, according  to  the  ability  of  the  places,  they  do  fometimes  take  money  in  the 
towns,  wherein  they  are  afligned  to  take  their  lodgings,  and  victuals,  and  depart  the 

fame 


APPENDIX.  395 

fame,  and  lodge  themfelves,  without  warrant,  near  the  fame  place,  whereby  the  people 
bear  a  double  charge. 

MOREOVER  it  appeareth,  that  fome  officers  of  bands  have  taken  monies  of  town- 
fhips,  to  forbear  to  cefs  upon  them  in  their  journies,  and  have  ceffed  upon  the  towns 
not  far  diftant  from  thence ;  and  thefe  exactions  are  committed  by  foldiers  in  counties 
where  the  compofuion  in  lieu  of  cefs  is  paid,  as  in  other  other  places;  wherein  is  to  be 
obferved,  that  by  the  tenor  of  the  compofuion,  the  counties  are  to  victual  the  foldiers 
in  their  paflage  at  ufual  rates,  a  matter  referved  for  neceflity  of  flate. 

THE  foldiers  do  not  only  commit  thefe  abufes  in  their  thorough-fares,  but  when 
they  are  fent  into  the  country  upon  other  employments. 

THE  provoft-marfhal  (whereof  there  is  one  at  the  lead  in  every  province)  has 
likewife  certain  men  to  attend  him,  who  do  exact  victuals  and  money  in  their  paflage 
up  and  down  the  country  from  the  people,  and  commit  other  diforders  as  foldiers  do ; 
which  extortions  have  been  committed  by  the  foldiers  and  the  reft  of  themfelves,  with- 
out any  warrant  at  all,  or  connivance  of  any,  fo  far  as  hath  appeared  unto  us. 

AND  notwithstanding  the  oppreflions  in  thefe  kinds  are  very  many  (as  may  be  feen 
by  their  informations  to  us  exhibited  from  divers  parts  of  the  kingdom)  yet,  for  any 
thing  appearing  unto  us,  very  few  have  complained  thereof  to  the  lord  deputy ;  who, 
upon  their  complaints,  hath  given  order  for  redrefs  of  fuch  grievances,  as  hath  been  ma- 
nifefted  unto  us. 

THE  reafons  wherefore  the  people  pretend  to  have  forborne  to  make  their  complaints, 
is  the  fear  they  have  had  to  be  worfe  ufed  by  the  foldiers  complained  of  at  other  times, 
and  that  the  charges  of  the  complaint  would  far  have  exceeded  their  damages  and  lofies, 
although  they  cannot  deny  but  the  lord  deputy  hath  given  as  eafy  accefs,  and  as 
fpeedy  remedy,  as  hath  been  given  by  former  governors. 

THE  names  of  fome  few  foldiers  that  are  offenders  hi  thefe  kinds,  and  are  yet  in  pay, 
appear  in  our  examinations,  others  are  dead  or  difcharged,  and  in  many  of  the  com- 
plaints againft  foldiers,  their  names  are  not  known  to  the  parties,  neither  have  the  fol- 
diers, or  others  complained  to  us  for  want  of  pay  by  their  captains,  although  fome  of 
them  have  been  by  us  required  publickly  to  deliver  us  their  knowledge  therein. . . .  There 
be  divers  complaints  againft  merifFs  in  general,  namely,  that  fundry  fherirTs  have  no 
freehold,  or  habitation,  in  the  counties  for  which  they  ferve,  as  they  ought  to  have  by 
the  laws  of  the  kingdom  ;  alfo  that  divers  of  them  have  no  fettled  eftates  of  land  or 
freehold  in  other  places;  and  having  gathered  rents,  and  other  duties  for  hismajefty, 
they  depart  without  pafling  their  accounts,  which  appeareth  to  be  true:  and  the  rea- 

E  e  e  2  fon 


396  A    P    P    E    N    D    I    X. 

fon  thereof  is  affirmed  to  be,  that  in  the  civileft  countries  in  the  Englifh  pale,  and  in 
other  counties  within  the  kingdom,  there  are  found  very  few  proteflants  that  are 
freeholders  of  quality  fit  to  be  (heriffs,  and  that  will  take  the  oath  of  fupremacy,  as  by 
the  laws  they  ought  to  do;  and  by  the  lord  deputy's  order,  no  IherifFis  admitted  till  he 
enter  into  fufficient  bond  for  anfwering  his  accounts. 

'  IT  is  likewife  a  grievance  complained  of,  and  found  true,  that  many  fherifTs,  efpe- 
cially  thofe  of  the  meaner  fort,  do  fufler  their  men,  bailiffs,  and  followers  to  take 
vicluals  of  the  country  for  themielves  without  money,  and  fometimes  both  money  and 
victuals ;  and  that  in  gathering  in  his  majeity's  rents,  and  the  fines  fpr  ufing  the  fhort 
ploughs,  and  other  impofitions,  as  building  of  bridges,  and  fuch  like,  they  do  take  of 
the  people,  befides  the  principal  duties  twelve  pence  in  the  pound,  and  .fometimes 
greater  fums,  for  their  private  ufes,  for  which  the  fherirTs  give  no  reafon,  but  that  the 
fame  is  taken  towards  their  charges  in  collecting  thofe  duties,  in  regard  of  the  little  be- 
nefit which  their  office  other  wife  yieldeth,  &c. 


NUMB.     V. 
[From  Carte's  Orm.  vol.  iii.] 

The  Remonflrance  of  the  Catholicks  of  Ireland,  delivered  to  his   Majefty's  Com- 
milfioners  at  Trym,  iyth  March,  1642. 

[See  Review,  p.  166,  &c.] 

To  the  KING'S  mod  excellent  Majeftie. 
Moft  gratious  Soveraigne, 

EE  your  majeftie's  moft  dutifull  and  loyall  fubjecls,  the  Catholiques  of  your 


w 


highnefs  kingdome  of  Ireland,  being  neceflitated  to  take  armes  for  the  prefer- 
vation  of  our  relligion,  the  mainetenance  of  your  majeftie's  rights  and  prerogatives, 
the  natural!  and  juil  defence  of  our  lives  and  eftates,  and  the  liberties  of  our  country, 
have  often  fince  the  beginning  of  thefe  troubles  attempted  to  prefent  our  humble  com- 
playnts  unto  your  royall  view ;  but  we  are  fruftrated  of  our  hopes  therein  by  the  power 
and  vigilance  of  our  adverfaryes,  (the  now  lords  juilices  and  other  minifters  of  flate  in 
this  kingdome)  who  by  the  alliftance  of  the  malignant  partie  in  England,  now  in  armes 
againft  your  royall  perfon,  with  lefs  difficultie  to  attain  the  bad  ends  they  propofed  to 
themfelves,  of  extirpateing  our  religion  and  nation,  have  hitherto  debarred  us  of  any 
accefs  to  your  majeftie's  juftice,  which  occafioned  the  effufion  of  much  innocent  blood, 
and  other  mifchiefs  in  this  your  kingdome,  that  otherwife  might  well  bee  prevented.- 
And  whereas  of  late  notice  was  fent  unto  us  of  a  commifllon  granted  by  your  majeftie 

to 


APPENDIX.  .  397 

to  the  right  honorable  the  lord  marques  of  Ormond,  and  otfiers,  authorizing  them  to 
heare  what  we  (hall  fay  or  propound,  and  the  fame  to  tranfmict  to  your  majeftie  in 
writeing,  which  your  majeftie's  gratious  and  princely  favour,  wee  fiade  to  be  accom- 
panied with  thefe  words,  viz.  (albeit  wee  doe  extreamly  deleft  the  odious  rebellion 
which  the  recufants  of  Ireland  have  without  ground  or  colour  rayfed  againft  us,  our 
crowne,  and  dignitie)  which  words  wee  doe  in  all  humilitie  conceive  to  have  proceeded 
from  the  mifreprefentationsof  our  adverfaries ;  and  therefore  doe  proteft,  we  have  been 
therein  malicioufly  traduced  to  your  majeftie,  haveing  never  emertayned  any  rebellious- 
thought  againft  your  majeftie,  your  crowne,  or  dignitie;  but  allwayes  have  beene, 
and  ever  will  continue,  your  majeftie's  moft  faithful!  and  loyall  fubjects;  and  doe  moft' 
humbly  befeech  your  majeftie  foe  to  owne  and  avowe  us;  and  as  fuch  we  prefent  unto 
your  majeftie  thefe  enfueing  grievances,  and  caufes  of  the  prefent  diftempers. 

IMPRIMIS,  The  Catholiques  of  this  kingdome,  whome  no  reward  could  invite,  no 
perfecution  inforce,  to  forfake  that  religion  profeffed  by  them  and  their  anceftorsfor 
thirteen  hundred  years,  or  thereabouts,  are  fmce  the  fecond  yeare  of  the  reigne  of 
queene  Elizabeth,  made  incapable  of  places  of  honour  or  truft,  in  church  or  common- 
wealth ;  their  nobles  become  contemptible,  their  gentry  debarred  from  learning  in  uni- 
verfities,  or  public  fchools  within  this  kingdom ;  their  younger  brothers  put  by  all 
manner  of employment  in  their  native  country,  and  neceffitated  (to  their  great  dif- 
comfort,  and  impoverimment  of  the  land)  to  feeke  education,  and  fortune  abroad  j- 
misfortunes  made  incident  to  the  (aid  Catholiques  of  Ireland  only,  (their  numbers, 
qualitie,  and  loyalltie  confidered)  of  all  the  nations  of  Chriftendome. 

2.  SECONDLY,  That  by  this  incapacitie,  which  in  refpeft  of  their  religion  was  im- 
pofed  upon  the  faid  Catholiques ;  men  ofmeane  condition  and  qualitie,  for  the  moft 
part  were  in  this  kingdome,  imployed  in  places  of  greateft  honour  and  truft,  who  be- 
ing to  begin  a  fortune,  built  it  on  the  ruines  of  the  Catholique  natives,  att  all  tymes 
lying  open  to  be  difcountenanced,  and  wrought  uppon  :  and  who  (becaufe  they  would 
feeme  to  be  carefull  of  the  government,)  did,  from  tyme  to  tyme,  fuggellfaUe  and  ma- 
litious  matters  againft  them,  to  render  them  fufpedted  and  odious  in  England ;  from 
which  ungrounded  informations,  and  their  many  other  ill  offices,  thefe  mifchiefes  have 
befallen  the  Catholiques  of  Ireland.  Firft,  the  oppofition  given  to  all  the  graces  and 
favours  that  your  majeftie,  or  your  late  royall  father,  promifed,  or  intended  to  the  na- 
tives of  this  kingdom;  Secondly,  the  procuring  of  falfe  inquifitions,  upon  faigned  titles, 
of  their  eftates,  againft  many  hundred  years  pofleffion,  and  no  travers,  or  petition  of 
right,  admitted  thereunto,  and  jurors  denying  to  find  fuch  offices  were  cenfured  even  to 
publique  infamie,  and  ruine  of  their  eftates,  the  findeing  thereof  being  againft  their  con- 
fciences,  and  their  evidences  ;  and  nothing  muft  ftand  againft  fuch  offices  taken  of  great 
and  confiderable  parts  of  the  kingdome,  but  letters  patterns  under  the  great  feale;  and 
if  letters  patterns  were  produced,  (as  in  moft  cafes  they  were)  none  muft  be  allowed 

valid, 


398  t  APPENDIX. 

valid,  nor  yet  fought  to  be  legally  avoyded  :  foe  that,  of  late  tymes,  by  the  underhand 
workeing  of  Sir  William  Parfons  knight,  now  one  of  the  lords  juftices  heere,  and  the 
arbitrary  illegal  power  of  the  two  impeached  judges  in  parliament,  and  others  drawen 
by  their  ad  vile  and  counfell,  one  hundred  and  fifty  letters  pattents  were  avoyded  in  one 
morning ;  which  courle  continued  untill  all  the  pattents  of  the  kingdome,  to  a  few, 
were  by  them  and  their  alTociates  declared  void  ;  fuch  was  the  care  thofe  minifters  had 
of  your  majeftie's  great  feale,  being  the  publique  faith  of  the  kingdome.  This  way  of 
fervice,  in  mew  only  pretended  for  your  majeflie,  proved. to  your  difiervice  ;  and  to  the 
immoderate,  and  too  tymely  advancement  of  the  faid  minifters  of  ftate,  and  their  adhe- 
rents, and  nearly  to  the  utter  ruine  of  the  faid  Catholiques. 

3.  That,  whereas  your  majeftie's  late  royall  father,  king  James,  having  a  princely 
and  fatherly  care  of  this  kingdome,  was  gratioufly  pleafed,  to  graunt  feverall  large  and 
beneficiall  commiffions,  under  the  great  feale  of  England,  and  feverall  inftrudious,  and 
letters  under  his  privie  fignett,  for  the  palling  and  fecuringof  the  eftates  of  his  fubjed's 
here  by  letters  pattents  under  the  great  feale,  and  letters  pattents  accordingly  were 
thereof  patted,  fynes  payed,  old  rents  increafed,  and  new  rents  referved  to  the  crowne. 
And  the  faid  late  king  was  further  gratioufly  pleafed,  att  feverall  tymes,  to  fend  divers 
honorable  perfons  of  integritie,  knowledge  and  experience,  to  examine  the  grievances 
of  this  kingdome,  and  to  fettle  and  eftablifh  a  courfe  for  redrefs  thereof.     And  where- 
as your  majeftie  was  gracioufly  pleafed,  in  the  fourth  yeare  of  your  raigne,  to  vouch- 
fafe  a  favourable  heareing  to  the  grievances  prefented  unto  you,   by  agents  from  this 
kingdome;  and  thereupon  did  graunt  many  graces  and  favours  unto  your  fubjects  there- 
of, for  fecuritie  of  their  eflates,   and  redrefs  for  remove  of  thofe  heavie  preffures,  under 
which  they  have  long  groaned  ;  which  a<5ts  of  juftice,  and  grace  extended  to  this  people 
by  your  majeftie,  and  your  faid  royall  father,  did  afford  them  great  content,  yett  fuch 
was,  and  is  yett,  the  immortall  hatred  offbme  of  the  faid  minifters  offtate,  and  efpe- 
cially  of  the  faid  Sir  William  Parfons,  the  faid  impeached  judges  and  their  adherents, 
to  any  welfare  and  happinefs  of  this  nation,  and  their  ambition  to  make  themfelves  ftill 
greater  and  richer,  by  the  totall  ruine  and  extirpation  of  this  people ;  that  under  pre- 
tence of  your  majeftie's  fervice,  the  publique  faith  involved  in  thofe  grants  was  violated, 
and  the  grace  and  goodnefs  intended,  by  two  glorious  kings  fucceflively,  to  a  faithful 
people,  made  unprofitable. 

4.  The  illegal!,  arbitrary,  and  unlawfull  proceedings  of  the  faid  Sir  William  Parfons, 
and  one  of  the  faid  impeached  judges,  and  their   adherents  and  inftruments,  in  the 
court  of  wards,  and  the  many  wilfully  erroneous  decrees,  and  judgments  of  that  court, 
by  which  the  heirs  of  Catholique  noblemen,  and  other  Catholiques,  were  moft  cruelly  and 
tyrannically  dealt  withall,  deftroyed  in  their  eftates,  and  bred  in  difTolution  and  igno^ 
ranee,  their  parents  debts  unfatisfied,  their  fifters  and  younger  brothers  left  wholly  un- 
provided for,  the  auncient  and  appearing  tenures  of  mefne  lords  unregarded,  eftates 

valid 


APPENDIX.  399 

valid  in  law,  and  made  for  valuable  confiderations,  avoyded  againft  law,  and  the  whole 
land  filled  upp  with  the  frequent  fwarmes  of  efcheators,  feodaryes,  purfuivanis,  and 
others,  by  author! tie  of  that  court. 

5.  The  faid  Catholiques,  notwithstanding  the  heavy  preffures  beforememioned,  and 
other  grievances,  in  part  reprefented  to  your  majeftie  by  the  late  committees  of  both 
Houfes  of  parliament  of  this  kingdom,  "(whereunto  they  humbly  defire  that  relation  be 
had,  and  redrefs  obtained  therein,)  did  readyly,  and  without  reludlance,  or  repineing, 
contribute  to  all  the  fubfidies,  loanes,  and  other  extraordinary  graunts  made  to  your 
majeftie  in  this  kingdome,  fince  the  beiginning  of  your  raigne,  amounting  unto  well 
neere  one  million  of  poundes,  over  and  above  your  majeftie's  revenue,  both  certain  and 
cafuall  :  and  although  the  faid  Catholiques  were  in  parliament,  and  otherwife,  the  moft 
forward  in  graunting  the  faid  famines,  and  did  beare  nyne  parts  often  in  the  payments 
thereof,  yett  fuch  was  the  power  of  their  adverfaryes,  and  the  advantage  they  gajned 
by  the  opportunitie  of  their  continuall  addrefs  to  your  majeftie,  to  increafe  their  repu- 
tation in  getting  in  of  thofe  moneys,  and  their  authoritie   in  the  diflribution  thereof  to 
your  majeftie's  greate  differvice,  that  they  affumed  to  themfelves  to  be  the  procurers 
thereof,  and  reprefented  the  faid  Catholiques  as  obftinate  and  refractory. 

6.  The  army  raifed  for  your  majeftie's  fervice  here,  at  the  greate  charge  of  the  king- 
dome,  was  dilbanded  by  the  prefling  importunitie  of  the  malignant  partie  in  England,, 
not  giving  way  that  your  majeftie  fhould  take  adviie  therein  with  the  parliament  here; 
alledging  the  (aid  army  was  popifh,  and  therefore  not  to  be  trufted ;  and  although  the 
world  could  wittnefs  the  unwarrantable  and  unexampled  invafion  made  by  the  malignant 
partie  of  the  parliament  in  England,  uppon  your  majeftie's  honour,  rights,  preroga- 
tives, and  principall  flowers  of  your  crowne;  and  that  the  faid  Sir  William  Parforis, 
Sir  Adam  Loftus  knight,  your  majeftie's  vice-treafurer  of  this  kingdome,  and  others 
their  adherents,   did  declare   that   an   army   of  ten  thoufand  Scotts  was  to  arrive  in 
this  kingdome,  to  force  the  faid  Catholiques  to  change  their  religion,  and  that  Ireland 
could  never  doe  well  without  a  rebellion,  to  the  end  the  remaine  of  the  natives  thereof 
might  be  extirpated;  and  wagers  were  laid  at  generall  aflizes  and   publique  meetings, 
by  fome  of  them  then,  and  now-imployed  in  places  of  greate  profitt  and  truft  in  this 
kingdome,  that  within  one  yeare  no  Catholique  fhould  be  left  in  Ireland  ;  and  that  they 
few  the  ancient  and  unqueftionable  privileges  of  the  parliament  of  Ireland  unjuftly  and 
againft  law  enchroached  uppon,  by  the  orders,   acts  and  proceedings  of  both  Howfes 
of  parliament  in  England,  in  fending  for  and  queftioning,  to,  and  in,  that  parliament, 
the  members  of  the  parliament  of  this  kingdome,  fitting  the  parliament  here;  and  that 
by  fpeeches,  and  orders  printed  by  authoritie  of  both  Houfes  in  England,  it  was  declar- 
ed that  Ireland  was  bound  by  the  ftatutes  made  in  England,  if  named,  which  is  con- 
trary to  knowen  truth,  and  the  laws  here  fettled  for  fowre  hundred  yeares,  and  up- 
wards j  and  that  the  faid  Catholiques  were  thoroughly  enformed  of  the  proteftation 

made 


400  APPENDIX. 

made  by  both  Houfes  of  parliament  of  England  againft  Catholiques,  and  of  their  in- 
tentions to  introduce  lawes  for  the  extirpation  of  Catholique  religion  in  the  three  king- 
domes;  and  that  they  had  certain  notice  of  the  bloody  execution  of  priefts  there,  only 
for  being  priefts,  and  that  your  Majeftie's  mercy  and  power  could  not  prevaile  with 
them  to  fave  the  lyfe  of  one  condemned  prieft ;  and  that  the  Catholiques  of  England 
feeing  of  their  owne  flefh  and  blood,  muft  fuffer,  or  departe  the  land,  and  confequently 
others  not  of  fo  neere  a  relation  to  them,  if  bound  by  their  ftatutes,  and  within  their 
power.  Thefe  motives,  -although  very  ftrong  and  powerfull  to  produce  apprehenfions 
•and  feares  in  the  faid1  Catholiques,  did  not  prevaile  with  them  to  take  defenfiye  armes, 
much  lefs  offenfive ;  they  ftill  expecting  that  your  majeftie  in  your  high  wifdome 
-might  be  able  inafhort  tyme,  to  apply  feaibnable  cures,  and  apt  remedies  unto  thofe 
evilis,  and  innovations. 

•7.  That  the  committees  of  the  lords  and  commons  of  this  kingdome,  having  attend- 
-cd  your  majeftie  for  the  fpace   of  nyne  months,  your  majeftie  was  gratioufly  pleafed, 
notwithstanding  your    then  weightie  fcnd  urgent  affayrs  in  England  and  Scotland,  to 
receive,  and  very  often  with  great  patience  to   hear  their  grievances,  and  many  de- 
bates thereof -at  large  ;  during  which  debates,  the  faid  lords  juftices,  and  fome  of  your 
privy  councill  of  this  kingdome,  and  their  adherents,  by  their  malitious  and  untrue  in- 
formations conveyed  to  fome  minifters  of  ftate  in  England,  (who  fince  are  declared  of 
the  malignant  partie,)  and  by  the  continuall  felicitation  of  others  of  the  (aid  privy  coun- 
cill, gone  to  England  of  purpofe  to  crofs  and  give  impediment    unto  the  juftice,  and 
.grace  your  majeftie  was  inclined  to  afford  to  your  fubjec'ls  of  this  realme,  did,  as  much 
•as  in  them  lay,  hinder  the  obtayning  of  any  redrefs  for  the  faid  grievances,  and  not 
prevailing  therein  with  your  majeftie  as  they  expected,  have  by  their  letters,  and  in- 
-ftruments,  laboured  with  many  leading  members  of  the  parliament  there,  to  give  ftopp 
•and  interruption  thereunto,  and  likewife  tranfmitted  unto  your  majeftie,  and  fome  of  the 
ftate  of  England,  fundery  mifconftruftions  and  mifreprefentations  of  the  proceedings  and 
actions  of  your  parliament  of  this  kingdome,  and  thereby  endeavoured  to  poflefs  your 
majeftie  with  an  evill  opinion  thereof;  and  that  the  faid  parliament  had  no  power  of  judi- 
cature in  capitall  caufes,  (which  is  an  eflentiall  part  of  parliament)  thereby  aymeing  at 
the  impunicie  of  fome  of  them,  and  others,  who  were  then  impeached  of  high  treafon  ; 
and  at  the  deftruclion  of  this  parliament:    but  the  faid  lords  juftices  and  privie  councell, 
obferving  that  no  art  or  practice  of  theirs  could  be  powerfull  to  withdraw  your  ma- 
jeftie's  grace  and  good  intentions  from  this  people,  and  that  the  redrefs  graunted  of 
fome  particular  grievances  was  to  be  paiTed  as  acts  in  parliament;  the  faid  lords  juftices, 
and  their  adherents,  with  the  height  of  malice,  envieing  the  good  union  long-  before 
fettled,  and  continued  between  the  members  of  the  Houfe  of  commons,  and  their  good 
correfpondence  with  the  lords,  left  nothing  unattempted,  which  might  rayfe  difcord, 
and  disunion  in  the  faid  Houfe  ;  and  by  fome  of  themfelves,  and  fome  inftruments  of 
theirs  in  the -faid -commons  houfe,  private  meeteings  of  greate  numbers  of  the  faid 

Houfe 


APPENDIX.  401 

Houfe  were  appointed,  ofpurpofe  to  rayfe  diftinction  of  nation  and  religion,  by  meanes 
whereof  a  faction  was  made  there,  which  tended  much  to  the  difquiet  of  the  Houfe, 
and  difturbance  of  your  majeflie's  and  the  publique  fervice;    and  after  certain  know- 
ledge that  the  faid  committees  were  by  the  water  fide  in  England,  with  fundry  import- 
ant and  beneficial  bills,  and  other  graces,  to  be  patted,  as  acts  in  that  parliament;  of 
puipofe  to  prevent  the  fame,  the  faid  faction,  by  the  practife  of  the  faid  lords  juftices, 
and  fome  of  the  faid  privy  councilland  their  adherents,  in  a  tumultuous  and  difbrderly 
manner,  on  the  feventh  day  of  Auguft  1641,  and  on  feverall  days  before,  cryed  out  for 
an  adjournement  of.the  Houfe,  and  beinge  over-voted  by  the  voices  of  the  more  moderate 
partie,  the  faid  Lords  Juftices  and  their  adherents  told  feverall  honourable  peers,  that 
if  they  did  not  adjourne  the  lords  Houfe  on.  that  day,  being  Saturday,  that  they  would 
themfelves   prorogue  or  adjourne  the  parliament  on  the  next  Munday  following,  by 
meanes  whereof,  and  of  great  numbers  of  proxies  of  noblemen,  not  eftated,  nor  at  any 
tyme  refident  in  this  kingdome,  (which  is  deftrudtive  to  the  libertye  and  freedom  of 
parliaments  here,)  the  lords  Houfe  was  on  the  faid  fcventh  day  of  Augufl  adjourned, 
and  the  Houfe  of  Commons  by  occafion  thereof,  and  of  the  faction  aforefaid,  adjourned 
foone  after,  by  which  meanes  thofe  bills  and  graces,  according  to  your  majeftie's  in- 
tention, and  the  great  expectation  and  longing  defires  of  your  people,  could  not  then 
pafs  as  acts  of  parliament. 

WITHIN  few  dayes  after  this  fatal  and  enforced  adjournement,  the  faid  committees 
arrived  at  Dublin,  with  their  difpatch  from  your  majeftie,  and  prefented  the  fame  to 
the  faid  lords  juflices  and  council!,  expreffing  a  right  fence  of  the  faid  adjournment, 
and  befought  their  lordfhips,  for  the  fatisfaction  of  the  people,  to  require  fhort  heads 
of  that  part  of  the  difpatch  wherein  your  majeftie  did  appeare  in  the  bed  manner  unto 
your  people,  might  be  luddainely  conveyed  unto  all  the  partes  of  the  kingdome,  at- 
tefted  by  the  faid  lords  juftices,  to  prevent  defpaire,  or  mifunderftanding.  This  was 
promifed  to  be  done,  and  an  inftrument  drawen,  and  prefented  unto  them  for  this 
purpofe,  and  yett,  (as  it  feemes  defireing  rather  to  add  fuell  to  the  fire  of  the  fubjects 
difcontents,  than  quench  the  fame,)  they  did  forbeare  to  give  any  notice  thereof  to  the 
people. 

8.  AFTER  this,  certaine  dangerous  and  pernitious  petitions,  contrived  by  the  advife 
and  councell  of  the  faid  Sir  William  Parfons,  Sir  Adam  Loftus,  Sir  John  Clotworthy, 
knights,  Arthure  Hill,  Efq-,  and  fundry  others  malignant  partie,  and  fjgned  by 
many  thoufands  of  the  malignant  partie  in  the  citty  of  Dublin,  in  the  province  of  Ul- 
fter,  and  in  fundry  other  of  the  partes  in  this  kingdome,  directed  to  the  commons 
Houfe  in  England,  were  at  publique  affizes  and  other  publique  places  made  known 
and  read,  to  many  perfons  of  quallitie  in  this  kingdome,  which  petitions  contayned 
matters  deftructive  to  the  faid  Catholiques,  their  religion,  lives,  and  eflatcs,  and  were 

F  f  f  the 


402  APPENDIX. 

the  more  to  be  feared  by  reafon  of  the  adlive  power  of  the  faid  Sir  John  Clotvvorthy  in 
the  commons  Howie  in  England  in  oppoiitbn  to  your  majeftie,  and  his  barbarous  and 
inhumane  expreffions  in  that  Howfe  again  ft  Catholique  religion,  and  the  profeflbrs  there- 
of. Soone  after  an  order  conceaved  in  jhe  commons  Houfe  of  England,  that  no  man 
fnould  bowe  unto  the  name  of  JESUS,  (att  the  (acred  found  whereof  all  knees  fnould 
bend)  came  to  the  knowledge  of  .the  faid  Catholiques,  and  that  the  faid  malignant  partie 
did  contrive  and  plott  to  extinguifh  their  religion  and  nation.  Hence  it  did  arife  that 
fome  of  the  faid  Catholiques  begun  to  conlider  the  deplorable  and  defperate  condition 
they  were  in,  by  a  flatute  law  here  found  among  the  records  of  this  kingdome,  of  the 
fecond  yeareof  theraigneof  the  late  queen  Elizabeth  (but  never  executed  in  her  tyme, 
nor  difcovered  till  molt  of  the  members  of  that  parliament  were  dead)  by  which  no  Ca- 
tholique of  this  kingdorae  could  enjoy  his  life,  eftate,  or  lyberty  if  the  faid  ftatute  were  exe- 
cuted; whereunto  no  impediment  remayned  but  your  majeftie' s  prerogative  and  power, 
which  were  endeavoured  to  be  clipped,  or  taken  away,  as  is  before  rehearfed  v  then  the 
plott  of  deftrudion  by  an  army  out  of  Scotland,  and  another  of  the  malignant  partie  in 
England,  muft  be  executed  ;  the  feares  of  thofe  twofold  deftrudions,  and  their  ardent 
defire  to  maintaine  that  juft  prerogative,  which  might  encounter  and  remove  it,  did 
necefliftate  fbme  Catholiques  in  the  North,  about  the  2zd  of  Odober  1641,  to  take 
armes  in  maintenance  of  their  religion,  your  majeftie's  rights,  and  the  prefervation  of 
life,  eftate,  and  libertie ;  and  immediately  ihereuppon  tooke  a  folemn  oath,  and  fent 
feveral  declarations  to  the  lords  juftices  and  council!  to  that  effect;  and  humbly  defired 
they  might  be  heard  in  parliament,  unto  the  determination  whereof,  they  were  ready 
to  fubmitt  themfelves,  and  their  demands  :  which  declarations  being  received,  were 
flighted  by  the  faid  lords  juftices,  who  by  the  fwaying  part  of  the  faid  councill,  and 
by  the  advife  of  the  faid  two  impeached  judges,  glad  of  any  occafion  to  put  off  the  par- 
liament, which  by  the  former  adjournment  was  to  meete  foone  after,  caufed  a  prqcla- 
mation  to  be  publifhed  on  the  23d  of  the  faid  month  of  October  1641,  therein  accufc- 
ing  all  the  Catholiques  of  Ireland  of  difloyaltie,  and  thereby  declareing  that  the  parlia- 
ment was  prorogued  untill  the  26th  of  February  following. 

9.  WITHIN  few  dayes  after  the  faid  23d  day  of  October  1641,  many  lords  and 
other  perfons  of  ranke  and  qualitie,  made  their  humble  addrefs  to  the  faid  lords  juftices 
and  council!,  and  made  it  evidently  appeare  unto  them,  that  the  faid  prorogation  was 
againft  law,  and  humbly  befought  the  parliament  might  fit  according  to  the  former 
adjournement,  which  was  then  the  only  expedient,  to  compote  or  remove  the  then 
growing  difcontents  and  troubles  of  the  land  j  and  the  faid  lords  juftices,  and  their  partie 
of  the  council!,  then  well  knowing  that  the  members  of  both  Houfes  throughout  the 
kingdome,  (a  few  in  and  about  Dublin  only  excepted,)  would  flay  from  the  meeteing 
©f  both  Houfes,  by  reafon  of  the  faid  prorogation,  did  by  proclamation  two  dayes  before 
the  time,  give  way  the  parliament  might  fitt,  but  fo  liraitted,  that  no  ad  of  grace,  or  any 

thing 


APPENDIX:.  403 

thing  elfe  for  the  people's  quiet  or  fatisfadion,  might  be  propounded  or  paiTed.  And 
thereuppon,  a  few  of  the  lords  and  commons  appeared  in  the  parliament  Houfe,  who  in 
their  enterance  at  the  cattle-bridge  and  gate,  and  within  the  yard  to  the  parliament 
Houfe  doore,  and  recefs  from  thence,  were  invironed  with  a  great  number  of  armed 
men  with  their  match  lighted,  and  mufkets  prefented  even  to  the  breads  of  the  mem- 
bers of  both  Houfes,  none  being  admitted  to  bring  one  fervant  to  attend  him,  or  any 
weapon  about  him  within  the  caille-bridgc.  Yet  how  thin  foever  the  Howfes  were,  or 
how  much  overawed,  they  both  did  fupplicate  the  lords  juftices  and  councill,  that  they 
might  continue  for  a  tyme  together,  and  expect  the  coming  of  the  reft  of  both  Houfes, 
to  the  end  they  might  quiet  the  troubles  in  full  parliament,  and  that  fome  ads  of  fe- 
curitie  graunted  by  your  Majeftie,  and  tranfmitted  under  the  great  Sale  of  England, 
might  pafs  to  fettle  the  minds  of  your  majeftie' s  fubjecls.  Buttothefe  requefts,  foe  much 
conduceing  to  your  majeftie's  fervice,  and  fettlement  of  your  people,  a  flatt  denyall  was 
given ;  and  the  faid  lords  juftices  and  their  partie  of  the  council!,  by  their  workeing 
with  their  partie  in  both  Howfes  of  parliament,  being  then  very  thyn  as  afforefaid, 
propounded  an  order  mould  be  conceaved  in  parliament,  that  the  faid  difcontented 
gentlemen  tooke  armes  in  rebellious  manner,  which  was  refented  much  by  the  bed 
afTeded  of  both  Howfes;  but  being  awed  as  arTorefoid,  and  credibly  informed,  if  fome 
particular  perfons  amongft  them  flood  in  oppofition  thereunto,  that  the  faid  mulket- 
teeres  were  directed  to  fhoote  them  att  their  goeing  out  of  the  parliament  Houfe, 
thorough  which  terror,  way  was  given  to  that  order. 

10.  NOTWITHSTANDING  all  the  beforementioned  provocations,  prefTures,  and  in- 
dignities, the  farr  greater,  and  more  confiderable  parte  of  the  Catholiques,  and  all  the 
cittyes  and  corporations  of  Ireland,  and  \vhole  provinces,  flood  quiet  in  their  howfes ; 
whereupon  the  lords  juftices  and  their  adherents,  well  knowing  that  many  powerfull 
members  of  the  parliament  of  England  flood  in  oppofition  to  your  majeftie,  made 
their  application,  and  addreiled  their  difpatches  full  fraught  with  calumnies  and  falfe 
fuggeftious  againft  the  Catholiques  of  this  kingdome,  and  propounded  unto  them,  to 
fend  feverall  great  forces  to  conquer  this  kingdome ;  thofe  of  the  malignant  partie  here 
were  by  them  armed  ;  the  Catholiques  were  not  only  denyed  armes,  but  were  difarm- 
ed,  even  in  the  citty  of  Dublin,  which  in  all  fucceilions  of  ages  paft  continued  as  loyall 
to  the  crowne  of  England  as  any  citty  or  place  whatfoever :  all  other  auncient  and 
loyall  cittyes  and  corporatt  townes  of  the  kingdome,  (by  meanes  whereof  principally  the 
kingdome  was  preferved  in  former  tymes)  were  denyed  armes  for  their  money  to  de- 
fend themfelves,  and  txprefs  order  given  by  the  faid  lords  juftices  to  difarme  all  Catho- 
liques in  fbmeof  the  faid  cittyes  and  townes:  others  disfurnifhed  were  inhibited  to  pro- 
vide armes  for  their  defence;  and  the  faid  lords  juftices  and  councell  having  received 
an  order  of  both  Houfes  of  parliament  in  England  to  publifh  a  proclamation  of  pardon 
unto  all  thofe  who  were  then  in  rebellion  (as  they  tearmed  it)  in  this  kingdome,  *if 

F  f  f  2  they 


4o4  APPENDIX. 

they  did  fubmitt  by  a  day  to  be  limited,  the  faid  Sir  William  Patfons,  contrary  to  this 
order,  foe  wrought  with  his  panic  of  the  council!,   that  a  proclamation  was  publifhed  of 
pardon  only  in  twocountyes,  and  a  very  fhort  day  prefixed,  and  therein  all  freeholders 
were  excepted  ;  through  which  every  man  law  that  the  eftates  of  the  Catholiques  were 
firft  aymed  att,  and  their  lives  next.     The  faid  lords  juftices  and  their  partie  haveing 
advanced  their  defigne  thus  far,  and  not  finding  tire  fuccefs  anfwerable  to  their  defires, 
commanded  Sir  Charles  Coote,  Knight  and  Baronet  deceafed,   to  march  to  the  county 
ofWickloe,  where  he  burnt,  killed,  and  deflroyed  all  in   his  way,   in  a  moft  crueli 
manner,  man,  woman,  and  childe  ;  perfons  that  had  not  appearing  wills  to  doe  hurt, 
nor  power  to  execute  it.     Soone  after,  fome  foote  companies  did  march  in  the  night  by 
direction  of  the  faid  loids  juftices,  and  their  faid  partie,  to  the  towne  of  Sauntry  in  Fin- 
gall,  three  miles  off  Dublin  ;  a  country  that  neither  then,  nor  for  the  fpace  of  four  or 
five  hundred  yeares  before,  did  feele  what  troubles  were,  or  war  meant ;  but  it  was 
too  fweet  and  too  near,  and  therefore  fitt  to  be  forced  to  armes.     In  that  towne  inno- 
cent hufbandmen,  fome  of  them  being  Catholiques,  and   fome  Proteftants  taken  for 
Catholiques,  were  murdered  in  their   inn,  and  their  heads  carryed  tryumphant  into 
Dublin.    Next  morning,  complaint  being  made  of  this,  no  redrefs  was  obtayned  therein  j 
whereupon  fome  gentlemen  of  qualitie,  and  others  the  inhabitants  of  the  country, 
feeing  what  was  then  ailed,  and  what  pafTed  in  the  faid  laft  march  towards  the  county 
ofWickloe,  andjuflly  fearing  to  be  all  murthered,  forfboke  their  howfes,  and  were 
conftrayned  to  (land  together  in  their  owne  defence,  though  ill  provided  of  armes  or 
ammunition.     Heereupon  a  proclamation  was  agreed  upon  at  the  board,  on  the  i3th 
of  December  1641,  and  not  publifhed  or  printed  till  the  ifth  of  December,  by  which 
the  faid  gentlemen,  and  George  Kinge  by  name,  were  required  to  come  in  by,  or  upon 
the  1 8th  of  the  faid  month,  and  a  fafetie  was  therein  promifed  them.     On  the  fame 
day  another  proclamation  was  publifhed,  fummoning  the  lords  dwelling  in  the  Englifh 
pale  near  Dublin   to  a  grand  councill  on  the  lyth  of  the  faid   month  j  but  the  lords 
juftices  and  their  partie  of  the  councill,  to  take  away  all  hope  of  accommodation,  gave 
direction  to  the  faid  Sir  Charles  Coote,  the  faid  ifth  day  of  the  faid  month  of  December, 
to  march  to  Clontarffe,  being  the  houfe  and  towne  of  the  faid  George  Kinge,  and  two 
miles  from  Dublin,  to  pillage,  burne,   kill,  and  deftroy  all  that  there  was  to  be  found ; 
which  direction  was  readily  and  particularly  obferved,  (in  a  manyfeft  breach  of  publick 
faith)  by  meanes  whereof,  the  meeteing  of  the  faid  grand  councill  was  diverted  :  The 
lords  not  dareing  to  come  within  the  power  of  fuch  notorious  faith-breakers:  the  con- 
fideration  whereof,  and  of  other  the  matters  aforefaid,  made  the  nobilitie  and  gentry  of  the 
Englifh  pale,  and  other  parts  of  the  province  of  Leinfter,  fenfibleof  the  prefent  danger, 
and  put  themfelves  in  the  belt  pofture  they  could  for  their  naturall  defence.  Wherefore 
they  imployed  lieutenant  Collonel  Read  to  prefent  their  humble  remonftrance  to  your 
iacred  majeftie,  and  to  declare  unto  you  the  ftate  of  their  affayres,  and  humbly  to  be- 
fcech  relief  and  redrefs  i  the  faid  lieutenant  Collonell,  though  your  majeftie's  fervanr, 

and 


APPENDIX.  405 

and  impjoyed  in  publique  trull,  (in  which  cafe  the  law  of  nations  affords  fafcty  and 
protection)  was  without  regard  to  either,  not  only  flopped  from  proceeding  in  his  im- 
ployrnent,  but  alfo  tortured  on  the  rack  at  Dublin. 

11.  THE  lord  prefident  of  Munfter,  by  direction  of  the  faid  lords  juftices,  (that  pro- 
vince being  quiet)  with  his  accompjjces,  burnt,  preyed,  and  put  to  death  men,  women 
and  children,  without  making  any  difference  of  qualitie,  condition,  age,  or  fex  in  feveral 
parts  of  that  province ;  the  Catholique  nobles  and  gentlemen  there  were  miftruiled 
and  threatened,  and  others  of  inferior  quality  trufted  and  furnifhed  with  armes  and  am- 
munition.     The  province  ofConnaught  was  ufed  in  the  like  meafure;  whereupon  moft 
of  theconfiderable  Catholiques  in  both  the  faid  provinces  were  inforced  (without  armes 
or  ammunition)  to  look  after  their  fafetyvand  to  that  end  did  ftand  on  their  defence; 
ilill  expecting  your   majeftie's  pleafure,  and  allways  ready  to  obey  your  commands. 
Now  the  plott  of  the  faid  miniflers  of  flate  and  their  adherents  being  even  ripe,  applica- 
tions were  inceflantly  by  them  made  to  the  malignant  partie  in  England,  to  deprive  this 
people  of  all  hopes  of  your  majeflie's  juftice  or  mercie,  and  to  plant  a  perpetual  enmity 
between  the  Engliih  and  Scotilh  nations,  and  your  fubjects  of  this  kingdoms. 

12.  THAT  whereas  this  your  majeflie's  kingdome  of  Ireland  in  all  fucceflions  of 
ages,  fince  the  raigne  of  King  Henry  the  fecond,  fometime  King  of  England  and 
Lord  of  Ireland,  had  parliaments  of  their  owne,  compofed  of  lords  and  commons  in 
the  fame  manner  and  forme  qualified  with  equall  liberties,  powers,  priviledges  and  im- 
munities with  fche  parliament  of  England,  and  onely  depend  of  the  king  and  crowne 
of  England  and  Ireland :  And  for  all  that  tyme,  no  prevalent   record  or  authentique 
prefident  can  be  found,  that  any  flatute  made  in  England  could  or  did  bind  this  king- 
dome,  before  the  fame  were  here  eflablifhed  by  parliament-,  yet  upon  untrue  fuggeftior.s 
and  informations,  given  of  your  fubjects  of  Ireland,  an  act  of  parliament,  emituled,, 
an  act  for  the  fpeedie  and  effectual  reduceing  the  rebells  in  his  majeflie's  kingdome  of 
Ireland  to  their  due  obedience  to  his  majeftie  and  the  crowne  of  England  ;  and  another 
act,  intituled,  an  act  for  adding  unto  and  explayneing  the  faid  former  act,  was  pro- 
cured  to  be  enacted  in  the  faid  parliament  of  England,  in  the  eighteenth  yeare  of  your 
majeftie's  raigne  ^  by  which  acts,  and  other  proclamations,  your  majeftie's  fubjects  un- 
fummoned,  unheard,  were  declared  rebells,  and  two  millions  and  a  haife  of  acres 
arrable,  meadow,  and  profitable  pafture,  within  this  kingdome,  fold  to  undertakers  for 
certain  fummes  of  monie;  and  the  edifices,  joghs,  woodes,  and  bogges,    wafles  and 
other  their  appurtenances,  were  thereby  mentioned  to  be   granted  and  pafl  gratis. 
Which  acts  the  faid  Catholiques  doe  conceave  to  have  beene  forced  uppon  your  ma- 
jeftie ;  and  allthough  void,  and  unjufl  in  themfelves  to  all  purpofes,  yett  containe  mat- 
ters of  evill  confequence,  and  extreame  prejudice  to  your  majeflie,  and  totally  deftruc- 
tive  to  this  nation.    The  fcope  feemeing  to  aime  att  rebells  only,  and  at  the  difpofition 

of 


4o&  APPENDIX. 

of  a  certaine  quantitie  of  land  ;  but  in  effect  and  fubftance  all  the  landes  in  the  king- 
dome,  by  the  words  of  the  laid  ads,  may  be  diftributed,  in-  whofe  poffeflion  foever 
they  were,  without  refpect  to  age,  condition,  orqualitie;  and  all  your  majeftie's  te- 
nures, and  the  greatefl  part  of  your  majeftie's  (landing  revenue  in  this  kingdome,  taken 
away  ;  and  by  the  faid  ads,  if  they  were  of  force,  all  power  of  pardoning  and  of  grant- 
ing thofe  lands,  is  taken  from  your  majeftie-,  a  prefident  that  no  age  can  inftance  the 
like.  Againft  this  act  the  laid  Catholiques  do  proteft,  as  an  act  againft  the  fundamen- 
tall  lawes  of  this  kingdome,  and  as  an  act  deftructive  to  your  majeftie's  rights  and  pre- 
rogatives, by  collour  whereof,  moft  of  the  forces  fent  hither  to  infeft  this  kingdome  by 
fea  and  land,  difavowed  any  authoritie  from  your  majeftie,  but  do  depend  upon  the 
parliament  of  England. 

13.  ALL  ft  rangers,  and  focli  as  were  not  inhabitants  of  the  citty  of  Dublin,  being 
commanded  by  the  faid  lords juftices,  in  and  fmce  the  faid  month  of  November  1641, 
to  depart  the  faid  citty,  were  no  fooner  departed,  than  they  were  by  the  directions  of 
the  (aid  lords  juftices  pillaged  abroad,  and  their  goods  feized  uppon  and  confifcated  in 
Dublin  ;  and  they  defireing  to  returne  under  the  protection  and  fafetie  of  the  ftate,  be- 
fore their  appearance  inaction,  were  denied  the  fame;  and  divers  other,  perfons  of 
tank  and  qualitie,  by  the  faid  lords  juftices  imployed  in  publique  fervice,  and  others 
keeping  clofe  within  their  doores,  without  annoying  any  man,  or  fiding  then  with  any 
of  the  faid  Catholiques  in  armes,  and  others  in  feverall  parts  of  the  kingdome  liveing 
under,  and  having  the  protection  and  fafetie  of  the  ftate,  were  fooner  pillaged,  their 
howfes  burnt,  themfelves,  their  tenants  and  fervants  killed  and  deftroyed,  than  any 
other,  by  direction  of  the  faid  lords  juftices.  And  by  the  like  direction,  when  any 
commander  in  chiefe  of  the  army,  promifed,  or  gave  quarter  or  protection,  the  fame 
was  in  all  cafes  violated  ;  and  many  perfons  of  qualitie,  who  obtained  the  fame,  were 
ruined  before  others ;  others  that  came  into  Dublin  voluntarily,  and  that  could  not  be 
juftly  fufpected  of  any  crime,  if  Irimmen  or  Catholiques,  by  the  like  direction  were 
pillaged  in  Dublin,  robbed  and  pillaged  abroad,  and  brought  to  their  tryall  for  their 
lives.  The  citty  es  of  Dublin  and  Corke,  and  the  ancient  corporatt  townes  of  Drogheda, 
Yeoghal  and  Kingfale,  who  voluntarily  received  garrifons  in  your  majeftie's  name,  and 
the  adjacent  countryes  who  relieved  them,  were  worfe  ufed,  and  now  live  in.  worie 
condition  than  the  Ifraelites  did  in  Egypt;  fb  that  it  will  be  made  appeare,  that  more 
murders,  breaches  of  pubiique  faith,  and  quarter,  more  deftruction  and  defolation, 
more  crueltie,  not  fitt  to  be  named,  were  committed  in  Ireland,  by  the  direction  and 
advife  of  the  faid  lords  juftices  and  theire  partie  of  the  faid  councill  in  lefs  than 
eighteene  months,  than  can  be  parallelled  to  have  beene  done  by  any  Chriftian 
People. 
- 

14.  THE 


APPENDIX.  407 

14.  THE  faid  lords  juflices  and  their  adherents  have,  again  (I  the  fundamental  la\ves 
of  the  lande,  procured  the  fitting  of  both   Howfes  of  parliament  for  feverali  fdiions,. 
(nyne  parts  of  ten  of  the  natural!  and  genuine  members  thereof  being  abtent,  it  (land- 
ing not  with  their  fafety  to  come  under  their  power)  and  madeupp  a  confiderable  num- 
ber in  the  Howfe  of  commons  of  clerkes,  fouldiers,  ferveing  men,  and  others,  not  le- 
gally, or  not  chofen  at  all,  or   returned,  and  having  no  manner  of  eft  ate  within  the 
kingdom  i  in  which  fitting,  fundry  orders  were  conceived,   and  difir.iflcs  obteyned  of 
perfons  before  impeached  of  treafon  in  full  parliament;  and  which  patted  or  might  have 
patted  fome  acls  againft  law  and  to  the  prejudice  of  your  majeftie,and  this  whole  nation* 
And  dureing  thefe  troubles,  termes  were  kept,  and  your  majeftie's  court  of  cheefe  .place^ 
and  other  courts  fate  at  Dublin,  to  no  other  end  or  purpofe,  but  by  falle  and  illegall 
judgments,  outlawries,  and  other  capitall  proceedings,  to  attaint  many  thowfandsof  your 
majeftie's  mofl  faithfull  fubjecls  of  this  kingdome,  they  being  never  fummoned,  nor 
haveing  notice  of  thofe  proceedings-,  and  fherifTs,  made  of  obfcure  meane  perfons,  by 
the  like  practice,  appointed  of  purpofe;  and  poore  artificers,  common  foldiers  and  me*- 
mall  fervants,  returned  jurors,  to  pafs  upon  the  lives  and  eftates  of  thofe  who  came  in. 
upon  protection,  and  publique  faith. 

THEREFORE  the  faid  Catholiques,  in  the  behalfe  of  themfelves  and  of  the  whore 
kingdome  of  Ireland,  doe  proteft  and  declare  againft  the  faid  proceedings,  in  the  na- 
ture of  parliaments,  and  in  the  other  courts  aforefaid,  and  every  of  them,  as  being, 
heynous  crimes  againft  law,  deftruclive  to  parliaments  and  your  majeftie's  pre- 
rogatives and  authorise,  and  the  rights  and  juft  liberties  of  your  moft  faithful 
fubjecls. 

FORASMUCH,  dread  fovereigne,  as  the  fpeedy  applycation  of  apt  remedyes  unto 
thefe  grievances  and  heavie  prelTures,  will  tend  to  the  fettlement  and  improvement  of 
your  majeftie's  revenue,  the  prevention  of  further  effufion  of  blood,  the  prefervatio« 
of  this  kingdome.  from  defolation,  and  the  content  and  fatisfadtion  of  your  faid  .  fub- 
jecls, who  in  manifestation  of  their  duty  and  zeale  to  your  majeftie's  fervice,  will  be 
moft  willing  and  ready  to  imploy  ten  thoufand  men  under  the  conduct  of  well  expe- 
rienced commanders  in  defence  of  your  royal  rights  and  prerogatives;  they  therefore 
moft  humbly  befeech  your  majeftie,  that  you  will  vouchfafe  gracious  anfwers  to  thefe 
their  humble  and  juft  complaints,  and  for  the  eftablifhment  of  your  people  in  a  lad- 
ing peace  and  fecuritie,  the  faid  Catholiques  doe  moft  humbly  pray,  that  your  ma- 
jeftie may  be  further  gratioufly  pleafed  to  call  a  free  parliament  in  this  kingdome,  in 
fuch  convenient  tyme  as  your  majeftie  in  your  high  wifdome  fhall  think  fitt,  and  the 
urgencie  of  the  prefent  affayres  of  the  faide  kingdome  doth  require ;  and  that  the  faid 
parliament  be  held  in  an  indifferent  place,  fummoned  by,  and.  continued  before,  fome 

perlba 


4o8  APPENDIX. 

perfon  or  perfons  of  honour  and  fortune,  of  approved  faith  to  your  majeftie,  and  ac- 
ceptable to  your  people  here,  and  to  be  timely  placed  by  your  majeftie  in  this  govern- 
ment, which  is  moll  necefiary  for  the  advancement  of  your  fervice,  and  prefent  con- 
dition of  the  kingdome  :  in  which  parliament,  the  faid  Catholiques  doe  humbly  pray 
thefe  or  other  their  grievances  may  be  redrefled,  and  that  in  the  faid  parliament,  a  fla- 
tute  made  in  this  kingdome  in  the  tenth  yeare  of  king  Henry  the  Seventh,  commonly 
called  Poyning's  Ac~t,  and  all  acls  explayning,  or  inlargingthe  fame,  be  by  a  particular 
a£t  fufpended  during  that  parliament,  as  it  hath  beene  allready  done  in  the  eleventh 
yeare  of  queen  Elizabeth,  upon  occafions  of  far  lefs  mdment  than  now  doe  offer  them- 
felves;  and  that  your  majeflie,  with  the  advice  of  the  faid  parliament,  will  be  pleafed 
to  ta^e  a  courfe  for  the  further  repealing,  or  further  continuance  of  the  faid  ftatutes, 
as  may  bed  conduce  to  the  advancement  of  your  fervice  here,  and  peace  of  this  your 
realme;  and  that  no  matter,  whereof  complaint  is  made  in  this  remonftrance,  may 
debarr  Catholiques,  or  give  interruption  to  their  free  votes,  or  fitting  in  the  faid  par- 
liament, and  as  in  duty  bound  they  will  ever  pray  for  your  majeftie's  long  and  profpe- 
rous  raigne  over  them. 

WEE  the  underuamed  being  thereunto  authorifed,  doe  prefent  and  figne  this  remon- 
ftrance  in  the  behalfe  of  the  Catholiques  of  Ireland,  dated  this  lythday  of  March, 
1642. 

GORMANSTON.  L.U  C  AS  DlLLON: 

ROBERT  TALBOTT.  JOHN  WALSH. 

ACCORDING  to  your  majeftie's  commiflion  to  us  directed,  we  have  received  this  re- 
monftrance,  fubfcribed  by  the  lord  vifcount  Gormanftown,  fir  Lucas  Dillon,  knight, 
fir  Robert  Talbott,  bart.  and  John  Walm,  Bfqj  authorifed  by,  and  in  the  behalfe  of 
the  recufants  of  Ireland,  to  prefent  the  fame  unto  us  to  be  tranfmitted  to  your  facred 
dated  the  iyth  day  of  March,  1642. 

CLANRICKARD  and  ST.  ALBANS.  ROSCOMMON. 

MOORE,  MAU.    EUSTACE. 


APPENDIX.  409 


NUMB.    VI. 

Extract  of  a  Collection  of  fome  of  the  Maflacres,  and  Murders  committed  on  the 
Irifh  in  Ireland,  fmce  the  2$d  of  October  1641. 

[See  Review,  p.  121,  &c.] 

This  collection  was  firft  publifhed  in  London  in  the  year  1662.  The  author's  fre- 
quent, candid,  and  public  appeals  to  things  openly  tranfacted,  and  to  *  enemies 
themfelves,  then  living,  and  well  known,  is  a  flrong  proof,  that  what  he  re- 
lates is  real  matter  of  fact ;  and  there  is  yet  a  ftronger  inducement  to  think  it  fb, 
becaufe  it  has  never  yet  been  proved  to  be  otherwife :  nor,  as  far  as  I  have  learn- 
ed, even  attempted  to  be  proved. 

County  of  ANTRIM. 

1641.  A  BOUT  the  beginning  of  November,  the  Englifti,  and  Scotch  forces  in 
XJL  Knockfergus  murdered  in  one  night  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  territory  of 
the  Ifland  Magee,  to  the  number  of  about  3000  men,  women,  and  children,  all  inno- 
cent perfons,  at  a  time  when  none  of  the  Catholics  of  that  country  were  in  arms,  or 
rebellion.  Note,  that  this  was  the  firft  maflacre  committed  in  Ireland  of  either 
fide. 

MR.  Mac.  Naghten  having  built  a  fmall  fortrefs  in  the  faid  county,  to  preferve  him- 
felf,  and  his  followers,  from  outrages,  until  he  underftood  what  the  caufe  of  the  then 
rebellion  was;  as  fbon  as  Colonel  Campbell  came  near  with  part  of  the  army,  he  lent 
to  let  him  know,  that  he  would  come  to  him  with  his  party,  which  he  did ;  and  they 
were  next  day  murdered  to  the  number  of  80,  by  Sir  John  Clotworthy,  now  lord  Ma- 
fareen's,  foldiers. 

ABOUT  the  fame  time,  100  poor  women,  and  children,  were  murdered  in  one  night, 
at  a  place  called  Balliaghiun,  by  direction  of  the  Englifh,  and  Scotch  officers  command- 
ing that  county. 

*  Sir  Audley  Mervyn,  Sir  Robert  Hannah,  (lady  Mountrath's  father,)  fevera!  general,  and  other  officers, 
then,  and  many  years  after,  alive. 

G  g  g  County 


4io  APPEND!    X. 

County'of  DERRY. 

1641.  Some  300  men,  women,  and  children  of  the  Irifh,  having  freely  come  under 
the  protection  of  the  garrifon  of  London-Derry,  were  flripped,  plundered,  and  killed 
by  the  faid  garrifon.  . 


i 


1644.  MR.  Morris  Mac.  Daniel,  natural  fon  of  the  late  earl  of  Antrim,  was  hanged 
at  Coleraine,  by  the  governour's  orders,  nqtwuhflandiixg  lie  had  colonel  Michael 
Jones' spafs. 

County  of  DOWN. 

1641.*  THE  burgefles,  and  inhabitants,  of  the  town  of  Newry,  meeting  the  Englifh 
army  on  their  march  to  befiege  the  caftle  of  the  faid  town,  were  received  into  protec- 
tion ;  and,  after  quarter  given  to  the  garrifon  of  the  faid  caftle,  the  faid  inhabitants, 
and  the  foldiers  of  the  faid  garrifon,  to  the  number  of  500,  and  upwards,  men,  women, 
and  children,  were  brought  on  the  bridge  of  Newry,  and  thrown  into  the  river,  and 
fuch  of  them,  as  endeavoured  to  efcape  by  fwimming,  were  murdered. 

County  of  DONEGAL  L. 

1641.  ABOUT  the  aoth  of  November,  Sir  William  Steward  commanded  the  gentry, 
and  inhabitants  of  that  county  to  join  with  his  forces  in  oppofition  to  the  rebels,  and 
accordingly  they  came  to  the  place  appointed,  where  captain  Cunningham,  with  a  party 
of  the  faid  Sir  William's  regiment,  under  pretence  of  incorporating  with  them,  fell  up. 
on  the  inhabitants  with  his  armed  foldiers,  and  killed  very  many  of  them  ;  among  whom 
were  Owen  Mac  Sweeny,  Morris  O'Farey,  and  Donagh  O'Callan,  gentlemen  of  qua- 
lity, and  eftates. 

ABOUT  the  lame  time  captain  Fleming,  and  other  officers  of  the  faid  regiment,  com- 
manding a  party,  fmothered  to  death  220  women  and  children,  in  two  caves.  And 
about  the  fame  time  alfo  the  faid  captain  Cunningham  murdered  about  63  women,  and 
children,  in  the  ifles  of  Rofs. 

1641.  The  governour  of  Letter-kenny  gathered  together  on  a  Sunday  morning  53 
poor  people,  moft  of  them  women,  and  children,  and  caufed  them  to  be  thrown  off 
the  bridge  into  the  river,  and  drowned  them  all. 

1641.  IN  November,  one  Reading  murdered  the  wife  and  three  children  of  Shane 
O'Morghy  in  a  place  called  Ballykenny  of  Ramaltan,  and  after  her  death  cut  off  her 
breads  with  his  fword. 

1641. 


APPENDIX.  411 


i64T.  1642.  The  garrifons  of  Rapho,  Dromho,  Lifford,  and  Caftle  Raghaen,  flaugh- 
tereu  no  Ids  than  1500  of  the  poor  neighbouring  inhabitants  never  in  arms;  and  three 
ptrfbns  were  chiefly  noted  among  them  for  their  barbarous  cruelty,  by  name  James 
Graham,  Henry  Dungan,  and  Robert  Cunningham,  commonly  called  the  killer  of 
old  women. 

1641.  1642.  ABOUT  2000  poor  labourers,  women  and  children,  of  the  barony  of 
Tirbu,  were  maflacred  by  the  garrifons  of  Ballamany,  and  Donegal;  and  lieutenant 
Thomas  Poe,  an  officer  among  them,  coming  under  colour  of  friendfhip  to  vifit  a 
neighbour  that  lay  fick  in  his  bed,  and  to  whom  he  owed  money,  carried  a  dagger  un- 
der his  cloak,  which,  whilil  he  feemed  to  bow  towards  the  fick  man  in  a  friendly  man. 
ner,  afking  how  he  did,  he  thruft  it  into  his  body,  and  told  his  wife  her  hufband 
fhould  be  no  longer  fick. 

1650.  IN  the  month  of  June,  about  3000  horfe  and  foot  of  his  majefty's  army  be- 
ing defeated  near  Letter-kenny  by  the  Englifli  rebels,  adhering  to  Cromwell,  moft 
of  the  principal  officers  of  the  (aid  party  taken  prifoners  in  the  battle,  were  killed  in  cold 
blood,  by  order  of  Sir  Charles  Coote,  late  lord  of  Mountrath,  notwithftanding  they 
had  quarter  from  the  officers  who  took  them  prifoners. 

County  of  MONAGHAN. 

1641.  CAPT.  Townfley,  governour  of  Magherneckle,  killed  four  labourers,  and  a 
woman,  being  under  protection.     Captain  Bromwell,   governour  of  Clunes,  meeting 
upon  the  road  with  Marc  Chailes  O'Conolly,  a  gentleman  living  under  his  protection, 
caufed  him  to  be  (hot  to  death.     The  foldiers  of  the  garrifons  of  Dundalk  and  Trim, 
killed  no  lefs  than  500  innocent  perfons,  women  and  children  in  that  county. 

1641.  1642.  THE  armies  of  Monroe,  and  the  Lagan,  in  their  feveral  marches 
through  that  county,  fUughtered  about  2000  poor  old  men,  women  and  children. 

1652.  COLONEL  Barrow  of  Cromwell's  army,  having  taken  an  ifland  defended  by 
lieutenant  colonel  Patrick  Mac  Mahon  for  his  majefty,  after  killing  the  faid  lieu- 
tenant colonel,  and  his  foldiers,  put  all  the  women  and  children  to  the  fword,  to  the 
number  of  80,  among  whom  a  child  of  fix  years  old,  being  fpared  by  the  foldiers,  was 
killed  by  order  of  the  faid  colonel  Barrow. 

County  of  CAVAN. 

1642.  MARC  de  la  Pool,  an  Englifli  gentleman,  having  taken  lands  in  that  county  fome 
years  before  the  war,  invited  feveral  of  his  friends  to  come  out  of  England,  and  live 

G  g  g  z  with 


4*2  APPENDIX. 

with  him,  who  were  all  murdered  in  their  houfes  by  the  army,  (only  the  faid  de  la  Pool 
who  was  brought  into  the  town  of  Cavan,)  and  there  hanged  for  no  other  reafon,  but 
their  being  Roman  Catholicks,  and  living  among  the  Iriili.  Sir  Alexander  Godren, 
and  his  lady,  both  Scotch,  but  Roman  Catholicks,  each  of  them  above  70  years  old, 
were  plundered  of  their  goods,  and  ftripped  naked;  and  all  their  tenants,  fervants, 
and  all  their  Cons  murdered.  In  the  fame  year  the  Englim  forces  in  this  county  drown- 
ed 600  men  women  and  children,  in  and  about  Butler's  bridge,  no  murders  having 
been  committed  on  any  Proteflants  there,  alcho'  in  the  pamphlet  lately  printed,  feveral 
murders  are  faid  to  have  been  committed  in  that  place. 

County  of  MAYO. 

IN  this  county  few  murders  were  committed  by  either  fide,  tho'  the  libel  faith,  that 
about  250  Proteflants  were  murdered,  whereof  at  Bellicke  220  ;  whereas  not  one 
perfon  was  murdered  there,  which  the  now  lady  of  Mountrath  can  witnefs  ;  her  lady- 
fhip,  and  Sir  Robert  Hanna,  her  father,  with  many  others,  having  retreated  thither 
for  fecurity,  were  aH  conveyed  fafe  to  Manner-Hamilton  ;  and  it  is  obfervable,  that 
the  faid  lady  and  the  reft  came  to  Mr.  Owen  O'Rorke's,  who  kept  a  garrifon  at  Druma- 
heir  for  the  Irifb,  before  they  came  to  Manner-Hamilton,  whofe  brother  was  prifoner 
with  Sir  Frederick  Hamilton  ;  and  the  faid  Mr.  Rorke,  having  fo  many  perfons  of  qua- 
lity in  his  hands,  fent'to  Sir  Frederick  to  enlarge  his  brother,  and  that  he  would  convey 
them  all  fafe  to  him  :  but  Sir  Frederick,  inftead  of  enlarging  his  brother,  hanged  him 
the  next  day,  which  might  have  well  provoked  the  gentleman  to  revenge,  if  he  had 
fiot  more  humanity  than  could  be  well  expected  upon  fuch  an  occafion,  and  in  times  of 
fo  great  confufion  ;  yet  he  lent  them  all  fafe  where  they  defired. 


was  a  murder  committed  near  the  Moyn  on  27  Proteftants,  which  was  all 
(and  that  too  many)  that  was  committed  in  that  county.  Buchannan,  faid  to  be  buried 
alive,  was  killed  in  a  private  quarrel,  and  he  cut  off  his  adverfary's  hand,  before  him- 
felf  was  killed. 

County  ofGALWAY,  and  Province  of  CON  NAUGHT. 

1642.  SERJEANT  Redmund  Bourke,  of  the  lord  of  Clanmorris's  foot-company, 
and  two  more  were  hanged  by  the  then  governour  of  the  fort  of  Galway,  the  faid  lord 
being  then  of  his  majefty's  army;  for  which  action  no  reparation  being  given  to  his 
lordfhip,  he  alleged  it  to  be  the  occafion  of  his  revolt  from  the  lord  marquis  of 
Clanriccard.  A  party  of  the  garrifon  of  the  faid  fort  murdered  fix  people  in  Rinveel, 
among  whom  one  GefTery  Fitz-Thibot,  aged  about  70  years,  and  in  a  burning  fever, 
with  his  wife,  who  was  old,  were  murdered  in  their  beds  ;  which  action  provoked  many 
of  the  neighbours  to  ftand  on  their  guard  againft  the  faid  fort. 

RICHARD 


APPENDIX,  413 

1652.  RICHARD  Bourke,  a  colonel  in  his  majefty's  army,  had  quarter  given Tilm  by 
fome  of  colonel  Coote's  men,  he  being  taken  in  a  SkirmUh  between  colonel  Grace,  and 
fome  of  Cromwell's  party,  and  being  prifoner  for  fom<;  time,  colonel  Henry  Ingoldiby 
caufed  his  head  to  be  cut  off. 

1652.  1653.  IT  was  a  ufual  practice  with  colonel  Stubbers,  then  govenmur  of  Gal- 
way,  and  others  commanding  in  faid  county,  to  take  the  people  out  of  their  beds  at 
night,  and  fell  them  for  flaves  to  the  Indies  j  and  by  computation  he  fold  out  of  faid: 
county  above  1000  fouls. 

Murders  committed  in  the  faid  County  of  G  A  LAV  AY  on  Proteftants. 

1642.  IT  isconfeffed,  that  two  Proteftants  were  murdered  in  that  county,  whereof 
one  was  a  minifter,  as  the  libel  fays ;  but  it  is  moft  certain  the  lord  marquis  of  Clan- 
riccard  caufed  the  three  men,  who  murdered  one  of  them,  to  be  hanged  in  gibbets  in 
three  feveral  places  ±  and,  by  his  lordfhip's  orders^  Sir  Roger  O'Shaghnefy  hanged  the 
two  cow-herds  who  murdered  the  other.  Lord  Clan  morris  having  declared  againft  the 
faid  fort  for  hanging  his  ferjeant,  as  above  expreffed,  took  ferjeant  Rowlright,  and 
two  or  three  more  of  the  foldiers  of  faid  fort,  pillaging  a  village  near  Galway,  and 
hanged  Rowlright,  and  the  other  three. 

A  BARBAROUS  murder  was  committed  by  one  Edward  Alta,  an  irreligious  pro- 
phane  fellow  of  the  county  of  Mayo,  and  his  accomplices,  on  fame  Proteftants  at  Shruel, 
a  place  meeting  Galway,  on  about  30  perfons;  and  the  pamphleteer  might  well  re- 
member, that  the  neighbouring  gentry  came  with  all  expedition  to  refcue  the  faid  Pro- 
teftants-, and  that  they  did  refcue  the  bimop  of  Killala  (who  by  the  pamphlet  feems  to 
have  been  murdered)  and  his  wife  and  children,  with  moft  part  of  the  faid  Proteftants: 
and  Bryan  Kilkenny,  a  fryar,  then  guardian  of  the  abby  of  Rofs,  near  Shruel,  was  of 
the  firft  that  made  hafte  to  that  refcue,  and  brought  the  faid  bifhop's  wife  and  children, 
with  feveral  others  of  the  faid  diftrefled  Proteftants,  to  his  monaftery,  where  they  found 
as  much  civility  as  was  in  the  faid  fryar's  power  to  give  them  for  feveral  nights  i  until 
Mr.  Burke  of  Caftle-Hacket  brought  the  faid  bifhop,  his  wife,  and  family,  to  his  own 
houfe,  where  they  wanted  nothing  he  could  afford  them  for  fome  weeks :  the  like  being 
done  by  feveral  other  neighbouring  gentlemen  to  the  reft  of  the  faid  Proteftants,  until 
they  were  fent  to  places  of  fecurity  by  the  lord  marquis  of  Clanrickard's  order ;  yet  the 
faid  fryar  hath  been  thefe  eight  years  paft  kept  a  prifoner  for  his  function  or  calling,  with- 
out any  other  crime  laid  to  his  charge,  now  being  above  80  years  old.  And  it  is  ob- 
fervable,  that  in  this  county  of  Galway  all  the  war  time,  feveral  Proteftant  minifters, 
viz.  Dean  York,  Mr.  Corroyn,  Mr.  Kelly,  and  other  minifters,  had  their  Proteftant 
flocks  and  meetings  without  interruption,  living  among  the  Irifh, 

County 


4H 


APPENDIX, 


County  of  Ros COMMON. 


No  murders  were  committed  by  any  party  in  this  county,  only  five  perfons  at  Bal- 
lanafada  by  one  Roger  O'Connor ;  and  no  murders  were  committed  at  Ballaleague  dur- 
ing the  war,  altho'  in  the  pamphlet  the  contrary  is  exprefled  ;  nor  was  any  fuch  man 
as  William  Stweart  known  in  that  county,  nor  to  have  been  murdered  there  •,  tho'  the 
Abftrad  fets  forth  his  being  murdered  in  a  mod  barbarous  manner  as  is  pretended. 

County  of  LEITRIM. 

1 641 .  IT  was  commonly  known  to  all  fides  how  cruel  the  governour  of Mannor-Hamil- 
ton  (SrFred.  Hamilton)  was  in  that  county,  how  heufually  invited  gentlemen  to  dine  with 
him,  and  hanged  them  after  dinner,  and  caufed  their  thighs  to  be  broke  with  hatchets  be- 
fore execution.  Alfo  the  laid  governour,  being  in  Ulfter  when  the  rebellion  broke  forth, 
defired  one  Mr.  Iraght  (a  gentleman  who  profefTed  much  friendfhip  to  him)  to  do  him 
the  favour  to  guide  him  in  fafety  to  Manner-Hamilton  aforefaid,  which  the  gentleman 
did,  and  came  near  100  miles  with  him;  but  after  being  friendly  treated  for  foine 
days  by  the  faid  governour,  he  was  hanged  without  the  lead  occafion  ,  neither  was  the 
gentleman  in  the  rebellion,  but  was  hanged  lead  he  fhould.  The  libel  fays  three 
Proteftants  were  murdered  in  this  county ;  but  on  due  examination  it  will  be  found, 
there  was  none. 

County  of  S  LI  GO. 

HERE  is  none  at  this  time  who  can  give  any  exaft  account  of  the  murders  commit- 
ted  in  this  county,  but  one  remarkable  murder  in  Creane's-caftle  in  the  town  of  Sligo. 
The  Irifh  had  a  party  commanded  by  major  Richard  Burke,  (who  after  obtaining 
quarter  to  march  away)  to  the  number  of  about  200  were  murdered,  rendering  the 
caftle.  This  Sir  Audley  Mervyne  knoweth  to  be  true. 

County  of  DUBLIN. 

1641.  ABOUT  the  beaming  of  November*  5  poor  men  (whereof  two  were  Pro- 
teftants') coming  fioin  ihe  market  of  Dublin,  and  lying  that  night  at  Santry,  three  miles 
from  thence,  were  murdered  in  their  beds  by  one  captain  Smith,  and  a  party  of  the 
garrifon  of  Dublin,  and  their  heads  brought  next  day  in  triumph  into  the  city;  which 
occafioned  Luke  Netterville  and  George  King,  and  others  of  the  neighbours,  to  write 
to  the  lords  juftices  to  know  the  -caufe  of  the  faid  murder;  whereupon  their  lordlhips 
iffued  forth  a  proclamation,  that  within  five  days  the  gentry  mould  come  to  Dublin 

to 

*  See  Sir  John  Temple's  Apologj  for  this  maflacre  in  his  hiftory  of  the  Irifli  Rebellion. 


APPEND!    X.  415 

to  receive  fatisfaftion,  and  in  the  mean  while  (before  fhe  five  days  were  expired)  old 
Sir  Charles  Coote  came  out  with  a  party,  plundered  and  burned  the  town  cf  ClontarfFe, 
diitant  two  miles  from  Dublin,  belonging  to  the  faid  George  King,  nominated  in  the 
proclamation,  and  killed  16  of  the  townfmen  and  women,  and  three  flic; king 'in fan  ,. 
Which  unexpected  breach  of  the  proclamation  (having  deterred  the  gentlemen  from 
waiting  of  the  lords  juftices)  forced  many  of  them  to  betake  themfelves  to  their  de.« 
fence,  and  others  to  abandon  their  houfes. 

IN  the  fame  week  56  men,  women  and  children,  of  the  village  of  Bulloge  (being 
frighted  at  what  was  done  at  ClontarfFe)  took  boats  and  went  to  fea,  to  fhun  the  fury 
of  a  party  of  foldiers  come  out  of  Dublin,,  under  the  command  of  colonel  Craffbrd  v 
but  being  purfued  by  the  foldiers  in  other  boats,  were  overtaken,,  and  thrown  over 
board.  One  Ruflcl,  a  baker  in  Dublin,  coming  out  of  the  country  in  company  with 
Mr.  Archbold  of  Cloghram,  (who  went  to  take  hold  of  the  proclamation  of  the 
lords  juflices)  were  both  hanged  and  quartered.  In  March  a  party,  of  horfe,  of  the 
garrifon  of  Donfoghlin,  murdered  7  or  8  poor  people  in  protection,  tenants  of  Mr, 
Dillon  ofHunftowne,  having  quartered  in  their  houfes  the  night  before,  and  receiving 
fuch  entertainment  as  the  poor  people  could  afford.  About  the  fame  time  a  party  of 
the  Englifh,  quartered  at  Mallahyde,  hanged  a  fervant  of  Mr.  Robert  Boyne's  at  the 
plough,  and  forced  a  poor  labourer  to  hang  his  own  brother ;  and  foon  after  they 
banged  15  of  the  inhabitants  of  Swords;  who  never  bore  arms,  in  the  orchard  x>f  Mal- 
iahydej  they  likewife' hanged  a  woman  bemoaning  her  faufband  hanged  among, 
them. 

IN  the  fame  year,  after  quarter  given  by.  lieutenant  colonel  Gib'fon  to  thofe  of  the 
caftle  of  Carrigmain,  they  were  all  put  to  the  fword,  being  about  350,  mod  of  them 
women  and  children ;  and  colonel  Washington,  endeavouring  to  fave  a.  pretty 
child  of  7  years  old,  carried  him  under  his  cloak,  but  the  child  againit  his 
will  was  killed  ia  his  arms,  which  was  a  principal  motive  of  his  quitting  thur 
fervice. 

1642,  IN  April  one  Nicholas  Hart,,  and  14  labourers,  going,  with  corn  to  the 
market  of  Dublin,  and  having  a  pafsr  were  all  murdered  on  the  road  by  a  party  com- 
manded abroad  by  lord  Lambert.  The  fame  day  Mr.  Sarsfield  of  Lucan  fent  his  groom 
to  guide  the  lord  of  Gefil's  troop,  which  the  fellow  having  performed,  was  knocked  on 
the  head  for  his  labour.  The  fame  day  18  villages  in  protection,  the  far  theft  within 
fix  miles  to  Dublin,  were  plundered  and  burned,  and  to  the  number  of  400  men, 
women  and  children,  were  cruelly  maffacred.  About  the  fame  time  a  party  of  the 
garrifon  of  Swords,  having  brought  in  30  poor  labourers,-r  forced  them  to  dig  their 
own  graves,  and  then  killed  them:  much  about  that  time  one  Bennet,  Sheriff  of  the 
county,  killed  16  men  and  women,  coming  from  the  market  of  Dublin,  A  party  un- 
der 


4i  6  APPENDIX. 

der  the  command  of  colonel  Crafford  murdered  140  women  and  children  in  Newcaftle, 
and  Coolmain,  being  under  protection.  Many  thoufands  more  of  the  poor  innocent 
people  of  that  county,  (hunning  the  fury  of  the  foldiers,  fled  into  thickets  of  firs,  which 
the  foldiers  would  ufually  fet  on  fire,  killing  as  many  as  endeavoured  to  efcape ;  or 
forced  them  back  again  to  be  burned,  and  the  reft  of  the  inhabitants,  for  the  mod 
part,  dyed  of  famine. 

Note,  That  no  lefs  than  12000  of  the  poor  inhabitants  of  that  county  were  cruelly 
mafTacred  the  firft  year  of  the  war. 

County  of  KILDARE. 

1641.  Captain  Thomas  Hues,  having  fummoned    thirty  three  contributors  to  meet 
him  at  Hedgeftowne,  caufed  them   all  to  be  murdered.     The   faid  Hues  murdered 
Mrs.  Euflace,  aunt  to  Sir  Robert  Talbot,  90  years  old,  with  two  gentlewomen  that 
waited  on  her,  after  (he  entertained  him  friendly  in  her  houfe.     The  foldiers  of  Clon- 
gow's  wood,  and   Rathcoffy,   yielding  upon  quarter,  were  conveyed  to  Dublin,  and 
hanged  there,  and  upwards  of  150  women  and  children  were  found  in  the  faid  places 
murdered.     It  is  well  known,  that  the  commons  of  that  county  were,  for  the  mod 
part,  deftroyed,  and  flaughtered  by   the  Englifh,  in  fo  much,  that  there  were  not  fo 
many  left  living  as  could  gather  the  twentieth  part  of  the  harveft. 

County  of  MEAT H. 

1642.  IN  April  Mrs.  Elinor  TaafFe  of  Tullaghanoge,  fixty  years  old,  and  fix  wo- 
men more,  were  murdered  by  the  foldiers  of  the  garrifon  of  Trim;  and  a  blind  wo- 
man aged  80  years,  was  encompafled  with  ft  raw  by  them,  to  which  they  fet  fire,  and 
burned  her.     The  fame  day  they  hanged  two  women  in  Kilbride,  and  two  old  decre- 
pid  men  that  begged  alms  of  them.     In  the  fame  year  Mr.  Walter  Dulin,  an  old  man, 
unable  to  ftir  abroad  many  years  before  the  war,  was  killed,  in  his  own  houfe  by  lieu- 
tenant colonel  Broughton'i  troopers,  notwithftanding  the  faid  Broughton's  protection, 
which  the  old  man  produced,     Mr.  Waiter  Evers,  a  juftice  of  the  .peace  and  quorum, 
an  aged  man,  and  bedrid  of  the  palfie  long  before  the  rebellion,   was  carried  in  a  cart 
to  Trim,  and  there  hanged  by  the  governour's  orders. 

MANY  plowmen  were  killed  at  Philbertftowne.  Forty  men,  women,  and  children 
in  protection,  reaping  their  harveft  in  Boneftown,  were  killed  by  a  troop  of  the  faid 
garrifon;  who  upon  the  fame  day  'killed  Mrs.  Alfbn  Read  at  Donfaghlin,  being  89 
years  old,  and  40  perfons  more,  moft  of  them  women  and  children,  fliunning  the  fury 
of  the  faid  troop,  were  overtaken  and  (laughtered.  About  70  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren, tenants  to  Mr.  Francis  Me  Ovoy,  and  under  protection,  were  killed  by  Green- 

vill's 


APPENDIX.  417 

viil's  foldiers,  and  1 60  more  in  the  parifh  of  Rathcoare,  whereof  there  was  one  aged 
couple  blind  15  years  before.  Captain  Sandford,  and  his  troop,  murdered  in  and 
about  Mulhufley  upwards  of  100  men,  women,  and  children,  under  protection,  and 
caufed  one  Connor  Breflan  to  be  (luck  with  a  knife  into  the  throat,  and  fo  bled  to 
death:  And  one  Eleanor  Cufack,  100  years  old,  was  tied  about  with  lighted  matches, 
and  fo  tortured  to  death  in  Clonmoghon.  James  Dowlan,  about  100  years  old,  Do- 
nagh  Comen,  Darby  Dennis,  Roger  Bolan,  and  feveral  other  labourers,  and  women, 
to  the  number  of  160,  making  their  harveft,  were  ilaughtered  by  the  garrifon  of 
Trim. 

MR.  Barnwell  of  Tobertinian,  and  Mr.  John  HufTey,  innocent  perfons,  were  hanged 
at  Trim  by  old  Sir  Charles  Coote's  party.  Gerrald  Lynch  of  Donower,  aged  80  years, 
was  killed  by  troopers  of  Trim,  being  in  protection.  Mr.Thomas  Talbott  of  Crawly's- 
town,  about  80  years  old,  being  protected,  and  a  known  fervitor  to  the  crown,  was 
killed  at  his  own  door  by  fbme  of  captain  Morroe's  troop.  About  the  month  of  April 
the  foldiers  under  the  faid  GreenvilPs  command  killed  in  and  about  the  Navan  80  men, 
women,  and  children,  who  lived  under  protection.  Captain  Wentworth  and  his 
company,  garrifoned  at  Dumo,  killed  no  lefs  than  200  protected  perfons  in  the  parifh 
ofDonamora,  Slane,  and  barony  of  Margellion,  and  Ovmorein,  the  town  of  Ardrhut- 
chan,  Kingftown,  and  Harrilton,  all  protected  perfons. 

SIR  Richard  Greenvill's  troop  killed  42  men,  women,  and  children,  and  18  infants 
at  Doramflown.  A  woman  under  protection  was  by  captain  Morroe's  foldiers  put  into 
the  flock  of  a  tuck-mill,  and  fb  tucked  to  death  in  the  town  ofSteedalte.  Lieutenant 
Ponfonby  put  two  aged  protected  perfons  to  death  at  Downaflone,  each  of  them  about 
80  years  old.  Captain  Morroe  caufed  about. an  hundred  protected  perfons,  men,  wo- 
men, and  children  to  be  put  to  death  in  the  barony  of  Doolcek,  and  lieutenant  John 
Tench  killed  a  protected  perfon  70  years  old,  near  Dooleek.  Mr.  Patrick  White, 
fon  and  heir  of  Mr.  White  of  Clangill,  in  protection,  was  taken  out  of  his  bed,  and 
knocked  on  the  head  by  lieutenant  Luaton  of  the  garrifon  of  Trim.  Many  thoufands 
of  the  poor  inhabitants  of  this  county  were  deflroyed  in  the  firs,  as  thole  in  the  county 
of  Dublin,  and  the  reft  for  the  moft  part  perifhed  with  famine. 

County  WESTMEATH.  , 

1642.  ABOUT  the  latter  end  of  March  Mr.  Chriftopher  Me.  Gawly,  notwithftand- 
ingthe  protection  of  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  was  killed  in  his  own  houfe,  with  fwo  of 
his  fervants,  by  a  party  of  the  Englifh  army  marching  to  Athlone,  who  laying  the  pro- 
tection on  the  faid  Me.  Gawly's  breaft,  fhot  him  through  his  protection,  to  try  whether 
it  was  proof  agaiuil  a  bullet.  Mrs.  Ellis  Dillon  of  Killenennin,  having  the  lords  juftices 

H  h  h  protection 


4i8  APPENDIX. 

protection  for  herfelf  and  tenants,  their  wives  and  children,  they  were  all  killed  by  fol- 
diers  under  Sir  Michael  Earnley's  command. 

County  of  LOWTH, 

1641.  IN  the  month  of  February  about  300  poor  people,  men,  women  and  children, 
were  cruelly  Slaughtered  in  the  wood  of  Derruer  by  a  party  of  the  garrifon  of  Dundalk, 
and  Tredath.      About  the  beginning  of  March  about   300  farmers  and  labourers,, 
never  in  arms,  with  their  wives  and  children,  were  maflacred  by  a  party  of  the  garri- 
fons  of  Dundalk,  and  Tredath  in  theRedmoore  of  Braganftown.    About  the  fame  time 
captain  Charles  Townily,  and  lieutenant  Faithful  Townfly,  with  a  p'art  of  the  Englifh 
army,  and  garrifon  of  Dundalk,  Slaughtered  at  Dunmogham  220  inhabitants  ot  feveral 
villages,  commanded  by  the  officers  of  the  faid  army  to  live  in  that  place  for  their  great- 
er fecurity.     A  party  of  the  faid  garrifon  of  Tredath  and  Dundalk  killed  above  200  per- 
fons  in  the  caflle  of  Reaghftown  after  quarter  given.     One  Anthony  Townfly  hanged 
Mr.  Dromgole  of  Dromgoleftown  at  his  own  gate.     The  faid  Townfly  hanged  upwards 
of  30  poor  men  and  women,  going  to  the  markets  of  Dundalk  and  Tredath,  on  a  tree, 
commonly  called  Eight  Mile  Bulh,  midway  between  the  faid  towns. 

1642.  A  PARTY  of  horfeand  foot  of  the  garrifon  of  Tredath,  killed  and  burned  in 
the  firs  above  one  hundred  and  fixty  men,  women  and  children,  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Termorfeighlin,  within  three  miles  of  Tredath  :  no  lefs  than  one  thoufand  of  the  poor 
inhabitants  of  that  county,  tho*  they  were  not  taxed  with  any  murders  committed  on 
the  Proteftants,  according  to  their  own  abftraft,  were  mafTacred. 

County  of  WICK  LOW. 

OCTOBER,  1641.  Three  women,  whereof  one  gentlewoman  big  with  child,  and  a 
boy,  were  hanged  on  the  bridge  of  Neuragh  by  command  of  Sir  Charles  Coote  in  his 
firft  march  to  that  county;  and  he  caufed  his  guide  to  blow  into  his  piftol,  and  fo  fhot 
him  dead.  He  alfo  hanged  a  poor  butcher  on  the  fame  march  called  Thomas  Mac  Wil- 
liam.- Mr.  Dan.  Conyam  of  Glanely,  aged,  and  unable  to  bear  arms,  was  roafled  to 
death  by  captain  Gee  of  Colonel  Crafford's  regiment:  and  in  the  marches  in  41,  42, 
and  43,  the  Englifh  army  killed  all  they  met  in  this  country,  tho'  no  murders  are 
charged  in  the  faid  county  to  be  committed  on  Proteftants  by  the  abftracl.  In  the 
Uiurper's  time  captain  Barrington,  garrifoned  at  Arklow,  murdered  Donagh  O'Dayle 
of  Kiflearrow,  and  above  500  more  protected  by  himfelf ;  and  it  is  well  known  that 
mod  of  the  commonalty  were  murdered. 


County 


APPENDIX.  413, 

County  of  KILKENNY. 

1641.  THE  Engliili  foldiers  of  the  garrifon  of  Ballenakil  burned  an  old  woman  of 
90  years  old  in  her  own  houfe  in  Idough.  1642.  The  faid  (bldiers  mafTacred  one 
hundred  and  eighty  men,  women,  and  children,  who  were  cutting  their  corn,  near 
•the  faid  garrifon.  They  dragged  Mr.  Thomas  Shee,  an  innocent  perfon,  out  of  his 
own  houfe,  with  five  of  his  fervants,  and  hanged  them  all  at  Bailenekil!. 

County  of  TIP  PER  A  RY. 

1641.  ON  the  24th  of  October  one^Browne  and  Captain  Peafely  murdered  eleven 
men,  women,  and  children,  in  their  own  houfes  at  Golden  Bridge,  before  any  of  the 
Catholics  took  up  arms  in  that  county.  About  the  fame  time  the  faid  captain  Peafely 
going  through  Cloneulty,  Philip  Ryan,  a  peaceable  gentleman,  and  owner  of  the  faid 
town,  came  out  of  his  houfe  to  falute  the  captain ;  who  pulled  out  his  piftol  and  fhot 
the  poor  harmlefs  gentleman  dead  at  his  own  door. 

Note,  That  thefe  two  murders  occafioned  the  rifmg  of  the  gentry  and  inhabitants  of 
that  county. 

ONE  John  Wife  ofBallyowen,  an  Englifh  foldier,  came  feveral  times  in  woman's 
attire  upon  the  road,  and  committed  divers  murders  upon  fimple  country  people  com- 
ing from  the  market. 

County  CLARE. 

1644.  FORTY  families  in  protection  were  murdered  by  the  garrifon  of  Inchicronas. 
1646.  Several  refiding  near  Bunratty  were  murdered  by  the  foldiers  of  that  garrifon 
under  command  of  lieutenant  Adams. 

County  CORK. 

1641.  IN  Condon's  country  above  300  labourers,  women,  and  children  were  mur- 
dered by  fome  of  the  now  Earl  of  Orrery's  foldiers.  In  the  faid  county,  among  others, 
they  gelded  one  Denis  Downy,  and  pulled  out  one  of  his  eyes,  and  fent  him  in  that 
pofture  to  his  wife.  Fifty-fix  perfons,or  thereabouts,  were  brought  prifoners  to  Caftle 
Lyons,  (mod  of  them  labourers,  who  did  never  bear  arms)  were  put  into  a  (table,  and 
the  women  in  that  garrifon  at  night  fired  their  beards,  and  the  hair  of  their  heads, 
which  fo  disfigured  them,  that  their  neareft  friends  could  not  know  them  next  day, 
when  they  were  hanging. 

H  h  h  2  1642. 


420  A    P    P    E    N    D    I     X. 

1642.  IN  the  fame  county  355  perfons,  men,  women  and  children,  were  murder- 
ed with  clubs  and  ftones,  being  in  protection.  Mr.  Henly,  an  Engliih  gentleman, 
dwelling  in  Roche's  country,  but  a  Roman  Catholic,  had  his  wife  and  children  barba- 
roufly  flripped,  and  moft  of  his  tenants  inhumanly  murdered  by  adjacent  Englifh  gar- 
rifons,  he  the  faid  Henly,  or  his  tenants,  being  never  in  arms:  and  fuch  cruelty  wasufed, 
that  they  flabbed  young  infants,  and  left  them  fo  half  dead  on  their  mother's  dead 
carcafTes.  In  the  faid  Henly's  town,  and  the  adjacent  villages,  at  that  time,  there 
were  murdered  about  900  labourers,  women,  and  children. 

1643.  CLOGLEGH,  being  garrifoned  by  the  Trim,  and  furrendered  upon  quarter  of  life  to 
Sir  Charles  Vavafor,  they  were  all  inhumanly  murdered,  and  the  hearts  of  fome  of  them 
pulled  out,  and  put  into  their  mouths  j  and  many  other  maflacres  were  committed  the 
lame  time  there  on  women  and  children.  At  Liflee  24  men  in  protection  were  mur- 
dered by  colonel  Mynn's  foldiers.  At  Bellauere  the  fame  year  Teig  O'Mungan,  and 
David  Broge,  blowing  by  command  into  piftols,  were  mot  to  death  by  fome  of  captain 
Bridge's  men,  and  eight  poor  labourers  more  killed  by  them,  being  in  protection,  and 
then  employed  in  laving  fome  harveft  of  the  Englifh. 

1642.  AT  Clogheiulty  about  238  men,  women,  and  children  were  murdered,  of 
which  number  feventeen  children  were  taken  by  the  legs  by  foldiers,  who  knocked  out 
their  brains  againft  the  walls.  This  was  done  by  Phorbis's  men,  and  the  garrifon  of 
Bandon  Bridge.  At  Garranne,  near  Rofs,  Connor  Kennedy,  who  had  protection  for 
himfelf  and  his  tenants  to  Hive  their  harveft,  were  murdered  by  the  garrifon  of  Rofs, 
as  they  were  ditching  about  their  corn. 

1641.  AT  Bnndon  Bridge,  the  garrifbn  there  tied  88  Irifhmen  of  the  faid  town  back 
to  back,  and  threw  them  off  the  bridge  into  the  river,  where  they  were  all  drowned. 
Patrick  Hackett,  matter  of  a  fhip  in  Waterford,  -the  dutchefs  of  Ormond  being  defi- 
rous  to  be  conveyed  by  him  to  Dublin,  after  leaving  her  lafe  with  her  family  and  goods 
there,  the  lords  juftices  and  Duke  of  Ormond  gave  him  a  pafs  for  his  fafe  return,  who 
being  driven  by  a  florm  imo  Dongarvan,  the  faid  mailer  and  his  men  were  hanged 
by  direction  of  the  commander  in  chief  there,  notwithftanding  he  produced  his  faid 
pafs.  The  En gli fh  party  of  this  county  burned  O'Sullivan  Beare's  houfe  in  Bantry, 
and  all  the  reft  of  that  county,  killing  man,  woman,  and  child,  turning  mmy  into 
their  houfes,  then  on  fire,  to  be  burned  therein  :  and  among  others  Thomas  De  Bucke, 
a  cooper,  about  80  years  old,  and  his  wife,  being  little  lefs-,  and  all  this  was  done 
without  provocation,  the  faid  O'Sullivan  being  a  known  reliever  of  the  Englifh  in 
that  country.  Obferve  that  this  county  is  not  charged  in  the  late  Abftract  with,  any 
murders, 

County 


A    P    P    E    N"    D    I    X.  421- 

/ 

County  WATERFORD. 

1641.  IN  Decy's  country  the  neighbouring  Englifh  garrifons  of  the  county  ofCorke, 
after  burning  and  pillaging  all  that  country,  murdered  above  three  thoufand  perfbns,- 
men,  women,  and  children,  before  any  rebellion  began  in  Munflcr,  and  led  100  la* 
bourers  prifoners  to  Caperquine,  where  being  tied  by  couples,  they  were  caft  into  the 
river,  and  made  fport  of,  to  fee  them  drowned.  Obferve  that  this  county  is  not  charged 
with  any  murders  to  be  committed  on  Proteftants, 


NUMB.    VII. 


Extract  of  the  Acts  of  the  General  Congregation  of  the  Roman  Catholick  Bimops 
and  other  Clergy,  held  at  Kilkenny  on  the  loth,  i  ith,  and  i3th  Days  of  May,  1642. 
From  Borl.  Hift.  of  the  Irifh  Rebellion,  fol.  122.- 

[See  Review,  p.  128.] 

Aft  I.  TN  which  war,  if  fome  of  the  Catholicks  be  found  to  proceed,'  out  of  fome 
JL  particular  and  unjuft  title,  covetoufhefs,  cruelty,  revenge,  or  hatred,  or 
any  fuch  unlawful  private  intention,  We  declare  them  grievoufly  to  fin,  and  therefore1 
worthy  to  be  puniflied,  and  refrained  with  ecelefiaftical  cenfures,if  advifed  thereof  they 
do  not  amend. 

•  Aft  IX.  LET  a  faithful  inventory  be  made  in  every  province,  of  the  murthers, 
burnings,  and  other  crueltys,  which  are  committed  by  the  Puritan  enemies,  with  a 
quotation  of  the  place,  day,  caufe,  manner,  and  perfons,  and  other  circumftances., 
ftibfcribed  by  one  of  public  authority. 

Aft  X. IN  every  par  i  ill  let  a  faithful  and  fvvorn  meiTenger  be  appointed,  where- 
by fuch  crueltys,  and  other  affairs  may  be  written,  and  fent  to  the  neighbouring  places ; 
and  likewife  from  one  province  to  another :  let  fuch  things  be  written  for  the  comfort,, 
inflruclion,  and  carefulnefs  of  the  people. 

• Aft  XVIIL  WE  ordain  and  decree,  that  all,  and  every  fuch,  as  from  the  begin- 
ning of  this  prefent  war,  have  invaded  the  poflefiions  of  goods,  as  well  moveable,  as 

unmoveabhr, 


:424  APPENDIX. 

immovcauk,  fpiritu.il  or  temporal,  of  any  Catholick,  whether  Irifh  or  EngliTn,  as  alio 
of  any  Irifh  Proteilant,  bein.g  not  an  adverfary  of  this  caufe,  and  do  detain  any  fuch 
goods,  fhall  be  excommunicated;  and  by  this  prefent  decree,  We  do  excommunicate 
them,  if,  admonished,  they  do  not  amend.  And  with  the  like  cenfure,  We  do  bind  fuch, 
as  henceforward  (hall  invade,  or  detain  &ch  goods. 

Act  XIX.  We  command  all  and  every  the  churchmen,  as  well  fecular,  as  regular, 
not  to  hear  the  confeflions  of  the  afbrefaid  excommunicated  perfons,  nor  to  adminif- 
ter  unto -them  the  holy  Sacrament,  under  pain  of  excommunication  ipfofafto. 

Aft  XX.  WE  will,  and  declare,  all  thofe  that  murther,  difmember,  or  grievoufly 
itrike,  all  thieves,  unlawful  fpoilers,  robbers  of  any  goods,  extorters,  together  with  all 
fuch  as  favour,  receive,  or  any  ways  afiifl  them,  to  be  excommunicated ;  and  fb  to 
remain  until  they  compleatly  amend,  and  fatisfy,  no  lefs  than  if  they  were  namely 
proclaimed  excommunicated ;  and  for  fatisfaction  of  fuch  crimes,  hitherto  committed,  to 
be  injoined,  We  leave  to  the  difcretion  of  the  ordinarys,  and  confeffors  how  to  abfolve 
them. 

Act  XXVI. WE  command  all,  and  every  the  general,  colonels,  captains,  and 

other  officers  of  our  Catholick  army,  to  whom  it  appertained,  that  they  feverally  pu- 
nim  all  tranfgreflbrs  of  our  aforefeid  command,  touching  murtherers,  manners,  ftrikers, 
thieves,  robbers;  and  if  they  fail  therein,  We  command  the  parilh-priefts,  curates, 
ajid  chaplains,  refpectively,  to  declare  them  interdicted,  and  that  they  fliall  be  excom- 
municated, if  they  caufe  not  due  fatisfaction  to  be  made  to  the  Commonwealth,  and 
the  party  offended.  And  this  the  parifh-priefts,  or  chaplains,  fhall  obferve,  under 
pain  of  fentence  of  excommunication  given  ipfofaflo. 

Act  XXIX.  MOREOVER,  We  pray,  and  require  all  noblemen,  magiflrates,  and 

all  other  martial  commanders  that  with  their  helps  and  fecular  forces,  they  aflift  and 
fet  forward  in  execution  the  aforefaid  ftatutes  in  their  feveral  precincts  refpeftivdy  as 
often  as  it  fhall  be  needful. 


NUMB. 


APPENDIX,.  42-3 


NUMB.     VIII. 

Intelligence  from  his  Majefty's  array  in  Scotland,,  to  be  prefented  to  the  mcft  Honour- 
able the  Lord  Lieutenant-General  of  Ireland;  written  at  Inverlochy  in  Lochaber, 
the  yth  of  February,  1644.;  by  an  Irirti.  officer  of  Alexander  Macdonnel's 
Forces. 

From  Carte's  Colledlfon  of  Original  Letters  and  Papers,  concerning  the  Affairs  of  Eng- 
land, and  Ireland,  found  among  the  Duke  of  Ormonde's  Papers.  Vol.  I.  p.  73. 

[See  Review,  p.  179.] 

WHEN  the  Irifh  forces  arrived  in  Argyle's  bounds  in  Scotland,  our  general- 
major,  Alexander  Macdonnel,  fent  fuch  of  his  majefly's  commiffions  and  let- 
ters to  thofe  to-  whom  they  were  directed,  although  for  the  prefent  none  was  accepted 
of;  which  caufed  our  general-major  and  thofe  forces  to  march  into  Badenoch,  where 
they  rnifcd  the  country  with  them ;  and  from  thence  to  Caftle-Blaire  in  Athol,  where 
the  lord  marquefs  of  Montrofe  came  unto,  and  joined  them  with  fome  other  fmall  forces. 
From  thence  they  marched  to  St.  Johnfton,  where  the  enemy  had  gathered  together 
Booo  foot,  and  800  horfe,  with  nine  pieces  of  cannon,  his  majefty's  army  not  having 
fo  much  as  one  hoi  fe :  for  that  day,  the  marquefs  of  Montrofe  went  on  foot  himfelf  with 
his  target,  and  pike;  the  Lord  Kilpunt  commanding  the  bow-men,  and  our  general- 
major  of  the  Irifh  forces  commanding  his  three  regiments.  The  armies  being  drawn 
up  on  both  fides,  they  both  advanced  together;  and  although  the  battle  continued  for 
fome  fpace,  we  loft  not  one  man  on  our  fide,  yet  ftill  advanced,  the  enemy  being  3  or 
4  to  one :  howfoever,  God  gave  us  the  day;  the  enemy  retreating  with  their  backs 
towards  us,  that  men  might  have  walked  upon  the  dead  corps  to  the  town,  being  two 
long  nailes  from  the  place  where  the  battle  was  pitched.  The  chace  continued  from 
3  o'clock  in  the  morning  till  9  at  night:  All  their  cannon,  arms,  ammunition,  colours, 
drums,  tents,  baggage,  in  a  word,  none  of  themfelves  nor  baggage  efcaped  our  hands, 
but  their  horfe  and  fuch  of  the  foot  as  were  taken  prifoners  within  the  city.  This 
battle,  to  God's  glory,  and  our  Prince's  good,  was  fought  the  firil  day  of  Sep- 
tember. 

FROM  thence  we  marched  ftraight  to  Aberdeen,  only  furprifmg  fuch  as  withftood  us, 
with  little  or  no  fkirmifhing,  till  the  i3th  of  the  fame  month  at  Aberdeen,  the  Cove- 
nanters of  the  North  had  gathered  themfelves  together,  to  the  number  of  3000  foot 

and 


42J.  APPENDIX. 

and  500  hone,  with  three  pieces  of  cannon.  We  had  then  about  80  horfe  :  the  battle 
being  fairly  pitched,  it  continued  for  a  long  fpace,  and  the  enemy  behaved  themfelves 
far  better  than  they  did  at  Johnfton.  Yet  we  loft  not  that  day  above  4,  but  the  enemy 
were  altogether  cut  off,  unlefs  forme  few  that-  hid  themfelves  in  the  city.  The  riches 
of  that  town,  and  the  riches  (hey  got  before,  hath  made  all  our  foldiers  cavaliers.  This 
battle  being  ended,  only  our  manner  of  going  down  to  battle,  and  how  each  command- 
ed, I  omit  till  it  be  drawn,  and  let  down  in  a  more  ample  manner;  now  tendering 
only  a  brevity  of  our  proceedings ;  for  if  I  fliould  write  the  whole  truth,  all  that  hath 
*been  done  by  our  army  would  be  accounted  moft  miraculous ;  which  I  proteft  I 
will  but  mew  in  the  leaft  manner  I  can,  leaving  the  reft  to  the  report  of  the  enemy 
themfelves. 

AFTER  this  battle,  we  marched  towards  the  Highlands  again,  fo  far  as  to  Caftlc- 
Blaire,  where  I  was  fent  to  Ardamuragh,  with  a  party  to  relieve  the  caftle  of  Migary 
and  the  caftle  of  Laughaline  ;  Mijgary  caftle  having  a  leaguer  about  it,  which  was  railed 
2  or  3  days  before  I  could  come  to  them  ;  at  which  time  the  captain  of  Clanronald,  with 
•all  his  men  joyned  with  Clencoe  men,  and  others,  who  had  an  inclination  to  his  ma- 
-jefty's  fervice. 

IN  the  mean  time,  while  I  was  interefTed  upon  the  fervices,  the  marquefs  of  Montrofe 

marched  back  to  the  Low-lands,  almoft  the  fame  way  that  he  marched  before,  till 

.they  came  to  a  place  called  Fivy  in  the  mire   of  Aberdeen,  where  Argyle,  with  16 

troops  of  horfe  and  3000  foot  marched   up,  and   upon  a  very  plain  field  Argyle  was 

.moft  fhamefully  beaten  out  of  the  field  ^  and  had   it  not  been  for  his  horfe,  they  had 

fuffered  as  deeply  as  the  reft  ;   fo  that  there  was  not  on  our  fide  any  hurt  done,  but  on 

their  fide,    they  loft  many  of  their  belt  horfe,  and  moft  of  all  their  commanders  hurt, 

•and  the  earl  Marefchal's  brother  killed.     After  the  armies  feparated,  the  lord  marquefs 

marched  again  to  Caftle-Blaire  in  Athol,  where  I  met  again  with  him  and  fuch  of  the 

-Highlands  as  had  joined  with  me,  the  day  of  Fivy  was  on  Oclober,  28th. 

FROM  Caftle-Blaire,  we  marched  to  Glanurghyes,  called  M'Call-in,  M'Co- 
naghy,  •  which  lands  we  all  burned  and  preyed  from  thence  to  Lares,  alais 
Laufers ;  and  burned  and  preyed  all  this  country  from  thence  to  Aghenbracke's, 
whofe  lands  and  country  were  burned  and  preyed  ;  and  I'o  throughout  all  Argyle,  we 
.left  neither  houfe  nor  hold  un burned,  nor  corn  nor  cattle  that  belonged  to  the  whole 
name  of  Campbell.  Such  of  his  majefty's  friends  as  lived  near  them  joined  with  us. 
We  then  marched  to  Lougbaber,  where  Mr  Alane  came  and  joined  us,  but  had  but 
few  of  his  men  with  him.  From  thence  we  marched  to  Glengarry,  where  the  lord  of 
Gl  ngarry  joined  with  us.  At  this  place  we  got  intelligence  that  Argyle,  Aghenbracke, 
and  the  u/hole  name  of  Campbell,  with  all  their  forces,  and  a  great  number  of  Lowland- 
with  thmi,  were  come  to  Inverloughy  in  Loughaber,  following  us.  This  c  a  tiled 
make  a  counter- march  the  n eared  way  over  the  mountains,  till  we  came  within 

mufkeE- 


APPENDIX.  425 

mufket-fhot  of  the  caftle  of  Inverloughy,  it  then  being  night,  fo  that  the  enemy  flood 
to  their  arms  all  night,  the  fentries  fhirmifhing  together.  By  this  place  of  Inverloughy, 
the  fea  comes  clofe,  and  that  night  Argyle  embarked  himfelf  in  his  barge,  and 
there  lay  till  the  next  morning,  fending  his  orders  of  difcipline  to  Aghenbracke  and  the 
reft  of  the  officers  there  commanding  the  battle;  which  on  both  fides  being  pitched, 
and  their  cannon  planted,  the  fight  began  ;  the  enemy  giving  fire  on  us  on  both  fides, 
both  with  cannon  andmufkets  to  their  little  avail.  For  only  two  regiments  of  our  army, 
playing  with  mufket-fhot,  advanced  till  they  recovered  Argyle's  (landard,  and  the 
ftandard-bearer,  at  which  their  whole  army  broke;  which  were  fo  hotly  purfued  both 
with  foot  and  horfe,  that  little  or  none  of  the  whole  army  efcaped  us,  the  officers  being 
the  firft  that  were  cut  off. 

THERE  Aghenbracke  was  killed,  with  1 6  or  1 7  of  the  chief  lords  of  Campbell :  their 
other  Low-land  commanders  (only  two  lieutenant-colonels)  all  cutoff.  Four  others  of 
the  name  of  Campbell  were  taken  prifoners,  as  Bearbrick,  the  young  laird  Carrindel,  In- 
verleen  captain,  foo  of  Eniflefinth,  and  divers  others  that  got  quarter,  being  men  of  qua- 
lity. We  lofl  but  two  or  three  that  day;  this  battle  was  fought  the  ad.  of  February. 


NUMB.    IX. 

From  Carte's  Life  of  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  vol.  i.  fol.  390. 

/ 

[See  Review,  p..  157.] 

THE  Lords  of  the  pale  having  received  no  anfwer  from  the  lords  juftices  to  their 
propofal  for  a  cefiation,  fent  by  colonel  Read,  on  March  pth,   1641-2,    they 
renewed  that  propofal  by  the  earl  of  Caftlehaven,  on  the  23d  of  the  fame  month. 
About  the  fame  time,  Sir  Lucas  Dillon,  *  Hugh  Oge  O'Conor,  and  other  gentlemen 

I  i  i  of 

*  Hugh  O'Conor,  the  father  of  this  Hugh  Oge,  was,  according  to  the  cuftom  of  the  Irifli,  elefted  chief- 
tain of  the  family  of  O'Conor's  Dun,  101581  ;  he  compounded  by  indenture  with  the  lord  deputy  Perrot 
in  1585,  and  was  the  firft  of  his  family,  who  fubmitted  to  have  his  country  governed  by  the  Englifh  laws. 
He  married  Mary  O'Ruarc,  the  daughter  of  Brian  No  Murtha  O'Ruarc,  chieftain  of  Breffhy,  who  having 
protected  fome  Spaniards  thrown  on  the  Sligo  coaft,  after  the  defeat  of  their  Armada,  was  tried,  condemned, 
and  Executed,  on  the  verdi&  of  a  London-jury,  in  1589. 

Hugh  Oge  here  mentioned,  the  fon  of  faid  Hugh  O'Conor  and  Mary  O'Ruarc,  had  the  eftates  of  Caftle- 
rea  fettled  upon  them  in  his  father's  life- time,  and  was  married  to  Jane,  the  daughter  of  Sir  Lucas  Dillon  of 
Logh-glyn.  He  was  one  of  the  commiffioners  for  the  province  of  Conaught  at  the  council  of  Kilkenny  in 

1643. 


426  APPENDIX. 

of  the  county  of  Rofcommon,  propofed  a  like  ceffation  to  the  earl  of  Clanrickard,  and 
the  prefident  of  Conaught.  In  the  following  month  the  lords  of  the  pale  repeated  the 
fame  proposition.  And  lord  Glanrickard,  at  the  requeft  of  the  rebels  in  general,  on 
May  1 9th,  recommended  to  the  ftate  the  agreeing  to  a  general  ceflation,  until  his  ma- 
jetty's  pleafure  was  further  declared,  upon  their  humble  fupplications.  But  the  juilices 
entertaining  different  fentiments,  and  refolving  upon  a  fevere  punilhment  of  all,  without 
diftinction,  abfolutely  rejected  the  ceflation. 


NUMB.    X. 
[From  Defiderat.  Curiof.  Hibernic.] 

A  Rernonftrance  of  the  Right  Honourable  James,  Earl   of  Caftlehaven,  and  Lord 
Audley,   addreffed  to  his  Majefly  King  Charles  II. 

[See  Review,  p.  157.] 

WHEREAS  my  efcape  out  of  fheriff  Woodcock's  houfe  in  Dublin,  where  I  was 
near  twenty  weeks  a  prifoner,  is  likely  to  oceafion  various  difcourfes  and  con- 
jectures, I  have  thought  fit,   by  advice  of  my  friends,  to  remonflrate  the  truth  of  my 
cafe. 

AFTER  having,  with  the  reft  of  the  peerage  of  England,  for  the  fpace  of  near  a  year, 
ferved  his  majefty  there,  firft,  in  his  great  council  at  York,  and  then  in  the  parlia- 
ment; but  dill  under  the  awe  and  terror,  either  of  the  Scotifh.  army  at  Newcaftle,  or 
the  rude  rabble  at  London  ;  at  length  many  of  the  lords  (as  well  wearied  with  that 
extream  ilavery,  as  unwilling  to  be  any  longer  eyc-wituefles  of  the  affronts  daily  multi- 
plied on  the  king  and  queen,  and  other  intolerable  infolencies  tending  to  the  deftruc- 
tion  of  monarchy,  and  eftablifhing  of  popular  government)  retired  themfelves  to  their 
feveral  houfes-,  and  I,  with  his  majefty's  leave,  approved  by  the  lords  of  parliament, 
about  the  feafl  of  S.  Michael  the  archangel,  1641,  came  into  Ireland  ;  where  fhortly 
after  appeared  the  fparks  of  the  enfuing  war,  that  now  by  fire  and  fword  doth  rage, 
throughout  this  kingdom.  Upon  the  firft  difcovery  whereof,  I  with  all  pofiible  fpeed 

repaired 

1643,  and  !'ved   to  *"ee  aU  h's  eftates  feized  by  the  Ufurper,  Oliver  Cromwell.    Dominic,  the  prefent 
O'Conor  Dun,  is  defcended  from  him  in  the  fourth  generation. 

This  Hugh  Oge  had  two  brothers,  Charles,  who  died  A.  D.  1634,  and  Brian  Roe,  who  died  A.  D.  1651. 
From  Chailes  is  defcended,  in  the  third  generation,  my  particular  and  highly  efteem«d  friend,  Charles 
O'Conor  of  Bdanagare,  in  the  county  of  Rofcommon,  Efq;  now  living. 


APPENDIX.  4/>7 

repaired  to  Dublin,  and  there  not  only  offered  my  fervice,  but  fued  to  the  (late  for  em- 
ployment, for  the  fupprefling  of  that  commotion ;  but  it  was  refufed;  anfwer  being 
given  me  by  one  of  the  juftices,  and  others  of  the  council,  that  the  character  I  bear  of 
papift,  made  me  uncapable  of  truft,  nay  even  of  arms,  to  defend  my  own  houfe  from 
robbers.  At  this  time  the  county  ofKildare  (where  I  refided)  v/as  quiet,  and  held  fo 
till  about  mid  November.  But  now  the  tide  of  confufion  began  to  overflow  thofe  banks 
alfo,  which  occaiioned  my  fecond  journey  to  the  juftices  and  council ;  where  after 
having  made  a  fairhful  narration  of  the  ftate  of  that  county,  I  became  an  humble  fuitor, 
that  a  troop  of  horfe  might  be  prefeutly  fent  down,  averring,  that  a  fmall  force  would 
then  do  that,  which  the  month  following  might  be  work  for  an  army.  But  the  effect 
of  this  journey,  was  only  their  lordfhips  thanks,  with  an  unanimous  licence  from  the 
whole  council,  that  until  they  were  able  to  relieve  me,  I  mould  make  fair  weather,  and 
preferve  myfelf  and  mine  by  the  refpect  they  knew  the  country  bare  me.  But  this  help- 
ed me  little-,  for  fhortly  after,  moil  of  the  chief  of  that  county  declared  themfelves:  fo 
that  the  reft  of  the  winter,  I  was  enforced  to  ftand  on  my  guard,  with  watch  and  ward, 
both  day  and  night,  keeping  my  brother  M.  Maruin  Toucher,  or  fome  other,  always 
at  Dublin,  from  time  to  time*  expecting  the  commands  of  the  ftate.  The  winter  now 
paft,  and  fair  weather  coming  on,  about  Eafter  the  Englifh.  army  (commanded  by  the 
lieutenant-general,  now  marquis  of  Ormond)  in  its  march  to  Leix  lodged  fbme  four 
miles  from  my  houfe,  whither  that  nighr,  by  the  refpecl  of  the  lieutenant-general,  was 
fent  a  fafeguard.  And  in  thankfulnefs,  the  dutchefs  of  Buckingham,  the  earl  of  An- 
trim, and  myfelf,  went  the  next  morning  to  falute  his  lordfhip  and  his  army;  where 
we  were  fo  received,  as  flood  well  with  the  honour  of  that  great  lord  and  noble  com- 
mander. After  fome  days,  his  lordfhip  having  now  relieved  the  places  in  diftrefs,  and 
finifhed  his  defign,  in  his  return,  and  in  fight  of  my  houfe,  though  three  miles  from  it, 
•was  the  encounter  betwixt  the  Englifh  army  and  the  Irifh,  commonly  called  the  battle 
of  Kilrufh;  whither,  becaufe  I  in  cuerpo,  with  my  three  or  four  men,  without  gun  or 
powder,  did  not  come,  and  being  to  pafs  through  thoufands  of  the  Irifh,  I  am  faid, 
by  the  malicious,  to  have  difcountenanced  the  king's  army.  The  evening  after  vic- 
tory, his  lordfhip's  march  being  near  my  houfe,  he  was  pleafed,  with  fome  of  his  chief 
commanders,  to  refrefh  themfelves  there ;  and  in  the  night,  his  lordfhip  wanting  a 
guide  to  conduct  him  and  his  army  fbme  four  miles  to  their  quarters,  I  would  trull 
none  with  that  charge  but  myfelf.  Notwithftanding  this  my  refpecl,  it  muft  be  given 
out,  that  fo  great  an  entertainment  was  never  intended  for  -the  lieutenant-general  and 
his  followers,  but  rather  for  the  lord  vifcount  Mountgarret,  and  the  reft  of  the  rebels. 
To  this  point,  divers  witneffes  were  examined  againft  me,  though,  God  knows,  I  ex- 
peded  not  either  of  their  coming  thither. 

BY  thefe  mifmterpretationsof  my  actions,  I  thought  I  muft  no  longer  deep,  doubt- 
ing that  my  quiet  living  in  the  country  drew  envy  on  my  perfbn,  fo  that  I  refolved  to 
put  myfelf  into  the  fafhion,  that  is,  to  leave  my  houfe  to  be  burnt,  my  ftockof  all  forts 

I  i  i  2  (being 


428  APPENDIX. 

(being  of  great  value)  to  be  a  prey  to  whofoever  would  take  them ;  and  to  look  at 
nothing,  but  to  fave  my felf  and  people,  with  fbme  choice  goods.  To  this  purpofe, 
I  prefently  refolved  to  move  the  ftate  at  Dublin,  that  I  might  have  licence  to  go  for 
England,  it  being  the  cuftom  of  this  kingdom  not  to  depart  without  leave ;  but  as  I 
was  difpatching  the  meffenger,  a  letter  unexpected  fell  into  my  hands,  delivered  me 
by  one  of  my  fervants;  but  the  bearer  never  came  to  my  prefence.  I  opened  it,  ne- 
ver afking  or  confidering  from  whom  it  might  come,  I  found  it  fubfcribed  by  the  vit- 
counts  Gormanftown  and  Nettervill,  and  the  lord  of  Slane:  it  was  to  this  effect;  that 
in  obedience  to  his  majefty's  proclamation,  they,  and  other  united  lords  and  gentle- 
men, had  laid  down  arms;  to  intimate  which  to  the  flate,  they  had  fent  one  lieutenant 
colonel  Read,  from  whom  they  had  not  heard  ;  and  that  neverthelefs,  daily  their  own 
and  their  tenants 'hotifes  were  burnt,  their  goods  taken,  and  people  killed.  They 
defired  that  I  would  mediate  with  the  ftate  for  a  celTation  of  arms ;  and  that  a  place 
might  be  appointed,  where  they  and  their  confederates  might  meet  to  draw  up  their 
grievances,  and  fo  have  free  accefs,  by  way  of  petition,  to  prefent  them  to  his  majefty. 
With  this  letter,  I  prefently  fent  another  from  myfelf  to  the  ftate,  wherein  I  feemed 
to  wifh  fome  good  return  might  be  made,  but  it  happened  otherwife ;  for  anfwer  to 
their  lordfhips,  they  would  make  none  at  all,  alledging  they  were  rebels  and  traitors, 
and  after  many  frivolous  exceptions  taken  to  my  letter,  as  one,  that  I  did  net  alfo  call 
them  rebels  and  traitors,  they  admonifhed  me  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  them,  and 
inftcad  of  licenfing  me  to  go  for  England,  they  commanded  I  mould  not  depart  the 
kingdom  without  leave.  All  this  while,  from  the  firft  opening  the  ways  from  Dublin 
to  my  houfe,  I  was  frequently  at  the  Englifh  garrifons,  and  had  always  with  me,  either 
troops  or  troopers  of  the  Englifh  army. 

AND  now  finding  my  unhappinefs,  that  how  candid  or  fincere  foever  my  actions  or 
meaning  was,  I  muft  ftill  be  miftaken ;  I  packed  up  all  I  could  conveniently  carry,  and 
refolved  prefently  to  go  to  Dublin,  where  I  would  make  my  abode,  till  I  had  leave 
to  pafs  for  England.  But  fome  few  days  before  my  intended  departure,  news  was 
brought  me,  that  by  chance  fome  of  my  friends  at  Dublin  had  difcovered,  that  I  flood 
indicted  of  high  treafon  ;  for  it  was  done  with  great  fecrecy. 

AMAZED  at  this  fad  and  unexpected  news,  the  next  morning  by  five  of  the  clock, 
I  pofted  for  Dublin,  giving  order,  that  all  my  beft  furniture  and  linen  mould  be  pre- 
fently fent  after,  which  accordingly  was  done.  My  flock  of  all  forts  (as  the  marquis  of 
Ormond  and  Sir  Arthur  Loftus  well  know)  I  beftowed  for  the  ufe  of  the  Englifh 
army,  and  defired  nothing  in  recompence,  but  only  that  my  people,  with  the  remain- 
der of  my  goods,  might  be  brought  fafe  to  Dublin,,  where  I  was  now  gone  to  purge 
myfelf. 

BUT 


APPENDIX, 

BUT  I  continued  there  for  many  days,  without  any  notice  taken  of  me ;  though! 
prefently  acquainted  the  lords  juftices,  and. many  of  the  council,  of  my  arrival,  and 
the  caufe;  fo  that  it  was  then  thought,  and  may  yet  be  believed,  that  ihey  hoped  by 
that  indictment,  rather  to  have  frighted  me,  as  they  had  done  thoufands  of  others, 
into  rebellion,  as  they  term  it,  than  that  they  had  any  good  evidence  agabft  me. 

BUT  I,  not  willing  to  lie  long  under  that  title  of  infamy,  went  myfelf  to  the  council, 
took  notice  of  my  charge,  and  defired,  that  with  all  convenient  fpred.  I  might  be 
brought  to  my  purgation.  Hitherto  it  is  evident,  I  thought  not  of  my  cfcape.  The 
council,  after  fome  debate,  confined  me  to  matter  Woodcock's  houfe,  one  of  the  fhe- 
riffs  of  Dublin.  From  whence,  after  a^day  or  two,  I  fent  a  petition  to  the  (late,  and 
it  was  to  this  effect,  laying  down  by  many  particulars  the  improbability  of  my  afTo- 
ciating  myfelf  in  this  war,  as  that  I  was  a  peer  of  England,  that  the  main  of  my  eftate 
lay  there,  and  the  little  intereft  or  power  I  had  in  this  kingdom ;  that  my  accufers 
were  of  bate  condition,  and  would  have  been  taken  off  for  a  fmall  fum  of  money,  and 
that  two  of  them,  namely,  Ennis  and  his  fon,  ran  away  from  the  Englifh  colours  with 
their  arms,  and  afterwards  ferved  againft  them  at  the  battle  of  Kilrufh  ;  and  the  third, 
William  Collis,  had  been  fadler  to  fome  of  the  Irifh  army,  whereby  it  is  moft  evident, 
that  befide  what  other  reward  thofe  men  might  be  promifed,  they  were  made  fure  of 
their  lives  5  that  the  jury  who  found  this  indictment,  on  the  evidence  of  thefe  men, 
were  perfons  of  the  fame  nature  and  condition,  as  particularly  one  Francis  Dade,  who 
ailociated  himfelf  with  the  Irifh,  changed  his  religion,  and  went  to  Mafs.  This  marr 
having  forfeited  his  life,  according  to  their  rule,  they  make  a  leading  jury-man,  and  I 
believe  a  witnefs,  he  not  daring  to  deny  what  they  would  have  him  do  or  fay.  In  fine, 
that  there  was  not  one  gentleman,  or  fcarce  a  landed-man  amongft  them.  For  thefe 
reafons,  and  for  that  it  had  been  frequently  granted  to  others  in  the  like  cafe,  I  defired 
to  be  bailed.  Anfwer  was  returned  to  this  modefl  petition,  that  the  witnefies  were  no- 
rebels,  but  efpies;  fo  that  what  I  had  faid,  was  no  impeachment  to  their  teftimonies, 
and  in  general  they  thought  not  fit  to  grant  the  petition.  Well,  though  I  thought  that 
as  well  this  anfwer,  as  the  whole  proceedings,  fomewhat  harih,  yet  I  did  not  much 
weigh  it;  for  fliortly  after  was  to  follow  Trinity  term.  At  which  time  I  aflured  myfelf,. 
that  by  my  innocency  I  fhould  be  fet  free  botli  from  prilbn  and  blame. 

OH  !  but  here  I  was  much  deceived.     For  this  term  mull  be  otherwise  employed'. 
For  though,  through  hanging,  racking,  and  barbarous  treating  of  fuch  as  fubmitted  on* 
the  king's  proclamation,  thoufands  had   declared   themfelves  for  the  country,   who* 
were  in  all  poft  hafle  going  to  Dublin,  to  put  themfelves  under  the  protection  of  the.. 
ftate;  yet  there  were  as  many  more  that  flood   at  a  gaze,  as  mod  unwilling  to  run 
the  common  eourfe,  and  yet  loth  to  be  handled  after  this. rude  manner.     Againft  thefe, 
mull  bills  of  indictment  prefently  be  drawn,  and  grand -jury-men  picked  for  the  pur- 


APPENDIX. 

pofe.  And  to  ftrike  the  bufmefs  dead  in  the  eye,  fearing  thefe  men  were  not  wicked 
enough,  the  judges  of  the  king's  chief  place,  on  the  bench  delivered,  as  part  of  their 
charge,  that  they  muft  not  be  fcrupulousj  for  that  common  fame  was  now  evidence 
enough  to  find  a  bill  of  indictment. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  this  great  and  holy  employment  of  thefe  reverend  fathers  of 
the  law,  they  muft  yet  do  fomething  more  to  fhew  their  grandeur ;  that  was,  I  by  a 
Habeas  Corpus  muft  be  brought  into  the  court  before  them,  where  after  I  had  been 
fufficiently  looked  at  by  their  lordfhips  and  the  people,  I  was  remanded  back  to  the 
place  whence  I  came,  without  any  thing  faid  unto  me.  This  term  finifhed,  and  the 
jury-men  having  well  acted  their  parts,  iome  of  the  judges  are  difpatched  for  England, 
to  mew  there,  that  the  pen  in  Ireland  had  been  as  active  as  the  fword,  and  that  now, 
for  the  deftruction  of  at  leaft  all  the  prifoners,  there  wanted  little,  but  that  old  laying, 
Hang- man,  do  your  office. 

IT  is  no  great  wonder,  that  now,  how  innocent  foever  I  was,  my  head  fhould  begin 
to  ake.  Yet  a  feflion  of  parliament  being  fhortly  to  follow,  I  conceived  good  hope 
of  fair  play  there:  but  when  I  faw  the  compofure  of  this  great  tribunal:  that  the  up- 
per-houfe  confitled  of  no  more  than  five  or  fix  temporal  lords,  and  fome  bifliops;  the 
houfe  of  commons  (anciently  the  reprefentative  body  <>f  the  kingdom)  for  the  major 
part  of  clerks  and  clerks-men,  few  having  any  land,  and  thofe  illegally  chofen,  as  by 
muiketteers,  and  a  rabble  of  fuch  like  freeholders  :  I  began  to  think  that  fuch  a  kind 
of  parliament  might  err,  and  feared  nothing  more  than  a  trial  there.  And  furely  I  had 
reafon  when  nothing  would  ferve  their  turns,  but  a  ceflation  of  Poyning's  act,  during 
that  feflion  j  by  which  they  were  freed  from  tranlmitting  their  bills  into  England,  and 
fo  might  make  laws,  as  in  their  difcretions  they  thought  fit;  and  I  have  too  great  caufe 
to  believe,  they  would  have  made  one  for  attainting  me,  and  the  reft  of  the  pri- 
foners. 

ALL  this  while,  no  means  are  untried  to  make  matter  againft  me ;  for,  as  before, 
witneffes  were  rewarded,  by  giving  them  their  lives,  being  forfeited  :  fo  now  to  others, 
rough  language  muft  be  ufed.  One  John  Bird  being  examined  before  Sir  Robert  Me- 
redith, concerning  me,  and  not  anfwering  as  was  expected,  the  faid  Sir  Robert  demand- 
ed his  religion,  the  honeft  man  replied,  aproteftant:  Ah!  quoth  he,  by  thy  anfwers 
thou  moulded  have  a  little  pope  in  thy  belly. 

AND  now,  having  by  many  fuch  indirect  ways,  furnimed  themfelves  with  plenty  of 
evidence,  they  begin  to  affront  me,  by  difarming  my  men,  by  pulling  one  mafter 
Henry  Slingfby  out  of  my  chamber,  coming  by  accident  with  a  gentlewoman  to  vifit 
me,  laying,  he  was  a  Romilh  popiQi  jefuit,  it  being  well  known,  he  was  no  fuch  man  ; 
and  fo  carried  him  to  prifon. 

AND 


APPENDIX.  431 

AND  laftlv,   the  ftieriff's  houfe  is  now  thought  too  «.veak  for  fo  great  a  traitor.  Here- 
upon a  writ  is  iliued  to  the  diet  iff,  to  bring  me  with  a  flrong  guard  to  the  Inns,  where 
the  judges  were,  being  near  half  a  mile  :  from  whence  I  mud  be  fern  to  the  caflle,  a 
loathibme  prifou  oi"  iriHf ;  but  the  inhumanity  of  the  gaoler,  by  name  Manwaring,  af- 
ter Hell,  makes  it  the  f>  cond  place  for  miiery  and  afflidion.     Well,  I  thought  it  now 
high  time,  as  t'^e  jua^f  had  fummori.ed  my  body,  I  mould  recollect  my  wits.     And 
as  I  flood  confidering  my  cafe,  a  pa'Iage  in  the  earl  of  StrafTord's  trial  occurred  to  my 
memory,     lie  flood  much  upon  his  jullincation,  and  demanded    the  benefit  of  the 
law,  but  rmfter  St.  John   replied,  that   to  hares,  deer,  and   other  innocent  creatures, 
law  was  afforded  ;  bur  K>  wolves,  foxes,  -and  other  fuch  like  vermin,  any  means  might 
be  (ought  for  their  definition.     N<°>w,  I  rinding  myfelf  hitherto  dealt  with  as  one  of 
thefe,  although  I  waved  the  malice  of  the  wolf,  I  made  fome  little  ufe  of  the  fox's  craft,, 
and  for  that  prefent  feigned  myfelf  fick,  and  on  information  thereof  given,  my  attend- 
ance on  the  judges  was  fpared  till  the  morrow. 

HAVING  thus  gained  time,-  I  well  pondered  all  which  hath  been  before  related,  to- 
gether with,  If  I  were  a  traitor,  to  whom  it  was?  The  king,  himfelf,  I  found  purfued 
both  with  men  and  fword,  by  an  army  of  his  own  people;  wholoever  followed  or  ad- 
hered unto  him,  declared  rebels  and  traitors ;  the  queen,  his  royal  confort,  flying  from 
place  to  place,  like  an  exiled  or  banifhed  woman  ;  and,  by  Mr.  Martin's,  and  divers  the 
like  fpeeches  in  the  houfe  of  commons  in  England,  that  his  facred  majetly  was  not  fit 
to  bear  the  office  of  a  king,  and  that  he  might  be  depofed  ;  and  much  more  to  this 
efTecl,  as  may  be  feen   in  divers  printed  papers :  which   language  in  that  place  going 
unpunifhed,  I  could  not  conceive  that  the  authors  of  fuch  infolencies,  or  the  fwaying 
malignant,  part  of  the  (late  here,  who  from  time  to  time  took  their  directions  from 
them,  could  adjudge  any  thing  againlt  his  majefty  treafon.     O,  but  I  remember,  that 
in  a  book  of  the  king's,  relating  truly  all  the  paffages,  from  the  firft  of  this  parliament 
to  the  twelfth  of  Auguft,  he  complains  of  two  great  officers,  lately  fet  up  in  England, 
who  ufurped  the  regal  power,  the  one    is  a  general   for  the  land,  the   other  admiral' 
of  the  fea :  but  to  thefe  I  never  owed  allegiance,  and  fo  confequently  could  be  no  traitor 
to  them.     I  then  began  to  confider  the  condition  of  this  kingdom,  as  that  the  (late  did 
chiefly  confifl  of  men  of  mean  birth  and  quality  ;  that  moil  of  them  fleered  by  the  in- 
fluence and  power  of  thofe  who  were  in  arms  againil  the  king;  that  they  had  by  cruel 
maKTacring,  hanging,  and  torturing,  been  the  (laughter  of  thoufauds  of  innocent  men, 
women,  and  children,  better   fubjecls  than  themfelves  ;  that  they,  by  all  their  actions 
mew,  looked  at  nothing  but  the  extirpating  of  this  nation,  the  deflrucYion  of  mo- 
narchy, and  by  the  uiter  fuppreffing  of  the  ancient  catholick   religion,   to  fettle  and 
eflablifh  puritanifm.     To  thefe  I  could  be  no  traitor.     Near  about  the  time  of  this  my 
exigency,  I  was  much  cheared  by  a  vifit  I  received  from  Sir  Arthur  Loftus,  fon  to  Sir 
Adam  Loftus,  a  leading  inflrument  in  all  wicked  defigns  againil  his  majeily,  telling  me 

(as 


APPENDIX. 

(as  joyful  news)  that  the  parliament  had  lately  given  the  king  a  total  overthrow  ;  and 
that  he  was  now  reduced  to  To  low  a  condition,  that  by  the  next,  we  mould  certainly 
hear  the  king  had  fubmitted  to  the  parliament,  and  till  that  were  done,  things  would 
never  do  well.  Here  I  took  my  refolution,  with  God's  help,  not  tamely  to  die  but- 
chered, and  fc  to  have  my  innocency  (mothered}  but  to  preferve  my  life,  I  hoped  more 
to  the  honour  of  God,  ahd  fervice  of  king  Charles,  and  that  by  efcape.  Now  for af- 
much,  as  the  moft  immediate  way  into  England  was  blocked  up,  I  refolved  upon  a  trial, 
to  gain  a  paflage  by  Wexford  into  France,  and  from  thence  into  England  ;  conceiving,  I 
fhould  have  been  forthwith  able  to  have  put  myfelf  into  a  fum  of  money,  to  have  borne 
my  charges,  by  the  fale  of  fuch  plate,  goods,  and  flock,  as  I  had  in  the  country;  but 
I  was  not  many  hours  out  of  Dublin,  before  I  was  purfued  by  fome  troops  of  horfe, 
Sir  Arthur  Loftus  leading  them,  who  that  night  came  to  my  houfe  in  the  county  of 
Kildare,  and  milling  me,  killed  fome  of  my  fervants,  hurt  divers,  and,  after  having 
rifled  the  houfe,  they  fet  it,  and  all  about  it,  on  fire  :  and  befides  all  my  fervants  prifo- 
ners,  they  carried  away  more  than  the  worth  of  five  thoufand  pounds  in  plate,  and  other 
goods. 

HERE  my  wings  being  dipt,  all  that  I  had  to  carry  me  abroad,  or  keep  me  at  home, 
being  thus  taken  from  me,  together  with  the  diftractions  in  England,  fo  that  I  could  make 
little  or  no  account  of  my  eftate  there;  in  this  ftreight,  I  thought  fit  to  apply  myfelf  to 
the  great  afTembly  of  the  kingdom  of  Ireland,  who  having  given  me  full  fatisfaclion 
for  their  aflembling,  and  that  their  taking  arms  was  but  natural,  as  to  defend  them- 
felves  and  theirs  from  thofe  aforefaid  barbarous  cruelties;  and  that  they  defired  (as  may 
appear  by  many  of  their  instruments  in  writing)  nothing  but  the  free  exercife  of  their  an- 
cient religion,  their  juft  liberties,  and  the  preiervation  of  this  crown  unto  his  majefty, 
I  having  fome  intereft  both  in  honour  and  eilate  in  the  country,  affociated  myfelf  with 
them  ;  and  they,  after  forne  time  that  I  was  amongft  them  (more  out  of  charity  than 
merit  in  me)  offered  me  the  generalfhip  of  their  horfe,  of  the  province  of  Leinfter, 
which  I  thankfully  accepted  :  and  now  in  my  colours  bear  this  device,  Sagitta  tu<e 
acut<e  in  corda  inimicorum  regis.  For  the  executing  whereof,  I  defire  God  no  longer  to 
profper  my  actions,  than  my  heart,  hand,  fword,  and  prayers,  (hall  be  readily  and 
chearfully  employed  therein. 

HAVING,  with  much  trouble  to  the  reader,  endeavoured  to  vindicate  myfelf  in  this 
remonftrance,  I  conceive  it  both  proper  and  charitable,  in  this  place,  to  labour  to  ac- 
quit him,  who,  I  underftand,  hath  unjuitly  fufTered  for  my  fake,  I  mean  fheriff  Allen. 
The  proteftant  fherifT  Woodcock,  to  whofe  cuftody  only  I  was  committed,  went  un- 
punifhed  for  my  efcape,  as  really  he  knew  nothing  thereof.  But  fheriff  Allen  being  a 
catholick,  who  had  no  charge  of  me,  nor  acquaintance  with  me,  other  than  that  I  often 
law  him,  when  he  came  to  treat  with  his  brother  fheriff  about  the  city  affairs,  he,  poor 
innocent  man,  for  fo  I  take  God  to  witnels  he  was  as  to  my  efcape,  or  as  to  any  word 

let 


APPENDIX.  433 

let  fall  to  that  efTed  to  my  knowledge,  or  that  I  can  gue/s,  was,  with  great  inhumanity, 
dragged  to  prifon,  moft  of  his  goods  feized  upon  and  taken  away,  and  a  great  number 
of  foldiers  ceded  upon  his  houfe.  Whereby,  and  being  made  uncapable  to  receive  his 
rents  or  debts,  or  to  follow  any  o:her  way  he  had  to  gain  a  living  by,  his  wife  and 
children,  from  that  day  forth,  were  expofed  to  the  charity  of  their  friends,  and  he  con- 
demned to  imprilbnrjient  for  a  whole  year  in  mifery.  How  juftifiable  or  confcionable, 
this  proceeding  was,  I  will  not  argue,  much  lefs  aggravate,  having  difcharged  my  con- 
icience  thereupon  j  the  matter  itfelf,  both  to  God  and  the  world,  crying  loud  for  juftice. 


NUMB.    XI. 

« 

[From  Walfh's  Hiflory  of  the  Irifh  Remonftrance.] 
To  the  King's  mofl  excellent  Majefty. 

The  humble  Remonftrance,  Acknowledgement,  Proteftation,  and  Petition  of  the  Ro- 
man Catholick  Clergy  of  Ireland. 

[See  Review,  p.  291.] 

YOUR  majefties  faithful  fubjecls,   the  Roman  Catholick  clergy  of  your  majefties 
kingdom  of  Ireland,  do  moft  humbly  reprefent  this  their  prefent  flate,  and  de- 
plorable condition. 

THAT  being  intrufted  by  the  indifpenfable  commiflion  of  the  King  of  Kings 
with  the  cure  of  fouls,  and  the  care  of  their  flocks,  in  order  to  the  adminiftration  of 
facraments,  and  teaching  the  people  that  perfect  obedience,  which  for  confcience  fake, 
they  are  bound  to  pay  to  your  majefties  commands,  they  are  loaden  with  calumnies,  and 
perfecuted  with  feverity. 

THAT  being  obliged  by  the  allegiance  they  owe,  and  ought  to  fwear,  unto  your  ma- 
jefty,  to  reveal  all  confpiracies  and  practices  againft  your  perfon,  and  royal  authority, 
that  come  to  their  knowledge,  they  are  themfelves  clamoured  againft  as  confpirators, 
plotting  the  deftruclion  of  the  Englifh  among  them,  without  any  ground  that  may  give 
theleafl  colour  to  fo  foul  a  crime,  to  pafs  for  probable  in  the  judgement  of  an  indiffe- 
rent perfon. 

THAT  their  crimes  are  made  as  numerous,  and  as  divers,  as  are  the  inventions  of  their 
adverfaries:  And  becaufe  they  cannot  with  freedom  appear  to  juftifie  their  innocence, 
all  the  fictions  and  allegations  againft  them  are  received  as  undoubted  verities ;  and 

K  k  k  which 


434  APPENDIX; 

which  is  yet  more  mifchievous,  the  laity,  upon  whofe  conferences  the  character  of  priefir- 
hood  gives  them  an  influence,  fuffer  under  the  fuppofition  of  all  the  crimes  thus  falfly 
imputed  to  them :  it  being  their  adverfaries  principal  defign,  that  the  lrii"h,  whole 
eflates  they  enjoy,  mould  be  reputed  perfons  unfit,  and  no  way  worthy  of  any  title 
to  your  majeflies  mercy. 

THAT  no  wood  comes  amifs  to  make  arrows  for  their deftru&ion  ;  for,  as  if  the  Ro- 
man Catholick  clergy,  whom  they  efleem  moft  criminal,  were,  or  ought  10  be,  a  fo- 
ciety  fo  perfect,  as  no  evill,  no  indifcreet  perfon  mould  be  found  amongft  them,  they 
are  all  of  them  generally  cryed  down  for  any  crime,  whether  true  or  feigned,  which  is 
imputed  to  one  of  them ;  and  as  if  no  words  could  be  fpoken,  no  letter  written,  but 
with  the  common  confent  of  all  of  them,  the  whole  clergy  muft  fuffer  for  that  which  is 
laid  to  the  charge  of  any  particular  perfon  amongfl  them. 

WE  know  what  odium  all  the  Catholick  clergy  lyes  under,  by  reafon  of  the  calum- 
nies with  which  our  tenets  in  religion,  and  our  dependence  upon  the  popes  authority 
are  afperfed  :  and  we  humbly  beg  your  majefties  pardon,  to  vindicate  both  by  the  en- 
fuing  proteftation,  which  we  make  in  the  light  of  Heaven,  and  in  the  prefence  of  your 
majefty,  fmcerely  and  truly^  without  equivocation,  or  mental  refervation. 

WE  do  acknowledge  and  confefs  your  majefty  to  be  our  true  and  lawful  king,  fu- 
preme  lord,  and  rightful  fovereign  of  this  realm  of  Ireland,  and  of  all  other  your  ma- 
jeflies dominions.  And  therefore  we  acknowledge  and  confefs  ourfelves  to  be  obliged, 
under  pain  of  fin,  to  obey  your  majefty  in  all  civil  and  temporal  affairs,  as  much  as  any 
other  of  your  majtftiesfubjecls,  and  as  the  laws  and  rules  of  government  in  this  kingdom 
do  require  at  our  hands.  And  that,  notwithftanding  any  power  or  pretenfion  of  the  pope 
or  fee  of  Rome,  or  any  fentence  or  declaration  of  what  kind  or  quality  fbevcr,  given, 
or  to  be  given,  by  the  pope,  his  predecefibrs,  or  fucceflbrs,  or  by  any  authority  1  pi  ri- 
tual or  temporal  proceeding  or  derived  from  him,  or  his  fee,  againft  your  majefty,  or 
royal  authority,  We  will  ftill  acknowledge  and  perform,  to  the  uttermoft  of  our  abili- 
ties, our  faithful  loyalty,  and  true  allegiance  to  your  majefty.  And  we  openly  difclaim 
and  renounce  all  foreign  power,  be  it  either  papal  or  princely,  fpirimal  or  temporal, 
in  as  much  as  it  may  feem  able,  or  fhall  pretend  to  free,  difcharge,  or  abfblve  us  from 
this  obligation  ;  or  mail  any  way  give  us  leave  or  licence  to  raife  tumulcs,  bear  armes, 
or  offer  any  violence  to  your  majefties  perfon,  royal  authority,  or  to  the  ftate  or  go- 
vernment. Being  all  of  us  ready,  not  only  to  difcover,  and  make  known  to  your  ma- 
jefty, and  to  your  minifters,  all  the  treafons  made  againft  your  majefty,  or  them,  which 
mail  come  to  our  hearing,  but  alfo  to  lofe  our  lives  in  the  defence  of  your  majefties  per- 
fon, and  royal  authority,  and  to  refift  with  our  beft  endeavours  all  confpiracies  and  at- 
tempts againft  your  majefty,  be  they  framed,  or  fent  under  what  pretence,  or  patro- 
nized by  what  foreign  power  or  authority  foever.  And  further  we  profefs,  that  all  ab- 

folute 


APPENDIX.  435 

folute  princes,  and  fupreme  governours,  of  what  religion  foever  they  be,  are  God's  lieu- 
tenants on  earth,  and  that  obedience  is  due  to  them,  according  to  the  laws  of  each 
common  wealth  refpectively,  in  all  civil  and  temporal  affairs.  And  therefore  we  do 
here  proteft  againft  all  doctrine  and  authority  to  the  contrary. 

AND  we  do  hold  it  impious,  and  againft  the  word  of  God,  to  maintain,  that  any 
private  fubject  may  kill  or  murther  the  annoiated  of  God,  his  prince,  though  of  a  diffe- 
rent belief  and  religion  from  his.  And  we  abhorr  and  deteft  the  practice  thereof  as 
damnable  and  wicked. 

THESE  being  the  tenets  of  our  religion,  in  point  of  loyalty  and  fubmiflion  to  your 
majefties  commands,  and  our  dependence  of  the  See  of  Rome  no  way  intrenching 
upon  that  perfect  obedience,  which  by  our  birth,  and  by  all  laws  divine  and  human,  we' 
are  bound  to  pay  to  your  majefty,  our  natural  and  lawful  foveraign  :  We  humbly  beg, 
proftrate  at  your  maj cities  feet,  that  you  would  be  pleafed  to  protect  us  from  the  fevere 
perfecution  we  fuffer  meerly  for  our  profeflion  in  religion :  leaving  thofe  that  are,  or 
hereafter  mail  be  guilty  of  other  crimes  (and  there  have  been  fuch  in  all  times,  as  well 
by  their  pens,  as  by  their  actions)  to  the  punimment  prefcribed  by  the  law. 

Fr.  Oliver  Darcy,  bifhop  of  Dromore. 

Fr.  George  Dillon,  of  S.  Francis  Ord.  Guar-  Bartholomew  Bellew. 

dian  of  the  Irifli  Francifcans  at  Paris.  Dennis  Fitz  Ranna. 

Fr.  Philip  Roch,  of  S.  Francis  Ord.  Reader  Bartholomew  Flemming. 

General  of  divinity.  Fr.  Peter  Walfh,  of  S.  Fran.  Ord.  Reader 

Fr.  Anthony  Gearnon,  of  S.  Francis  Ord.  of  Divinity,  and  Procuratour  of  the  Rom. 

one  of  her  majeilies  the  queen  mothers  Cath.  clergy,  both  Sec.  and  Reg.  of  Irel. 

chaplains.  Fr.  Redmond  Caron,  of  S.  Fran.  Order, 

Fr.  John  Everard,  of  S.  Francis  Ord.  Conf.  Reader  Jubilate  of  Divinity. 

and  Preacher.  Fr.  Simon  Wafre,  of  the  fame  Ord.  Reader 

Fr.  Anthony  Nam,    of  S.   Francis  Ord.  of  Divinity. 

Conf.  and  Preacher.  Fr.  James  Caverly,  of  S.  Francis  Order, 

Fr.  William  Linch,   of  S.  Francis  Order,  Conf.  and  Preacher. 

Conf.              .  Fr.  John  Fitz  Gerald,  of  S.  Francis  Order, 

Fr.  Nicholas  Sail,  of  S.  Francis  Ord.  Conf.  Conf.  and  Preacher. 

and  Preacher.  Fr.  Theobald  Burk,  of  S.  Francis  Order, 

James  Cufack,  Doctor  of  Divinity.  Conf.  and  Preacher. 

Cornelius  Fogorty,   Protonot.   Apoft.  and  Fr.  Matthew  DufF,  of  S.  Francis  Order, 

Doctor  of  the  civil  and  canon  law.  Conf.  and  Preacher. 

Fr.  Henry  Gibon,  ofS.  Aug.  Ord.  Conf.  Fr.  Peter  Goghegan,  ofS.  Francis  Order, 

and  Preacher.  Conf.  and  Preacher. 
Daniel  Dougan,  Divine. 
Fr.  Redmond   Moore,   of  S.  Dom.  Ord. 

Conf.  and  Preacher, 

K  k  k  2  NUMB. 


4S6  A    P    P    E    N    D    I    X. 


NUMB.    XII. 

[From  Walfti's  Hiflory  of  the  Irifh  Remonftrance.] 

To  the  Kings  moft  excellent  Majefty. 

The  faithful  Proteflation,  and  humble  Remonftrance  of  the  Roman  Catholick  Nobility 

and  Gentry  of  Ireland. 

[See  Review,  p.  293.] 

YOUR  Majefties  faithful  fubje&s,  the  Roman  Catholick  nobility  and  gentry  of  your 
majefties  kingdom  of  Ireland,  out  of  a  deep  fenfe  of  thofe  prodigious  afflictions, 
under  which  the  monarchy  of  Great  Britain,  has  before  your  majefties  happy  reftaura- 
tion,  groaned  thefe  twenty  years  :  and  out  of  our  fad  thoughts,  which  daily  bring  more 
and  more  fighs  from  our  breads,  and  tears  from  our  eyes,  for  not  only  the  ftill  and  yet 
continued  miferies,  and  fufferings  of  the  Catholick  natives  of  this  our  unfortunate  coun- 
try, even  amidft,  and  ever  fince,  the  fo  much  famed  joyes  and  triumphs  of  your  facred 
majefties  moft  aufpicious  inauguration  ;  bur  ahb  for  the  caufes  thereof,  (whereinto  we  have 
made  the  moft  narrow  fearch  we  could)  of  thefe  our  own  unparallel'd  calamities  :  and 
upon  reflection  upon  that  allegiance  we  owe,  and  ought  by  all  divine  and  human  lawsr 
and  which  we  are,  and  have  been  alwayes  ready,  to  fvvear  and  perform  to  your  majefty, 
our  only  foveraign  lord  on  earth ;  and  on  the  fcandal  (notwithstanding)  which  ibrne  per- 
ions  (who  are  unwilling  to  underftand  aright  our  religion)  caft  upon  it,  as  if  it  were  not 
confiftent  with  all  dutiful  obedience  and  faith  to  the  fupreme  temporal  magiftrate;  and 
upon  confideration  likewife,  of  a  further  tye  of  conlcience  on  us,  for  endeavouring,  as 
much  as  in  us  lyes,  to  clear  your  majefties  royal  breaft  from  all  fears  and  jealousies 
whatfoever,  if  any,  peradventure,  your  majefty  entertain  of  us,  through  the  fuggeftion 
offuch  as  hate  our  communion  or  nation;  and  to  wipe  off  that  fcandal,  and  allay  the 
odium  under  which  our  church   hath   layn  this  laft  century  of  years,  among  other 
chriftian  people  in  thefe  nations,  of  a  different  way  from  ours  in  the  worthip  of  God; 
we  humbly  crave  your  majefties  pardon,  to  vindicate  both  ourfelves,  and  our  holy  be- 
lief, in  that  particular  of  our  allegiance,  by  the  enfuing  proteftation.     Which  (in  imi- 
tation of  the  good  example  given  by  our  clergy,  and  purfuant  to  the  general  doctrine 
and  practice  of  the  catholick  church)  we  make  in  the  fight  of  Heaven,  and  in  the  pre- 

fence 


APPENDIX.  437 

ftnee  of  your  majefty,   fmcerely  and  truly,   without  equivocation,  or  mental  refer- 
vation. 

WE  do  acknowledge  and  confefs  your  majefty  to  be  our  true  and  lawful  king,   fu<- 
preme  lord,  and  rightful  foveraign  of  this  realm  of  Ireland,  and  of  all  other  your  ma- 
jefties dominions..    And  therefore  we  acknowledge  and  confefs  ourfelves  to  be  obliged, 
under  pain  of  fin,  to  obey  your  majefty  ii.  ail  civil  and  temporal  affairs,  as  much  as  any 
other  of  your  majefties  fubjects,  and  as  the  laws  and  rules  of  government  in  this  king- 
dom do  require  at  our  hands.     And  that  notwithstanding  any  power  or  pretenfion  of 
the  Pope,  or  See  of  Rome,  or  any  fentence  or  declaration,  of  what  kind  or  quality  (b- 
ever,  given,  or  to  be  given,  by  the  Pope,  his  predeceffors,  or  fuccefTors,  or  by  any  au- 
thority, fpiritual  or  temporal,  proceeding  or  derived  from  him,  or  his  See,  agamft  your 
majefty  or  royal  authority,  we  will  ftill  acknowledge  and  perform,  to  the  uttermoft  of 
our  abilities,  our  faithful  loyalty,  and  true  allegiance  to  your  majefty.     And  ws  openly 
difclaim  and  renounce  all  foreign  power;  be  it  either  papal  or  princely,  fpiritual  or  tem- 
poral, in  as  much  as  it  may  ieem  able,  or  mail  pretend  to  free,  difcharge,  or  abfolve  us 
from  this  obligation,  or  fhali  any  way   give  us  leave  or  licence  to  raife  tumults,  bear 
armes,  or  offer  any  violence  to  your  majefties  perfon,  royal  authority,  or  to  the  ftate  or 
government;  being  all  of  us  ready,  not  only  to  difcover,  and  make  known   to   your 
rnajefty,  and  to  your  minifters,  all  the  treafons  made  again  ft  your   majefty  or  them, 
which  mall  come  to  our  hearing,  but  alfo  to  lofe  our  lives  in  the  defence  of  your  ma- 
jefties perfon,  and  royal  authority;  and  to  refift  with  our  bell  endeavours,   all  confpi- 
racies  and  attempts  againft  your  majefty,  be  they  framed  or  fent  under  what  pretence,, 
or  patronized  by  what  forcing  power  or  authority  foever.  And  farther  we  profefs,  that 
all  abfolute  princes,  and  fuprcme  governours,  of  what  religion  foever  they  be,  are  God's 
lieutenants  on  earth ;  and  that  obedience  is  due  to  them,  according  to  the  laws  of  each- 
comraonwcakb  refpectively,  in  all  civil  and  temporal  affairs-,  and  therefore  we  do  here 
proteft  againft  all  doctrine  and  authority  to  the  contrary.     And  we  do  hold  it  impious, 
and  againft  the  word  of  God,  to  maintain,  that  any  private  fubject  may  kill  or  murther 
the  annointed  of  God,  his  prince,  though  of  a  different  belief  and   religion  from  his.. 
And  we  abhorr  and  deteft  the  practice  thereof  as  damnable  .and  wicked. 

THESE  being  the  tenets  of  our  religion  in  point  of  loyalty  and  fubmillion  to  your 
majefties  authority,  and  our  obfervance  and  veneration  of,  or  communion  with,  the  See 
of  Rome,  in  matters  purely  fpiritual,  no  way  entrenching  on  that  perfect  obedience., 
which,  by  our  birth,  by  the  laws  of  God  and  man,  we  are  bound  to  pay  to  your  ma*- 
jefty,  our  natural  and  lawful  (overaign.. 

Proftrate  at  your  majefties  feet,  we  moft  humbly  beg,  that  all  your  majefties  Ro- 
'  man  Catholick  fubj  efts  of  Ireland,,  who  (hall  by  fublcription  or  .con  fent,  concurr  to  this 

publicist 


.43-8  A    P    P    E    N    D    I    X 

publick  proteflation  of  loyalty,  be  protected  from  perfecution,  for  the  profefllon  or  ex- 
ercife  of  their  religion,  and  all  former  laws,  upon  that  account,  againft  them  repealed. 


Luke,  earl  of  Fingall. 
Moutrogh,  earl  of  Inchequin. 
Donoghe,  earl  of  Clancarthy. 
Oliver,  earl  of  Tyrconell. 
Theobald,  earl  of  Carlingford. 
Edmond,  vifcount.  Montgarett. 
Thomas,  vifcount  Dillon. 
Arthur,  vifcount  Jueagh. 
William,  vifcount  Clane. 
Charles,  vifcount  Mufkry. 
.William,  vifcount  Taaffe. 
Oliver,  baron  of  Low th. 
William,  baron  of  Caftle-Conell. 
Colonel  Charles  Dillon. 
Matthew  Plunkett,  efquire. 
Lieutenant-colonel  Ignatius  Nugent. 
Edward  Plunkett  efquire. 
Nicholas  Plunkett  knight. 
Matthew  Plunkett  of  Dunfany. 
James  Dillon  knight. 
Colonel  Chriftopher  Brian. 
Robert  Talbot  baronet. 
Vullick  Burk  baronet. 
Edward  Fiz  Harris  baronet. 
Valentine  Brown  baronet. 
Luke  Bath  baronet. 
Henry  Slingfby  knight. 
John  Bellew  knight. 
Colonel  William  Burk. 
Colonel  John  Fitz  Patrick. 
Colonel  Brian  Mac-Mahon. 
Colonel  Miles  Relly. 
Colonel  Gilbert  Talbott. 
Colonel  Nulo  Power. 
Lieutenant-colonel  Pierce  Lacy. 
Lieutenant-colonel  Vullick  Burk. 
Lieutenant-colonel  Thomas  Scurlog. 


Efquires  and  Gentlemen. 

JeofTry  Brown  of  Galway. 

John  Walfh  of  Bally  uoher. 

Patrick  Brian. 

James  Fitz  Gerald  of  Lackagh. 

John  Talbot  of  Malahyde.    , 

Thomas  Luttrell  of  Luttrells-town. 

John  Holy  wood  of  Artayne. 

Henry  ONeill,  fon  to  Sir  Phelim  O  Neill 

Dudley  Bagnell  of  Dunlickny. 

Henry  Dracott  of  Mornanton. 

Edward  Battler  of  Monihore. 

Nicholas  Darcy  of  Platin. 

Patrick  Sarsfield  ofLucan. 

John  Mac-na-Mara  of  Creattlagh. 

James  Talbott  of  Bela-connell. 

Robert  Balf  of  Corftown. 

James  Talbot  of  Templeoge. 

Patrick  Archer. 

Luke  Dowdall  of  Athlumny. 

Philip  Hore  of  Killfalaghan. 

James  Barnewall  of  Bremore. 

James  Allen  of  Saint  Wolflans. 

Thomas  Cantuell  of  Balymakeddy. 

John  Cantuell  of  Cantuells-court. 

Edmond  Dillon  of  Stream's-town. 

John  Flemming  of  Stahalmock. 

Peter  Sherlog  of  Gracedieu. 

Chriftopher  Arch  bold  of  Tymolin. 

Patrick  Moore  of  Duan's-town. 

Nicholas  Haly  of  Towrine. 

Pierce  Butler  of  Callan. 

Pierce  Butler  of  Killuwilegher. 

John  Stdgraw  of  Cabragh. 

Richard  Wadding  of  Kiilbarry. 

1  homas  Brown  of  Clan-Donel-Roe. 

Oliver 


A    P    P    E 


Oliver  CafTell  of  Dundalkc. 
Patrick  Clenton  of  Irifh-town. 
Captain  Chriftopher  Turner. 
John  Baggott. 
William  Grace. 
John  Arthur  of  Hogeflown. 
Marcas  LafFan  of  Greats-town. 
Chriftopher  Aylmer  of  Balrath. 
James  Plunkett  of  Gibflon. 
Thomas  St.  John  of  Mortles-town. 
William  Barioge  of  Rincorran. 
Richard  Strange  of  Rockwell-caftle,. 
James  Butler  of  BallenekilL 


N    D    I    X.  439 

Anthony  Colclough. 

Thomas  Sarsfield  of  Sarsfieldftown. 

Pierce  Nangle  of  Monanimy. 

James  Wolverftown  of  Stillorgan-. 

Michael  Brett. 

Patrick  Boyton  of  Bally-turny-mac-oris. 

James  White  of  Chambolly. 

Major  Lawrence  Dempfy. 

Captain  Richard  Dempfy. 

Edward  Nugent  of  Calvin: 

Patrick  Porter  of  Kingfton. 

Major  Marcus  Furlong. 


NUMB.     XIII. 
[From  Lefley's  Anfwer  to  the  King.    Append.] 

Extract  of  Dr.  Gorge,   Secretary  to  General  Schomberg  in  Ireland,  his  Letter,  dated 
April  (or  May)  1690,  to  Collonel  James- Hamilton,  in  London,  to  be  communicated  - 
to  the  Lady.Vifcountefs  Ranelagh,  the  Lord  Maffereen,  and  others. 

[See  Review,  p.  336.] 

YOU  know  how  often  and  how  early  we  prefTed  the  necefiity  of  reftoring  a  Civil' 
Government  in  this  province,  and  how  often  and  openly  we  declared  that  the 
ruine  of  the  countrey  muft  be  the  prejudice,  and  endanger  the  ruine,  of  the  army  ;  and 
that  there  could  be  found  no  hands  fo  cheap  and  eafie  to  be  got,  or  any  that  would  be 
more  hearty  and  faithful!  than  the  Proteftarits  of  this  countrey,  who  having  their  par- 
ticular interefts  feconded  by  natural  and  religious  motives,  muft  be  more  zealous  in 
carrying  on  this  war,  than  any  foreign  or  mercenary  foldiers,  as  is  evident  by  what  has 
been  done  by  the  Londonderry  and  Enefkillen  foldiers,  who  are,  and  were,  made  up  of 
the  meaneft  and  loweft' people  of  this  and  the  neighbouring  provinces.  You  cannot 
forget  who  offered,  and  that  at  their  own  charge,  on  our  firft  landing  here,  to  block  up 
Charlernont,  and  to  raife  regiments  to  fecure  the  Northern  garifons,  that  the  eftablifhed 
army,  might  have  the  more  leifure  to  attend  the  motions  of  the  publick  enemy ;  and  I 
prefume  you  cannot  but  as  well  remember,  who  ridiculed,  fcorned,  and  contemnedall 
motions  of  that  kind,  and  who  affirmed,  and  that  openly,  that  the  Proteftants  of  this 
province,  ought  rather  to  be  treated'as  enemies  than  friends,  and  that  the  beft  of  them 
had  eithei'  bafely  complied  with  K,  J,  and  his  party,  or  cowardly  left  and  deferred  their 

countrey  ^ „ 


APPENDIX. 

-countrey  ;  that  the  goods  and  flocks  of  the  Proteflant  inliabitants,  once  feiztd  by  tlie 
enemy,  were  foiieited,  and  ought  not  to  be  reflored,  but  given  as  encouragement  to  the 
foldiers;  that  an  Papifls  c:\g\it  to  be  plundered,  and  none  protected;  that  the  reftora- 
tion  of  civil  government  was  a  diminution  of  the  power  of  the  general  and  the  army, 
and  that  all  the  Proteftants,  inhabitants  of  this  province,  were  fa  lie  to  the  prefent  go- 
-vernmeiu,  and  oug'it  not  to  be  milled  with  places  of  trufl  or.  power;  that  as  their  per- 
fons  were  not  to  be  trufted,  fo  their  oaths  and  complaints  were  neither  to  be  believed 
nor  redrefled  ;  that  io  an  eafier  and  a  fafer  approach  might  be  made  to  invade  the  little 
left  them  by  thelrifli. 

THAT  all  endeavours  of  the  fettlement  of  a  publick  revenue  were  'defigns.  to  op- 
prefs  the  army ;  that  free  quartering  WHS  the  kail  retaliation  that  Proteflants  could 
give  for  being  reflored  to  their  former  eflates ;  that  religion  is  but  canting,  and  de- 
baudiery  the  neceflary  character  of  icldicrs.  If  to  thefe  you  add  the  preflicg  of  hoj-fes 
at  pleafure,  quartering  at  pleafure,  robbing  ar.d  p'  :ri  .n;  at  pleafure,  denying  the 
people  bread  or  feed  of  their  own  coin,  though  jh  -y  his  pubiick  proclama- 

tion requires  both  ;  and  fume  openly  and  publick!}  contemning  and  (corning  the  faid 
proclamation  j  whereby  multitudes  of  families  art  ulr  u'.iy  i.aucul  to  want  of  bread, 
and  left  only  to  beg,  or  Heal,  or  ilarve  Tn^fe  bei.jg  tl:--  practices,  and  thefe  the 
Principles,  and  both  as  well  known  to  you  as  to  me;  can  it  be  wonae.crl  that  the  op- 
prelTed  Proteflants  here  mould  report  us  worfe  than  the  Inlh?  Or  can  it  be  wondered 
that  God  mould  purfue  us  with  his  dreadful)  judgments  who  have  fo  provoked  him 
with  our  daring  fins  ?  Or  can  we  rationally  expert  God  fhould  fight  for  us,  while  we 
thus  fight  againflhim?  We  may  as  v/ell  expcd  Crapes  from  Thornes,  and  Figs  from 
Thirties,  as  fuccefs  to  a  Proteftant  cm (e  from  fuch  htnds  Can  we  expect  Sodom  to 
deflroy  Babylon,  or  Debauchery  to  deilroy  Popery  ?  Our  enemy  fights  with  the  prin- 
ciple of  a  miftaken  confcience  againfl  us,  we  againfl  the  conviction  of  our  own  prin- 
ciples againtl  them.  What  I  have  learned  of  the  enemies  principles  and  practices  fince 
I  left  you,  I  fhall  here  inform  you,  and  reduce  what  I  have  to  fay  to  thefe  two  gene- 
ral heads. 

I.  THE  frequent  difcourfe  of  their  king. 

II.  His  publick  declarations  and  proclamations  for   the  well  government  of  his 
army. 

I.  As  to  his  private  difcourfe. 

i.  HE  exprefleth  great  zeal,  and  paffionate  affection  to  his  Englifh  fubjecls,  in  fo 
much  that  both  French  and  Irifli  often  fay  of  him,  as  he  did  of  K.  David,  That  he 
loves  his  enemies,  and  hates  his  friends. 

2.  HE 


APPENDIX. 


441 


2.  HE  is  heard  often  to  defire  his  officers,  That  in  their  engagement  with  the  Eng- 
lifli,  they  fhould  be  treated  as  miftaken  fubjeds,  and  not  as  obftinate  rebels. 

3.  HE  is  teard  often  to  declare,  That  fmce  he  rightly  understood  chriftianity,.  he 
ever  aflerted  chriftian   liberty,   as  well   in   his  paft  profperity,  as  his  prefent  ad- 
verfity. 

4.  THAT  all  perfwafions  in  matters  of  religion,  Who  have  moft  charity  and  lead 
of  feverity,  are  moft  agreeable  to  chriflianity. 

5.  HE  is  often  heard  to  complain,  That  he  ever  obferved,  an  aptitude  and  propen- 
fity  in  perfons  of  power  to  perfecute  fuch  as  differ  from  them. 

6.  THAT  this  natural  aptitude  to  perfecute,  ought  to  be  retrained  by  wholefome 
and  effectual  laws. 

7.  THAT  this  perfecuting  fpirit  influencing  the  greater  number  of  all  perfwafions, 
efpecially  peribns  in  power,  is -the  only  caufe  of  his  majefty's  prelent  fufferings. 

8.  HE  is  paiTionately  kind  to  all  deferters,  and  chearfully  receives  and  foon  prefers 
them. 

9.  HE  pretending  his  fufferings  to  be  thus  on  the  account  of  confcience,  feems  not  to 
doubt,  but  God  will  find  fome  unexpected  means,  for  his  reftauration,  in  1690,  as 
lie  did  in  1660. 

10.  HE  is  heard  frequently  to  declare  againft  the  Dragooning  perfecution  of  France, 
and  the  barbarous  and  inhumane  murders  committed  on  the  proteftants  of  this  king- 
dom in  the  year  1641,  as  paflionately,  and  perhaps  as  fmcerely  as  the  Scribes  and 
Pharifees  did  againft  their  forefathers  for  perfecuting  the  prophets      To  thefe  I  think  fit 
to  add  the  particulars  of  his  majefty's  publick  declarations,  which  are  ordered  to  be 
read  once  every  two  months  in  the  head  of  every  troop  and  company  in  his  whole  army, 
and  to  be  fixed  up  in  all  the  boroughs  and  market-towns  in  this  ku.gdom. 

1.  His  majefty  is  pleafed  earneftly  to  recommend  the  performance  of  publick  and 
private  duties  to  God,  to  ail  under  his  command,  and  particularly  recommends  to  the 
Roman  Carnolicks  of  his  army  frequent  confeflions,  and  ftrict  obfervation  of  Sundays 
and  Holy-days. 

2.  HE  publickly  declares  what  fubfiftance   he  allows  to  every  horfe,  dragoon,  and 
every  private  foldier  in  his  army,  and  what  is  referved  in  the  pay-mafter's  hands  for 
the  accoutrements  and  the  hofpital. 

L  1  1  3«  HE 


44* 


A.    P    P    E    N    D 


3.  HE  avoids  and  forbids  as  unneceflary,  the  charge  of  all  agents,  and  commands 
the  majors  of  every  regiment  to  do  that  work,  and  to  fave  the  charge. 

4.  HE  ftridly  requires  the  private  foldier  out  of  the  faid  fubfiftence  duly  and  truly  to 
pay  his  quarters. 

5.  IN  cafe  they  mail  want  their  fufiftance,  they  are  then  required  every  week  to  give 
their  refpedive  landlords  a  note  under  their  hands,  which  mail  be  received  by  the  Re- 
ceiver General,  as  fo  much  money  out  of  any  branch  of  his  majefty's  revenue. 

6.  His  majefty  forbids  all  {haggling  of  private  foldiers  from  their  garrifons  without 
their  officers  pafs ;  and  requires  all  officers,  either  military  or  civil,  to  apprehend  fuch 
foldiers  having  no  pafs,  and  to  fend  them  to  their  colours,  to  receive  punimment  accord- 
ing to  their  demerits. 

7.  His  majefly  by  the  fame  proclamation,  forbids   all  plundering  on  any  pretence 
whatfoever,  under  pain  of  death  without  mercy. 

8.  HE  requires  both  officers  and  foldiers  under  the  pain  of  his  high  difpleafure  to 
demean  and  behave  themfelves  civilly  and  refpedfully  in  their  refpedive  quarters;  and 
to  aflift  and  not  obftrud  the  civil  magiftrates  in  the  execution  of  their  refpedive  trufts, 
efpecially  the  officers  concerned  in  and  about  his  majefty's  revenue. 

9.  HE  forbids  all  officers  and  foldiers  to  quarter  themfelves  on  any   of  his  majefty's 
fubjeds,  without  having  a  billet  or  ticket  under  the  hand  of  the  conftable  or  other  civil 
officer  of  the  place. 

10.  HE  ftridly   forbids  prefling  any  countrey-man's  horfe  on  any  pretence  whatfo- 
ever, without  having  his  majefty,  his  captain  general,  his  lord  lieutenant,  or   deputy- 
lieutenant's  licenfe  for  his  fo  doing;  and  then  allows  them  to  prefs  the  faid  horfe  but 
one  day's  journey,  and  to  fee  that  the  horfe  be  returned  as  well  as  when  received  ;  and 
particularly  forbids  the  prefling  any  horfe  belonging  to  any  plough. 

1 1.  His  majefty  in  the  fame  proclamation,  enjoyns  fevere  penalties  on  all  foreftallcrs 
er  obftruders  of  provifion  going  to  either  camp  or  market. 

LASTLY,  The  refpedive  penalties  enjoined  in  the  faid  proclamation,  are  feverely 
and  impartially  executed  on  the  refpedive  offenders.  My  family  tells  me,  that  the 
week  before  they  left  Dublin,  there  were  two  private  foldiers  executed  before  a  Pro- 
teftant  baker's  door,  for  ftealing  two  loaves  not  worth  a  (hilling.  And  a  fortnight  be- 
fore, a  lieutenant  and  enfign  were  publickly  executed  at  a  place,  where  on  pretence  of 

the 


APPENDIX.  445 

the  king's  fervice,  they  prcfTed  a  horfe  going  with  provifions  to  Dublin  market ;  two 
others  were  condemned  and  expected  daily  to  be  executed  for  the  like  offence :  Thefe 
fevere  examples  confirming  the  penalties  of  thefe  publick  declarations,  contribute  fb 
much  to  the  quiet  of  the  countrey,  that  were  it  not  for  the  countrey  raparees  and  tories, 
theirs,  'tis  thought,  would  be  much  quieter  than  ours.  Some  of  our  fore'igners 
are  very  uneafis  to  us ;  had  not  the  prudence  of  a  difcreet  major  prevented  it,  laft 
Sunday  was  feven  night  had  been  a  bloody  day  between  fome  of  the  Danifh  foot  and 
colonel  Langfton's  regiment  of  horfe.  The  truth  is,  too  many  of  the  Englifh,  as  well 
as  Danes  and  French,  are  highly  opprcflive  to  the  poor  countrey  ;  whereas  our  enemy 
have  reduced  themfelves  to  that  order,  that  they  exercife  violence  on  none,  but  the 
proprieties  of  fuch  as  they  know  to  be  abfent,  or,  as  they  phrafe  it,  in  rebellion  againft 
them,  whole  flock,  goods,  and  eftates  are  feized,  and  fet  by  the  civil  government, 
and  ihe  proceed  applied  for  and  towards  the  charge  of  the  war.  And  for  their  better 
di;e£tion  in  their  feizures,  it's  reported  and  believed,  that  they  have  copies  of  the  par- 
ticulars of  the  Pioteftants  loflfes,  given  in  to  the  committee  of  the  late  houfe  of  Com- 
mons at  W  eftminfter. 


NUMB.     XIV. 


A  Proteftation  of  Allegiance,  by  thirteen  Miflioners,  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  January  31  ft, 
1602.     Taken  from  Hen.  Moore's  Hiflory  of  the  Englifh  Jefuits. 

WHEREAS  it  hath  pleafed  our  dread  fovereign  lady,  to  take  fome  notice  of  the 
faith  and  loyalty  of  us,  her  natural-born  fubjedls,  fecular  priefts,  (as  it  appear- 
eth  in  her  late  proclamation)  and,  of  her  princely  clemency,  to  give  a  fufficient  earnefc 
of  fome  merciful  favour  towards  us  (being  all  fubjecl,  by  the  laws  of  the  realm,  unto 
death,  by  our  return  into  the  country,  after  our  taking  the  order  of  priefthood,  fince 
the  firft  year  of  her  majefty's  reign)  and  only  to  demand  of  us  a  true  profeffion  of  our 
allegiance,  thereby  to  be  affured  of  our  fidelity  to  her  majefty's  perfon,  and  crown, 
eftate  and  dignity  :  We,  whofe  names  are  underwritten,  in  moft  humble  wife  proftrate 
at  her  majefty's  feet,  do  acknowledge  ourfelves  infinitely  bound  unto  her  majefty  there- 
fore i  and  are  moft  willing  to  give  fuch  afTurance  and  fatisfadion  in  this  point,  as  any 
Catholic  priefts  can,  or  ought  to  give  unto  their  fovereign. 

FIRST,  Therefore,  we  acknowledge  and  confefs  the  queen's  majefty  to  have  as  full 
authority,  power,  and  fovereignty  over  us,  and  over  all  the  fubjeds  of  the  realm, 
as  any  her  highnefs's  predecetfbrs  ever  had.  And  farther,  we  proteft,  that  we  are  moft 
willing  and  ready  to  obey  her  in  all  cafes  and  refpecls,  as  far  forth  as  ever  chriftian 

L  1  1  2  priefts 


446  APPENDIX. 

priefts  within  this  realm,  or  in  any  other  chriftian  country,  were  bound  by  the  law  of 
God,  and  chriftian  religion,  to  obey  their  temporal  prince;  as  to  pay  tribute  and  all 
other  regal  duties  unto  her  highnefs ;  and  to  obey  her  laws,  and  magiftrates,  in  all  ci- 
vil caufes ;  to  pray  to  God  for  her  profperous  and  peaceful  reign  in  this  life,  according 
to  his  blefTed  will ;  and  that  flie  may  hereafter  attain  everlafting  blifs  in  the  life  to 
come.  And  this  our  acknowledgement  we  think  to  be  fo  grounded  upon  the  word  of 
God,  that  no  authority,  no  caufe,  or  pretence  can,  or  ought,  upon  any  occafion,  to  be 
a  fufficient  warrant,  more  unto  Us,  than  to  any  Proteftant,  to  difobey  her  majefty  in 
any  civil,  or  temporal  matter. 

SECONDLY  :  Whereas  for  thefe  many  years  paft,  diverfe  confpiracys  againft  her 
majefly's  perfon  and  eftate,  and  fundry  forcible  attempts  of  *  invading  and  conquering 
her  dominions,  have  been  made,  under  we  know  not  what  pretences  and  indentments 
of  restoring  the  Catholic  religion  by  the  fword  (a  courfe  moft  ftrange  in  the  world,  un- 
dertaken peculiarly  and  (blely  againft  her  majefty  and  her  kingdoms,  and  unknown  among 
other  princes  departed  from  the  religion  and  obedience  of  the  See  Apoftolic  no  lefs 
than  fhe)  by  reafon  of  which  violent  enterprizes,  her  majefty,  otherwife  of  fingular 
clemency  towards  her  fubjec~ls,  hath  been  greatly  moved  to  ordain  and  execute  feverer 
laws  againft  Catholics  (which,  by  reafon  of  their,  union  with  the  See  Apoftolic,  in  faith 
and  religion,  were  eafily  fuppofed  to  favour  thefe  confpiracys,  and  invafions).  than, 
perhaps,  had  ever  been  enadted,  or  thought  upon,  if  fuch  hoftilities  and  wars  had 
never  been  undertaken  :  We  to  allure  her  majefty  of  our  faithful  loyalty  alfo  in  this 
particular  caufe,  do  fmcerely  proteft,  and,  by  this  our  public  act,  make  known  to  all 
the  chriftian  world,  that  in  thefe  cafes  of  confpiracys,  and  praclifmg  her  majefty's  death; 
of  invafions,  or  whatfoever  forcible  attempts,  which  may  hereafter  be  made  by  any  fo- 
reign prelate,  prince,  or  potentate  whatfoever,  either  jointly,  or  feveraliy,  for  the 
difturbance,  or  fubverfion,  of  her  majefty's  perfon,  eftate,  realm,  or  dominions,  under 
colour,  fhew,  or  pretence,  or  indentment,  ofreftoring  the  Catholic  religion,  in  Eng- 
land, or  Ireland^  We  will  defend  her  majefty's  perfon,  eftate,  realms,  and  dominions, 
from  all  fuch  forcible  and  violent  aflfoults  and  injuries.  And  moreover,  we  will  not 
only  ourfelves  detec\  and  reveal  any  confpiracys,  or  plots,  which  we  mall  underiland 
to  be  undertaken  by  any  prelate,  prince,  or  potentate,  agaiuft  her  majefty's  perfon  or 
dominions,  for  any  caufe  whatfoever  (as  is  before  expnelTed)  and  likewife,  to  the  beft  of 
our  power,  refift  them ;  but  alfo  will  earneftly  perfuade,  as  much  as  in  us  lieth,  all 
Catholics  to  do  the  fame. 

THIRDLY:  If  upon  any  excommunications  denounced  againft'  her  majefty,  upon 
any  fuch  confpiracys,  invafions,  or  forcible  attempts,  to  be  made,  as  are  before  ex- 
prefled,  the  pope  fhould  alib  excommunicate  every  one  born  within  her  majefty's  do- 
minions, that  would  not  forfake  the  forefaid  defence  of  her  majefty  and  her  realms, 
and  take^part .with  fuch  confpirators,  or  invaders :  in  thefe,  and  all  other  fuch  like 

cafes, 
*  The  Spaniih  Armada  in  1588. 


APPEND    I    X.  447 

cafes,  we  do  think  ourfelves,  and  all  the  lay-catholics  born  within  her  majefty's  domi- 
nions, bound  in  confcience  not  to  obey  this,  or  any  fuch  like  cenfure ;  but  will  defend 
our  prince,  and  country,  accounting  it  our  duty  fo  to  do,  and,  notwithstanding  any 
authority,  or  any  excommunication  whatfoever,  either  denounced,  or  to  be  denounced, 
(as  is  before  faid)  to  yield  unto  her  majefty  all  obedience  in  temporal  caufes. 

AND  becaufe  nothing  is  more  certain,  than  that,  whilft  we  endeavour  to  allure  her 
majefty  of  our  dutiful  affection  and  allegiance,  by  this  our  chriftian  and  finceie  pro- 
teftation,  there  will  not  want  fuch  as  will  condemn  and  mifconftrue  our  lawful  act ;  yea^ 
and  by  many  finifler  fuggeftions  and  calumnies,  difcredit  our  doings  with  the  chriftian 
world  j  but  chiefly  with  the  pope's  holynefs-,  to  the  greatefl  prejudice,  and  harm,  of 
our  good  names  and  perfbns,  that  may  be ;  unlefs  maturely  we  prevent  their  endea- 
vours thercin  :  we  moft  humbly  befeech  her  majefty,  that,  in  this  our  recognizing,  - 
and  yield  ing  Caefar's  due  unto  her,  we  may  alfo,  by  her  gracious  leave,  be  permitted, 
for  avoiding  obloquies  and  calumnies,  to  make  known,  by  like  public  act,  that,  by 
yielding  her  right  unto  her,  we  depart  from  no  bond  of  that  chriftian  duty,  which  we 
owe  unto  our  lupreme  fpiritual  paftor :  and,  therefore,  we  acknowledge  and  confefs  the 
bifhops  of  Rome  to  be  the  fucceffors  of  St.  Peter,  in  that  See;  and  to  have  as  ample, 
and  no  more  authority,  or  jurifdiction  over  us,  and  other  chriftians,  than  had  that 
apoftle,  by  the  gift  and  commiflion  of  Chrift,  our  Saviour;  and  that  we  will  obey  him 
fb  far  forth,  as  we  are  bound  by  the  laws  of  God  to  do;  which,  we  doubt  not  but  will 
ftand  well  with  the  performance  of  our  duty  to  our  temporal  prince,  in  fuch  fort  as  we 
have  before  profefled.  For  as  we  are  moft  ready  to  fpend  our  blood  in  the  defence  of 
her  majefty,  and  our  country,  fo  we  will  rather  lofe  our  lives,  than  infringe  the  lawful 
authority  of  Chrift' s  catholic  church. 

Robert  Drury,  Anthony  Champney,  Robert  Charnock, 

John  Jackfon,  William  Bifhop,  John  Bofwiile, 

Francis  Barnaby,  John  Colleton,  Antony  Hepburn, 

Ofwald  Needham,  John  Mufh,  Roger  Cadwaller. 
Richd.  Button, 

N.  B.  Dr.  William  Bifhop,  who  was  principally  concerned  in  drawing  up  this  pro- 
teftation,  was  afterwards  appointed  by  the  See  of  Rome,  bifhop  of  Calcedon.  Dod's 
Eccl,  Hift,  V,  ad. 


INDEX. 


INDEX. 


ACT  of  the  2d  of  Elizabeth  fraudu- 
lently obtained,  p.  30. 

Ads  of  Settlement,  p.  301. — Their  Se- 
venty, ib.  —  By  whom  procured  and 
modelled,  p.  312. 

Acls  of  cruelty  and  perfidy  of  the  chief 
governors  of  Ireland  towards  the  Irifh, 
during  the  reign  of  queen  Elizabeth, 
Appen.  N°.  I. 

Agents  from  the  Irifh  parliament  in 
1641,  returned  with  the  the  royal 
affent  for  redrefs  of  grievances,  p.  131. 
— Difappointed  by  the  fudden  adjourn- 
ment of  the  parliament,  p.  132. — Pray 
that  notice,  at  leaft,  may  be  given  to 
the  people  by  proclamation,  of  their 
fuccefs,  ib. — Refufed  by  the  lords  juf- 
tices,  ib. 

B 

Bifhops  (Catholic)  aflemble  in  a  fynod  at 
Waterford  j  confider  the  peace  conclud- 
ed with  the  marquis  of  Ormond  in 
1646,  p.  210. — Condemn  it  as  contrary 
to  their  affociation-oath  5  and  to  the  in- 


ftruclions  given  by  the  confederates  to 
their  commiflioners ;  excommunicate 
thofe  who  adhere  to  it;  and  why,  p.' 
210,  211. 

Bagnall  (Colonel)  his  fpeech  to  the  general 
aflembly  in  fupport  of  the  peace  of  1 646, 
p.  217. — His  execution  by  order  of  the 
Cromwellians,  p.  218,  note. 

Bedel  (Bifhop  of  Kilmore)  draws  up  a  re- 
monflrance  of  grievances  for  the  Irifh  in 
1641,  p.  no. 

Burnet  (Bifhop)  his  account  of  the  refpecl, 
which  the  Irifh  infurgents  paid  to  bifhop 
Bedel,  in  his  life-timej  and  at  his  death, 
p.  130. 


Chichefler  (Sir  Arthur)  his  government,  a 
puritan,  p.  40. 

Commons  (Irifh  houfe  of)  prefs  the  lords 
juflices,  in  conjunction  with  the  lords, 
to  fuffer  them  to  continue  together,  to 
concert  means  to  fupprefs  the  infurgents 
in  the  Nonh;  but  arerefufed,  p.  133, 

Cafllehayen  (Eari  of)  offers  his  fervice  to 
fupprefs  the  northern  infurgents,  but  is 

imprifoned 


I 


N 


D 


imprtibned  for  his  officioufhefs,  p.  157. 
— His  reafons  for  joining  the  confede- 
rates, p.  161 .  See  Appen.  N°.  X.  p.  426. 

Cromwell  (Oliver)  arrives  in  Ireland,  p. 
244.—  His  cruelty  at  Drogheda,  p.  245. 
—At  Wexford,  p.  246. 

Cromwell  (Henry)  his  humane  difpofition ; 
befriends  the  Infh,  p.  280. 

Cruelty  of  the  Englifh  army.in  Munfter, 
p.  24. 


D 


Dublin  befieged  by  the  Nuncio  Renuccini 
and  Owen  O'Neale,  p.  218. — The  Ro- 
man clergy  of  that  city  declare  it  to  be 
the  duty  of  thofe  of  their  communion, 
to  oppofe  the  Nuncio  in  behalf  of  the 
king,  p.  220. 

Dublin,  and  all  the  out-garrifons  delivered 
up  by  Ormond  to  the  Englifa  parlia- 
ment, p.  228. 

Drogheda  taken  by  Cromwell ;  his  inhu- 
manity, and  breach  of  faith  on  that  oc- 
cafion,  p.  245-6. 

Depofitions  concerning  the  cruelties  of  the 
Irifh,  falfe,  contradictory,  and  abfurd, 
p.  1 1 8. 

Defmond  (Earl  of)  his  rebellion,  forfei- 
ture, and  death,  p.  14,  15,  &c. 


E 


Extirpation  of  the  Irifli  Roman  Catholics 
intended  and  deviled  by  the  lords  juf- 
tices,  previous  to  the  rebellion  of  1641 ; 
.  was  the  caufe  of  it,  p.  1 37,  &  pafllm. 

Examples  of  the  cruelty  and  perfidy  cf 
the  chief  governors  of  Ireland  towa<ds 
the  natives,  during  the  reigns  of  queen 
Elizabeth  and  king  James  the  ift,  p.  40. 
and  Appen.  N°.  I. 


Expulfion  of  great  numbers  of  Roman  Ca- 
tholic members  from  the  Irifh  houfe  of 
commons,  on  falfe  pretences,  in  1641, 
p  168. 

Elections  and  returns  to  parliament  unduely 
made,  p.  68. 

Elizabeth  (Queen)  her  infidious  order  with 
regard  toTy  rone,  p.  12. —Merciful,  p.  20. 

Enlargement  of  time  for  hearing  the  claims 
of  innocent  Irifh  hindered  by  Ormond, 

p.  3 1 .2, 

Excommunication  denounced  by  the  Pre£ 
bytery  of  Bangor,  againft  fuch  of  their 
people  as  aflifted  the  king's  forces -after 
the  peace  of  1648,  p.  264. 


Fanaticifm  of  the  eflablifhed  clergy  of  Ire- 
land, p.  -76. 

Faith  (Public)  frequently  broken  by  the 
chief  governors  of  Ireland,  in  the  reigns 
of  Elizabeth  and  James ;  as  alfo  in  that 
of  Charles  I.  Review  pafiim. 

Forged  commiffion  of  Sir  Phelim  O'Neal 
to  begin  the  infurredtion,  confeffed  by 
himfelf,  p. '278-9. 

Forces  (Irifh  Catholic)  in  queen  Elizabeth's 
army,  during  Tyrone's  war,  p.  28. 

Faith,  not  kept  by  Proteftant  governors  of 
Ireland  with  Popifh  fubjefts,  Append. 
N°.I. 

Famine  (dreadful)  in  Ireland,  p.  26. 


General  union  of  the  confederate  Catholics } 
their  firft  addrefs  to  the  king,  p.  158. 

Garrifon-foldiers;  their  cruelty  to  the  Irifh, 
p.  10. 

Gray  (Lord  Leonard)  his  cruelty  at  Smir- 
wick,  p.  5, 

Glamorgan 


N 


D        E 


X. 


Glamorgan  (Earl  of)  commiflioned  to  con- 
clude a  private  peace  with  the  confede- 
rates, p.  190. — That  peace  difcovered; 
publickly  diiavowed  by  his  majefty,  but 
privately  approved,  ib. 

Glamorgan  imprifoned  in  the  caftle  of 
Dublin  ;  his  commiflion  real,  p.  194. 


H 


in  his  Mate  of  the  Proteftants  of  Ireland 
under  king  James,  p.  327. — Convicted 
of  many  falfities  aflerted  in  that  book,  in 
his  life-time,  by  Mr.  Lefley ;  and  never 
acquitted,  either  by  himfelf,  or  his 
friends,  ib. 

Kinfale  (battle  of)  the  earl  of  Clanrickard 
knighted  in  the  field,  after  the  defeat  of 
the  Irifli,  p.  23. — Bloody  purfuit  of  the 
routed  Irim,  ib. — An  odd  old  pro- 
phecy on  that  occafion,  ib. 


Hi/lories  (Proteftant)  of  the  Irifh  rebellion 

in  1 641 ,  how  little  to  be  relied  on,  p.  1 20. 

— Acknowledged  to  be  falfe,  ib. 
Hume's  account  of  that  rebellion  cenfur- 

ed,  p.  123-8. 
Heylin's  opinion  of  the  abfurdity  of  the    Loraine(Duke  of)  applied  to  by  the  confe- 


Irifli  acl  of  the  zd  of  Elizabeth,  p.  38. 


I 


derates  for  his  afliftance,  p.  266. — That 
application  juftified,  p.  269. 
Lefley  (Rev.  Mr.)  a  confcientious  non-jur- 
ing  clergyman,  and  therefore  worthy  of 
credit  in  what  he  relates,  p.  326. — Chal- 
lenges Dr.  King  to  produce  vouchers  of 
the  truth  of  his  aflertions  in  his  ftate  of 
the  Proteftants,  &c.  p.  347. — Offers  to 
produce  vouchers  of  their  falfehood,  if 


James-town:    proceedings    of   the  Irifh 

Bifhops  there,  againit  Ormond,  p.  256. 

— Condemned  by  the  generality  of  the 

Roman  Catholics  of  Ireland,  p.  261. 

Inquiry  into  defective  titles,  p.  82. — The 

mifchiefs  produced  by  it;  and  the  ini-  required  ;  not  required,  p.  326, 6r  paffim. 
quitous  means  of  carrying  it  through,  Londonderry  :  De  Rofen's  barbarity  when 
p.  84. — Grevioufly  complained  ofj  the  befieging  it,  p.  342.' — King  James  coun- 
ting promifed  to  put  a  flop  to  it ;  that 
promife  broken  by  lord  Wentworth's 
perfuafion,  p.  70-1. 
Jones  routs  Ormond  at  Rathmines,  p.  245. 

— -His  cruelty  and  perfidy,  ib. 

Irifh:  their  fufferings  under  the  Crom-     MafTacreof  the  protected  Irim  at  Mullogh- 
wellians,    p.   305. — The  greater,  and         mafton,  in  queen  Elizabeth's  reign,  p.  6, 

Of  the  unoffending  Irifh  in  Ifland 

Magee,  by  the  Scotch  and  Englim  pu- 
ritans, the  firft  committed  of  either  fide 
in  the  infurredion  of  1641,  p.  112. 
Mountjoy  (Lord  Deputy)  fubdues  Tyrone, 


termanded  it,  as  foon  as  he  had  notice  of 
it,  p.  344. 


M 


better  part  of  them  afiifted  queen  Eliza- 
beth in  her  wars  in  Ireland,  p.  28. 


K 


King  (Archbifhop)  attefts  the  facred  name 
of  God  to  the  truth  of  what  he  fets  forth 


M  m  m 


accepts  his  fubmiflion,  and  brings  him 
with  him  to  England,  p,  30,  31. — Re- 


commends 


I 


N 


D        E 


commends  lenity  towards  the  Irifh,  and 
toleration  of  their  religion,  p.  18 .- — Dif- 
putes  with  White,  a  jefuit,  at  Waterford 
concerning  matters  of  religion,  p. 36  — • 
allures,  that  king  James  is  a  Proteflant, 
p.  35. — Accepts  their  excufe  for  not 
having  fooner  proclaimed  him  at  Wa- 
terford, p.  34. 


N 


Number  of  cruelties  committed  by  the 
Irifh  aggravated  by  Proteftant  writers, 
p.  121. — That  number  greatly  leflened 
even  by  the  commiifioners  of  the  rebel- 
lious Englifh  parliament  refiding  in  Ire- 
land in  1652,  p.  122. 

Nominees :  meriting  Irifh  nominated  by. 
the  king  to  be  reftored  to  their  eftates, 
but  not  reftored,  p.  313. 

Neale  (Owen  O')  fubmits  to  the  peace  of 
1648,  but  dies  foon  after,  p.  248. 

Nobility  and  gentry  of  the  pale  baniftied 
from  Dublin,  p.  136. 

Nuncio  (Renuccini)  charged  with  high 
crimes  by  the  confederates ;  is  obliged 
to  leave  the  kingdom ;  reproved  by  the 
Pope  at  his  return  to  Rome,  p.  239-40. 


O 


Ormondes  implicit  obedience  to  thejtiftices 
wicked  commands,  p.  142. — His  dupli- 
city, with  refpect  to  their  character,  ib. 
— His  backwardnefs  to  conclude  the 
ceffation  of  arms  with  the  confederates, 
notwithflanding  the  king's  repeated 
commands,  p.  165.  —Befriends  the  Irifti, 
p.  321. — His  reluctance  to  conclude  the 
peace  of  1646,  p.  184. — His  unwilling- 
nefs  to  have  it  proclaimed  after  it  was 


concluded,  p.  203. — His  private  treaty 
at  the  fame  time  with  the  covenanted 
Scots  in  Ulfter,  to  join  with  them  againft 
the  confederates,  p.  187. — His  fur-ren- 
der of  the  regalia  and  king's  garrifons  to 
the  independents  in  the  Britifh  parlia- 
ment, p.  228. — Contrary  to  the  king's 
order,  p.  233. 

Orrery  (Earl  of)  impofes  on  the  king,  p. 
301. 

Ormond's  rewards  after  the  reftoration,  p. 
320. — He  is  confulted  in  every  thing  re- 
lating  to  the  fettlement  of  Ireland,  p; 
311,  note. — And  particularly  befriends 
the  Cromwellian  adventurers  and  foi- 
diers,  p.  313. 


Phelim  (Sir)  O'Neale:  his  imprifonment 
and  trial ;  cruelties  committed  by  his 
followers  againft  his  order,  troubled  his 
confcience  very  much,  p.  278,  280. — • 
His  heroic  behaviour  at  his  death,  ib. 

Papifts,  treated  as  enemies  to  God  and  the 
prince,  p.  4. — Their  offer  of  maintain- 
ing 5000  horfe,  and  500  foot,  for  the 
King's  fervice,  only  to  have  fbme  tole- 
ration of  their  religion,  p.  58-9. — That 
offer  rejeded,  p.  59. 

Proteftation  of  twelve  bifhops  pronounced 
in  Chrift-church  to  dilTuade  the  govern- 
ment from  accepting  that  offer,  ib. 

Primate  Ufher's  ecclefiaftical  court  as  cor- 
rupt as  the  reft,  p.  55. — The  peace  of 

1646  concluded,  p.  208. The  peace 

of  1648,  p.  242. 

Q_ 

i 

Queen  Elizabeth :  the  miferable  ftate  of 

Irilh 


'     I        N        D 
IrifrrYecufants  during  her  reign,  Appen. 


Qualifications  of  noccncy,  and  innocency, 

.  in  the  court  of  claims,  rigorous,  p.  309. 
Q§alities  of  the  commiflioners  of  that  court, 

p.  284. 
Queftioning  the  recufants  for  chriilenings 

and  marriages  fufpended  for  a  while  ; 

and  why,  p.  88. 
Quo-warrantos  taken  out  againfl  the  cor- 

porations confidered,  p.  331. 


R 


Rapparees:  who,  p.  337. 

Renuccini  (Pope's  Nuncio)  arrives  in  Ire- 
land, p.  195. — Is  received  with  honour 
by  the  confederates,  ib. — Excommuni- 
cates thofe  who  adhere  to  the  peace  of 
1646,  p.  210. — Imprifons  the  promo- 
ters of  it,  p.  216. — Is  ordered  by  the 
body  of  the  confederates  to  leave  the 
kingdom,  p.  239. 

Religion  (eftablimed)  more  injured  in  Scot- 
land by  king  William,  than  in  Ireland 
by  king  James,  p.  347. — Rather  en- 
couraged, in  Ireland,  bythe  latter,  p.349. 
• — Hurt  by  the  neglect  and  immorality 
of  its  own  clergy,  ib. 

Remonftrance  of  grievances  delivered  to 
his-  majefty's  commiiTioners  at  Trim,  p. 
163. — Of  loyalty,  by  the  Roman  Catho- 
lic clergy  i  by  Wallh.  Append.  N°.  XII. 
p.  436. 


Synod   of  the  eftablimed  Irifli  clergy  in 
1634,  p.  76. — Dictated  to,   and  con- 


E        X. 

trouled,    by  lord   deputy  Wentworth, 
afterwards  earl  of  Strafford,  p.  77. 

Simon^  of  the  ecclefiaftical  courts  in  Ire- 
land, p.  59. 

Span  Sards  invade  Ireland,  p.  21. 

Scots  prefbyterian  minifters  flock  to  Ire- 
land, p.  46. — Receive  ordination  from 
the  Irifh  bifhops  in  the  form  prefcribed 
by  themfelves,  in  order  to  entitle  them 
to  church-livings,  ib. — Applauded  by 
primate  Ufher,  p.  47. 

Strafford  (Earl  of)  lord  lieutenant  of  Ire- 
land, p.  66. — Packs  a  houfe  of  com- 
mons, p.  68-9. — Bullies  them,  p.  171. 
— The  council,  p.  67. — And  the  con- 
vocation, 76.— The  ftate  of  the  cfta- 
blifhed  clergy  in  his  time,  p.  65.' 

Synod-  of  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  in 
1 642  ;  their  decrees,  p.  1 29. 

Swords:  breach  of  public  faith  to  the  gen- 
tlemen aflem bled  there,  p.  140. 


Tyrone  and  Tyr  conn  el  (Earls  of)  attaint- 
ed for  a  fictitious  plot,  p.  43. — Six  in- 
tire  counties  in  Ulfter  feized,  on  that 
pretence,  p.  51. 

Timolin  fcaftle)  cruelty  of  Ormond's  (bl- 
diers  to  the  garrifon,  after  it  had  furren- 
dered,  upon  quarter  promised,  p.  163. 

Tyrconnel  (Earl  of)  when  very  young, 
inveigled  on  board  a  fhip,  and  carried 
prifoner  to  Dublin ;  efcapes  after  feven 
years  imprifonment,  p.  12. 

Tyrone  (Earl  of)  efcapes  from  Dublin, 
upon  private  information  that  he  was  to 
be  made  a  prifoner,  notwithftanding  his 

fafe 


I        N        D 

fafe  conduct,  p.  it. — Sues  for  pardon, 

and  obtains  it,  30. 
.Terms  (barbarous)  of  receiving  the  Irifh 

to  pardon,  p.  28-9. 

Talbot  (Sir    Robert)    offers    to    engage 
againft  the  infurgents,  but  refufed,  p.  1 34. 

V      U 

Verulam  (Sir  Francis  Bacon,  Lord  of)  his 
advice  that  lenity  mould  befhewn  to  the 
Irifh,  and  fome  toleration  of  their  reli- 
gion allowed  them,  p.  19. — His  reafons 
for  that  advice,  ib. 

Uiher  (Primate)  puritanically  affected,  p. 
78. — His  muffling  conduct  in  the  con- 
vocation 1634,  p.  79. 

Verfatility,  and  trimming  behaviour  of 
the  Irifli  clergy,  p.  346. 


X. 


w 


Warner  (Doctor)  rejects  the  manufcript  de- 
pofitions,  in  the  poifeflion  of  the  univer- 
fity  of  Dublin,  concerning  the  cruelties 
committed  on  proteftants  in  1641 ;  his 
reafons,  p.  119 — His  own  pretended 
authentic  copy  of  the  depofitions  proved 
to  be  unauthentic,  by  an  anecdote  of  the 
Duke  of  Ormond,  related  by  himfelf, 
ib. — Owns  that  every  proteftant  hif- 
tory  of  the  Irifh  rebellion  isfalfe,  p.  121. 

Winter  Grant  fent  by  the  queen  and  prince 
of  Wales,  to  urge  Ormond  to  renew  the 
peace  with  the  con  federates;  is  refufed, 
p.  126. 

William  Parfons  (Sir)  lord  juftice,  pro- 
motes the  troubles  in  1641,  p.  34. — Is 
accufed  of  high  crimes  and  mifdemean- 
ors,  p.  169. — Imprifoned,  ib.